Henry Woodhead on Johan Banér in the Thirty Years' War

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 109 to 131, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan

https://books.google.com/books?id=XI02AAAAMAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=maria+euphrosyne&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The account:

Meanwhile[,] important events were taking place in Germany. John Banér, the Commander-in-Chief of the Swedish army, was aware of the Elector of Saxony's unfriendliness, and endeavoured by all means to conciliate him. The Elector, however, made peace with the Emperor in 1635. He had probably already made up his mind that it would be impossible for him to remain neutral, but he acted on this idea in a treacherous and dishonourable way. He suddenly attacked the dispersed Swedish detachments without any declarations of war, and published an order to kill every Swede. A little more ability and less cruelty would have rendered him worthy of respect, for Germany groaned under the tyranny of the foreign troops which had originally come there as the champions of freedom.

Banér now lost no time in temporizing, and it soon appeared that the Saxon generals were no match for him. He immediately recalled his detachments under Duval, Slange, and Ruthven, and sent the latter to relieve Dörnitz, which was besieged by Bandis with seven thousand infantry, but without cavalry or artillery. Ruthven fell on the besiegers with a much smaller force of the three arms combined, and almost annihilated their army. Slange met with equal success in another direction, and in a fortnight every Saxon force which ventured to face the Swedes, was totally defeated. Still[,] Banér was in a most critical position. He had been almost overmatched before, but now a new enemy had sprung up, and he was in the heart of that enemy's country. The wisdom of the recent truce with Poland was now experienced; the Swedish troops, no longer required there, marched with all haste into Germany, under the command of Torstenson, a general destined to surpass even Banér. Torstenson, at the head of four cavalry regiments which formed the advanced guard, met with eight Saxon regiments, which he completely routed, and took the whole of their baggage and standards, with two thousand prisoners. The best troops had everywhere the advantage in this sudden outbreak, but nearly all Germany was hostile to them, and they were surrounded by enemies whose numbers were constantly increasing.

Although the Swedish troops continued to fight well, their discipline had greatly declined, and they now equalled the Imperialists in licentiousness and cruelty. The city of Naumberg capitulated when summoned by Banér, and paid fifteen thousand rixdollars to be exempted from plunder. In defiance of this engagement the place was sacked by the Swedish troops, with all the circumstances of atrocity which had made the name of Tilly infamous at Magdeburg. It was only three years since the inhabitants of Naumberg had kissed the clothes of Gustavus Adolphus, and received him as their guardian angel; so rapidly demoralizing is war. Naumberg was no exception to the general rule; the Swedes treated every place they took in the same way; but such crimes no longer caused any astonishment, and the Protestant writers have naturally dwelt more on the cruelties practised by the Imperialists than on those practised by the Swedes.

The relaxation of discipline soon produced its natural result, — a mutiny in the Swedish army, which extended to the officers as well as the soldiery. At the same time that the men uttered tumultuous and mutinous cries, a deputation of colonels waited on Banér to express their dissatisfaction at the way French subsidies were employed, and to demand that a certain portion of them should be appropriated to each regiment.

Banér guessed their intention, and, instead of allowing the deputation to state their business, he received them with loud and vehement reproaches for the disorderly state of the troops, and for the outrages which had been perpetrated. But now, he said, "I shall suffer it no longer, but shall punish them, as well as those who ought to keep them in better order." Then, without waiting for any answer, he went into an inner room, he called on Colonel Krokow, one of the ringleaders, to accompany him. "I consider", said Banér, "that this amounts to a conspiracy; but I am not a fool, to suffer and remain silent; I will have the heads of the ringleaders. Go back to your regiments, and keep your men in order, and you, Colonel Krokow, take with you two hundred cavalry and arrest these plunderers."

Krokow was not inclined to lose his head the first; he therefore obeyed, and soon returned with four soldiers who had been caught in the act of plundering.

These men were immediately put to death, and the mutiny was quelled.

Banér took care that idleness should not be among his soldiers' faults. The Saxons were supported by two Imperial armies under Hatzfield and Marazini, amounting to 30,000 men, and large reinforcements were daily expected under General Götz. Banér determined to fight before these arrived, although his own army was still greatly outnumbered, as he had only 16,000 men. The Imperial Generals knew that their force would soon be overwhelming, and they declined meanwhile to give battle. They took up a strongly entrenched position at Wittstock, with the intention of resuming the offensive when they were in such force as to crush their enemy with ease.

Banér, with a prudent audacity, determined to attack an army which was double his own strength, and which was strongly entrenched; but he did so that he might not presently be obliged to fight under still greater disadvantages. He knew that nothing could save his army from destruction, but a complete victory. After his arrangements had been made with the utmost care and deliberation, he fought like a common trooper, because he knew that, without any exaggeration, he must conquer or die.

Banér and Torstenson began the attack by leading a furious charge with the cavalry of the right wing. The Fins fought desperately, and the two chiefs vied with their men in personal prowess; they fought hand to hand in the deadly struggle both on horseback and on foot. It was in vain; their efforts became fainter and fainter, and they were obliged to give ground before the overpowering numbers of the enemy. Leslie, with five regiments of infantry, advanced in support. The Scots fought gallantly as usual, but they also were repulsed. The tide of battle had set against the Swedes, and from the assailers they became the assailed. The enemy's cavalry and infantry surrounded them on all sides; two of Leslie's regiments lost their colours, and were totally destroyed. Banér himself thought the battle was lost. He sent repeated messages to Witzthum, to advance with the reserve; Witzthum coolly observed that this was a repetition of the battle of Nordlingen, that he knew how it would be, and that he would not lead his division to share in the general destruction. It does not appear whether his conduct was actuated by cowardice or by treachery. Perhaps he thought the opportunity of promotion too good to be lost, when he saw his two senior officers in such a predicament.

The battle seemed lost, when a sudden change took place. King and Stållhandske had been sent a long detour with the cavalry of the left wing, to take the enemy in the rear. The impediments they had met with were greater than had been foreseen, and their arrival was now despaired of. The obstacles were, however, at last surmounted, and they came up at the critical moment. The effect produced by a fresh body of troops in a well-contested battle is easily imagined.

Although the Swedes had been repulsed, yet the Imperialists were obliged to strain every nerve to keep the advantage; their whole army was already engaged, and was doing its utmost. The Swedish cavalry fell like a thunderbolt upon the wearied and disordered combatants, for King and Stållhandske were burning to retrieve the disasters caused by their involuntary delay. At the same time, a gallant officer in the reserve, named Berghoff, indignant at his commander's conduct, resolved to share the fate of his brave companions. He advanced without orders, and Witzthum then thought it advisable to do the same.

The event was not long doubtful. The Imperialists fled in all directions. They left five thousand men on the field, and lost one hundred and fifty stands of colours. The Swedes lost eleven hundred killed, among whom was the brave Berghoff; but the chasms in their ranks were not perceived, for whole regiments of the prisoners went over to the winning side.

The battle of Wittstock made a great sensation in Germany. The Protestant princes who had signed the peace of Prague, reproached the Elector of Saxony for enticing them to desert the common cause, and began to negotiate separately with the Swedes, whose prowess they now thought invincible.

Banér was, however, outnumbered more than ever in the campaign of 1637. He invested Leipsic, but was obliged to raise the siege and to retire before an army of thirty thousand Imperialists.

His intention was to cross the river Warta, at Landsberg; but when he arrived there he found Marazini before him, with an army double the strength of his own. Although nearly surrounded, Banér managed to deceive the enemy, and to make a most masterly retreat.

The Imperial generals wrote to Vienna, "Now we have caught Banér in a sack." The Swedish general spread the report that he was going to Poland, and his enemies made their dispositions to intercept him; but Banér turned suddenly back, passed the Oder, and entered Stettin. He had fairly doubled on the pursuers, and it was now too late to stop him. When afterwards informed of his adversaries' boast, he said, "Yes, they caught me in a sack, but they forgot to close up its mouth." This retreat from Torgau established Banér's claim to be ranked among generals of the first order.

Banér was driven, by the want of supplies, to the desperate measure of again falling upon his enemies; but his force was too small, and he was obliged to continue his retreat. The pursuing army, however, suffered the most from hunger, not only because it was the largest, but also because it had to pass over a country already drained to the utmost by Banér. Great part of Brandenburg, Pomerania, and Mecklenburg was now desert; the fields were covered with the bodies of the slaughtered peasants, the houses were in ashes, and, as winter approached, the soldiers suffered greatly from passing the cold nights in the open air.

Brandenburg was such a complete waste that Banér was obliged to relinquish the idea of crossing it, to fall upon Gallas. He was obliged to remain in Mecklenburg, while the north of Germany, devastated and ruined, remained as a barrier between the hostile commanders.

1639. — In the next campaign the rival armies had been reduced more nearly to an equality, by the ravages of disease and famine. Banér attacked the Austrian general Gallas, and pursued him through Saxony to the borders of Bohemia. Here Gallas was joined by Marazini, and took up a strong position at Chemnitz.

A battle was fought on the 4th of April, when the Swedes gained a complete victory. The Imperialists left eight thousand men on the field, and a great many more were taken prisoners. The Swedes only lost three hundred men.

Banér then ranged through Bohemia, committing his usual excesses. One of his officers, named Adam Pfuel, boasted that he had himself burned eight hundred villages and small towns, and other lieutenants imitated his atrocious proceedings. Some one ventured to ask Banér how he would answer for all his cruelties, when he replied, "Those must answer for them who gave me my orders."

Bernhard of Weimar had been for some time in the service of France, and although he performed no great exploits, yet he made a diversion towards the west in favour of Sweden. He died suddenly, in July, 1639, at the early age of thirty-five. By this event Piccolomini, the ablest of the Imperial Generals, was enabled to join the rest in attacking Banér, and he brought with him from the Netherlands some of the famous Spanish infantry, which had not yet lost at Rocroi its claim to be considered the finest in Europe.

The remains of Bernhard's army, under the French Commanders Longueville and Guébriant, now joined the Swedes. The Landgrave of Hesse also sent a contingent under Menander [sic], which, however, effected very little, owing to the treachery of its commander, who shortly after went over to the Imperialists.

The hostile armies were more nearly equal than before, but neither of the commanders cared to stake the fate of the campaign on a single battle; they endeavoured, therefore, to starve one another out.

This strange contest is said to have cost as many lives as two ordinary battles. Either the famine was more severe, or the endurance was less, on the side of the Imperialists, for at the end of a month Piccolomini broke up his camp and passed into Hesse.

As the Swedish army no longer required to be concentrated, Banér parted from his French and German allies. The leaders had a grand farewell banquet at Hildesheim, where they drowned the recollection of their late privations in excessive drinking. Two of the guests sickened and died immediately after the debauch; six months later they were followed by Prince George of Lüneburg and Banér. The popular belief attributed these deaths to poison, and the banquet of Hildesheim acquired an infamous celebrity.

Banér's health, however, had been failing for some time; fatigue, debauchery, and anxiety, had combined to destroy his constitution.

His state had been represented in Sweden, and he earnestly solicited leave to retire after the death of his second wife, to whom he was much attached. His brother, Axel Banér, supported his request in the Council, but it was opposed by Oxenstiern, who said that Banér could manage the soldiers better from his bed than anyone else could do from the saddle. The matter was warmly discussed, but the Chancellor had the last word; he said that Sweden required John Banér's services, and that John Banér must serve.

Want of patriotism was not one of Banér's faults. His zeal and energy seemed almost to increase as his bodily strength decayed. A young officer full of vigour, and burning with ambition, could not have exerted himself more than the sick general did in his last campaign.

The year 1641 began with unusual and excessive cold. Banér determined to take advantage of the frozen rivers, to make a sudden incursion into Bavaria, with the intention of surprising the Emperor and the chief notables of the Empire, who were assembled at the Diet of Ratisbon. The rivers, indeed, might thaw and leave him among his enemies, but the prize was great, and Banér had a right to trust to his genius for making a retreat.

On the 17th of January the army reached Regenstauf. Banér pushed on from here with the cavalry, one thousand infantry, and a few pieces of cannon, until he reached the banks of the Danube, opposite to Ratisbon, and so near, that voices could be heard across the stream. The assembled dignitaries were in the greatest alarm; the Emperor alone was firm. With a seasonable and proper pride[,] he determined rather to perish than to abandon the city, and he made arrangements for its defence with coolness and judgment.

His courage was not put to any further proof. The south wind, mightier than general or Emperor, frustrated Banér's scheme. The very day of his arrival[,] a sudden thaw took place. The ice of the Danube broke up, and Ratisbon was saved. The situations of the enemies were reversed by those few hours' south wind, and Banér's position was almost one for despair. The mercenaries paid by France, and commanded by Guébriant, had reunited with the Swedes to make this inroad. Its bad success produced the usual consequences; the allied commanders were dissatisfied with each other. It was said that Guébriant feared Banér might entice his army to resume their old service under Sweden. Whatever was the cause, he determined, in spite of all remonstrances, to separate from the Swedes.

Banér remained in the Upper Palatinate to refresh his soldiers, and he narrowly escaped destruction from a well-formed combination of the Emperor's.

Troops were concentrated with the greatest secrecy under Gleen and Mercy, the Archduke Leopold, and Piccolomini.

They were all to converge upon Chamb in the Upper Palatinate on the same day, the 9th of March. The bridges which Piccolomini threw over the Danube were reported to be for the Emperor's journey to Vienna.

The gates of Ratisbon were closed for several days, that no friend of the Swedes might escape and give them notice.

Everything was well planned, but it was not easy to catch Banér off his guard.

The division of the Imperial army under Gleen came from Bohemia, and was obliged to pass near the country occupied by the Swedes: the movement was seen and reported to Banér. The keen-witted general knew very well that a single division would not venture to come into his neighbourhood. He required no further hint to make the whole scheme flash upon his mind. He broke up his camp that very day and marched towards Bohemia.

He was only just in time. Slange, who commanded a brigade nearest to the enemy, was surrounded at Neuburg. This gallant officer knew the importance of gaining time for his Chief, and resolved to earn the title of the Swedish Leonidas. The Archduke summoned him to surrender, and pointed out the hopelessness of resistance. Slange answered that he would defend himself so long as he had his right arm remaining, the pith of the declaration consisting in the circumstance that he had lately lost his left arm. He had no artillery, very few infantry, and about 2,000 cavalry. The walls were breached, his ammunition was soon exhausted, and his only projectiles were stones. Under all these disadvantages he supported the attacks of the enemy four days. He had the proud satisfaction of knowing that the main army was saved by his courage and devotion.

Even as it was, Banér escaped most narrowly — Gleen pressed closely on his rear, Piccolomini made a forced march to seize a pass that would have completely cut him off, and only arrived one hour too late. Banér had been first in the advance, and was last in the retreat: he defended a post from mid-day until night with some light troops and a few pieces of cannon, and so brought off his army with little loss. The Elector of Saxony considered the destruction of the Swedish army so certain, that he ordered public thanksgivings to be returned for it. The experience he had already had of Banér might have made him more careful in hazarding an opinion. The Swedish light cavalry were plundering the country round Dresden just three hours after Hohenegg, his Court Chaplain, quitted the pulpit.

The defence of the pass of Prosnitz was Banér's last exploit. The fatigues and privations of this retreat completed the ruin of his constitution. He was carried in a litter when too ill to sit on horseback, but soon became unable even to bear this. A few days' rest revived him a little, but Piccolomini was approaching with a greatly superior army, and the Swedes were obliged to continue their retreat. The motion and fatigue made Banér worse again.

He reached Merseburg on the 8th of April, so altered by sickness as hardly to be recognised, and the doctors said he could not survive another day's journey.

It was then determined to make a stand to prevent Piccolomini from crossing the Saal. After a sharp action, however, the passage was forced and some of the enemy's troops nearly took Banér prisoner in Merseburg. They were driven out for the moment, but it was necessary to evacuate the place, for the defences were slight. The conqueror of so many battles had only the choice to remain behind and pass his few remaining days in captivity, or to die among his own troops. Like a gallant soldier as he was, he chose the latter alternative.

On the 8th of May he reached Halberstadt with the enemy still in pursuit. He was now delirious, but in a lucid interval he called his generals round his death-bed, exhorted them to unity, and recommended Torstenson as his successor. Then came a few more pangs and the great soldier was gone; but, whatever rest his spirit might find, it was long before his body was left in peace. The corpse of their general was carried off by the retreating Swedes before it was cold. His genius had carried them safely through two famous retreats, and they felt his devotion in remaining with them to the last. His remains were defended more jealously than either cannon or colours. Day after day the foe thundered in pursuit, and it was a month before the Swedes had sufficient respite to send the body of the warrior to the country he had served so faithfully.

Banér was certainly one of the greatest generals in the Thirty Years' War. He showed his ability in his brilliant victories, in his extraordinary retreats, and in maintaining the fidelity of his soldiers. His own fidelity was incorruptible at a period when this virtue was not a common one. The Emperor tried several times to win him. In 1639, as he was entering the hereditary states of Austria, Count Schlitt, the Governor of Prague, and a relation of Banér's, was directed to make proposals to him for a separate peace between Sweden and Austria, and to offer as his reward Glogan [sic] and Sagan, which had belonged to Wallenstein, as well as the rank of Prince of the Empire. Although these proposals were not entertained for a moment, they were renewed in the last year of Banér's life, and he was promised in addition the command of the Emperor's army against the Turks. The Austrian minister could not believe such magnificent bribes would be rejected.

"Banér's talking is all nonsense", he said, "a revenue of forty thousand ducats may surely dazzle any one." The Austrian knew very little of Banér to suppose that, when wearied and broken with service, he would stain his hitherto unspotted integrity, and spend his few remaining days an outcast from his country.

The popular belief was that if he had accepted these proposals, his career would not have been cut short so soon, and that the Court which employed the swords of assassins against Wallenstein, did not scruple to use poison at the banquet of Hildesheim. It would be difficult to set any limits to the crimes of this period, but actions of this nature are so abhorrent, even to the loosest code of honour, that, in default of positive evidence, we must incline to the belief that Banér's death may be accounted for by fatigues, anxieties, privations, and excesses.

He was married three times, and was certainly strongly attached to his two first wives, as each time that he became a widower his sorrow was so great that he wished to retire from the service.

His first wife was a lady who came from Brandenburg with Maria Leonora. She died in Germany in 1636, and Banér then wished to give up his command, that he might carry her over to Sweden and bury her there; but his desire was overruled by Oxenstiern. His second wife was the Countess Löwenstein. She had been the most intimate friend of his late wife, who had with her dying breath expressed the wish that she should marry Banér. This arrangement seems to have suited all parties, for the marriage took place the same year. The Countess Löwenstein was remarkable for understanding, amiability, and virtue; she was Banér's good angel, and inspired all his best actions; but she died three years after their marriage. Banér was inconsolable, and vehemently urged his application for leave to return to Sweden, both on account of his affliction and his own failing health. He lamented her loss sincerely, although during her life, as well as that of her predecessor, he had continually carried on intrigues with other ladies.

Very shortly after her death he fell in love with the Margravine of Baden-Durlach, a beautiful girl of sixteen. The preliminaries were soon arranged, and the marriage took place. The priest had just pronounced his blessing on this new alliance, when a messenger rushed in to announce the advance of Piccolomini. Banér did not even stop to take leave of his bride, but rode off at full speed to his camp.

Banér's character was arbitrary, and, though beloved by his army, he was never liked by his colleagues. He was on bad terms with Oxenstiern, Salvius, and Wrangel, and it has already been related how Guébriant refused to act with him, to the great detriment of the service.

His maxim was to have no princes, and as few as possible of the high nobility in his army, because he found by experience that they were unwilling to render the implicit obedience which he required. "What is the reason", said he, "that Gallas and Piccolomini get on so badly? Because they are obliged to obey a council at Vienna which does not understand war, while I on the contrary am absolute commander of my army."

Another of his maxims was to employ old officers in fortresses, and young ones in the field. The soundness of his opinions was proved by his success. Thirty thousand Saxons and sixty thousand Imperialists fell before his sword, and he sent home to Sweden six hundred stand of colours which he had taken from the enemy.

Above: Johan Banér.

Notes: The river Warta is a river rising in central Poland, meandering greatly through the Polish Plain in a northwesterly direction to flow into the Oder at Kostrzyn nad Odrą (Küstrin). Its name in German is Warthe.

Landsberg an der Warthe is the German name for what is now the Polish city of Gorzów Wielkopolski, in the Lubusz Voivodeship in western Poland.

Stettin is the German name for the city of Szczecin in what is now the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in Poland.

Johan Banér passed away on May 10, 1641, at the age of 44. His likely cause of death was cirrhosis of the liver due to excessive alcohol consumption.

Glogau is the German name for the city of Głogów in what is now the Lower Silesian Voivodeship in Poland. Its name in Czech is Hlohov.

Sagan is the German name for the town of Żagań in what is now the Lubusz Voivodeship in Poland.

Banér's three successive wives by name were Catharina Elisabet von Pfuel (1598-1636; married 1623); Countess Elisabeth Juliana of Erpach (1600-1640; married July 25, 1636); and Margravine Johanna Margareta of Baden-Hochberg (1623-1661; married September 16, 1640).

Francis William Bain on the Thirty Years' War in the 1640s

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 46 to 48, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library

https://archive.org/details/christinaqueenof00bain/page/46/mode/2up

The account:

In order to explain the allusions in these letters it is necessary to take up the history of the war in Germany which we left at the victory of Wittstock. In the interval, Baner's genius had regained for Sweden all the prestige lost at Nordlingen, and established his claim to be considered one of the first generals of the age. We have seen the allusions of Christina to the struggle for Brisach; this place, reputed impregnable, had been seized by Bernard of Weimar, entirely to the satisfaction of France, in whose interests he was acting. It was the design of the Duke to establish himself as an independent chief in Germany, after the fashion of Wallenstein; he had even began to negotiate his marriage with the Princess of Hesse, the celebrated Amalia Elizabeth, when he suddenly died, in 1639. This left the Imperialist forces opposed to him free to join those engaged with Baner; and France seized the opportunity to gain possession of Brisach, and take Bernard's army into her pay.

The difficulty Baner found in conducting a campaign with vastly inferior forces was increased by the want of money and his own ill health. Owing to the state of the finances, Oxenstiern had to write to him that the war must pay itself; nor could the Government listen to his repeated demands for furlough. "Baner on a sick-bed is worth more than any other man on horseback;" "Sweden requires John Baner's services, and John Baner must serve." We cannot enter into the details of his operations, but at his death, in 1641, Christina's forebodings only proved too well grounded. Just as after Lutzen, so after the death of the "second Gustavus" at Halberstadt, the Swedish cause seemed falling to pieces; mutiny again arose in the army; the officers refused to obey a Swedish general any longer, and sent home a deputation with their demands; some even began to treat with the enemy. The distress was terrible; troopers and soldiers bartered their horses and accoutrements for provisions. The desperate condition of affairs is well shown in an extract from a letter written by General Wrangel to his son: "Mind that ye lay hands upon somewhat, as the rest do; he that takes it has it."

It seemed, indeed, as if at this moment nothing could save the cause. But it was the fortune of Sweden to possess in this hour of need, yet another general trained in the school of Gustavus Adolphus; she found in Leonard Torstenson a man worthy to redeem the loss of Baner; "his equal in genius, his superior in energy: mastering by the greatness of his soul a body wasted by captivity and disease." The extraordinary pace at which he flew about from place to place, even when unable from sickness to mount a horse, gained him among the soldiers the nickname of "Blixten", "the Lightning." Arriving from Sweden in the autumn with fresh troops and money, he infused a new spirit into the army, and, though so ill that at times he had to be carried in a litter, succeeded in closing a brilliant campaign with the decisive victory of Leipzic (October 23, 1642).

Jean Catteau-Calleville on more of Sweden's activities in Germany during the Thirty Years' War

Sources:

Histoire de Christine, reine de Suède, volume 1, pages 165 to 181, by Jean Catteau-Calleville, 1815

https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_leuSxprne3MC/page/n175/mode/2up

Drottning Christinas historia, pages 50 to 62, by Jean Catteau-Calleville, translated by unknown translator, 1821

https://archive.org/details/drottningchristi00catt/page/50/mode/2up

Kristina's letter of May 23/June 2 (Old Style), 1641 to Johan Kasimir is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2021/06/kristinas-letter-to-count-palatine.html

The account:

Si nous reportons maintenant nos regards vers l'Allemagne, nous y verrons les généraux et les ministres se livrant à une grande activité, et le mouvement des négociations se confondant avec celui des opérations militaires. Banier, ayant répandu son armée en Saxe, observait le siége de Magdebourg, et cherchait à sauver cette ville; mais les Saxons parvinrent à s'en emparer, et furent renforcés par le corps que commandait Marazini. Banier se réunit à Leslé près de Lunebourg, et appela un détachement de l'armée de Poméranie; toute sa force consistait en sept mille hommes d'infanterie et neuf mille de cavalerie; l'ennemi avait treize régimens d'infanterie et quinze mille hommes à cheval. Le général suédois parvint à le faire sortir de son camp retranché, et lui livra bataille le 4 octobre 1635, près de Wittstock, dans la marche de Brandebourg. L'aile droite fit l'attaque pendant que l'aile gauche se détournait pour prendre l'ennemi en flanc. Avant que celle-ci pût arriver, l'aile droite fut obligée de soutenir un combat terrible; elle était revenue dix fois à la charge, et allait plier, lorsque l'aile gauche vint l'appuyer, et décida la victoire. Les Suédois détruiserent toute l'infanterie impériale et une grande partie de celle des Saxons; ils désarmèrent, ou firent passer au fil de l'épée, un grand nombre de cavaliers, et s'emparèrent de cent vingt-cinq drapeaux, de trente trois canons, de tout le bagage, et du service d'argent de l'électeur.

Cette victoire fit la plus grande sensation. Les princes protestans d'Allemagne qui avaient accédé à la paix de Prague, éclatèrent en reproches contre l'électeur de Saxe, et se rapprochèrent des Suédois. Le roi de Danemarck, qui s'était flatté de forcer la Suède à le reconnaître pour médiateur, renonça à ses espérances, et l'empereur commença à douter de sa fortune. On convint d'ouvrir des négociations à Hambourg, où l'empereur envoya le comte de Curt, la France, le comte d'Avaux, et la Suède, le chancelier Adler Salvius; mais lorsqu'il fut question de fixer les bases des préliminaires, Ferdinand refusa d'admettre les états d'Allemagne comme alliés de la France ou de la Suède. Ces deux puissances ayant déclaré que cette condition était essentielle, les conférences furent interrompues. Peu après le 15 septembre 1637, Ferdinand II termina ses jours, et son fils déjà roi des Romains, lui succéda sous le nom de Ferdinand III. On espéra que ce prince serait moins contraire à la paix. Il était d'un caractère plus doux que son père, et avait moins d'éloignement pour les protestans. Ayant parcouru plusieurs provinces à la tête des armées, il avait vu les terribles effets de la guerre, des campagnes désertes, des villes incendiées, et des milliers de familles réduites à la faim et à la misère. Cependant le moment favorable n'était pas encore arrivé, et quatre années s'écoulèrent avant qu'on s'occupât de nouveau sérieusement de la pacification.

Les troupes impériales s'étaient concentrées en un seul corps, et après avoir reçu un grand nombre de recrues, elles menacèrent de fondre sur les Suédois. Banier qui avait son camp près de Torgau, fut sur le point d'être enfermé, et n'eut d'autre ressource que de se porter vers la Poméranie, avec la plus grande diligence. Il parvint à passer l'Elbe; mais s'étant approché de la Warta, au mois de juin 1637, il trouva devant lui toute l'armée ennemie, qui l'avait prévenu par des marches forcées. Il répandit qu'il allait se diriger sur la Pologne, et profitant de la nuit, il retourna sur l'Oder et entra dans Stettin, sans avoir éprouvé aucune perte, et sans que Gallas, qui commandait les impériaux, eût eu aucun soupçon de sa marche. Banier prit, avec Hermann Wrangel, qu'il trouva en Poméranie, les mesures les plus efficaces pour conserver ce pays dont le dernier duc, Bogislas XIV venait de mourir, et dont la Suède ambitionnait depuis long-temps la possession, quoique l'électeur de Brandebourg eût des droits à faire valoir.

Mais depuis la retraite de Banier, les Suédois avaient perdu leurs conquêtes sur l'Elbe, et ne se soutenaient qu'avec peine en Westphalie. Le duc de Weymar, qui avait fait des progrès vers le Rhin ne fut pas assez appuyé par les généraux français. Le Landgrave de Hesse-Cassel, Guillaume V, qui était toujours resté attaché à la Suède, mourut le 24 septembre 1637. Cette mort était un autre incident nuisible aux intérêts des alliés. Cependant la veuve du Landgrave, Amélie-Elisabeth, qui prit la régence à sa mort, maintint son système et ne se laissa point intimider par les menaces de la cour de Vienne.

La perspective de la paix étant encore éloignée et de nouvelles ressources étant nécessaires à la Suède, cette puissance reprit ses négociations avec la France, et un nouveau traité fut signé à Hambourg, le 24 février 1638, pour trois ans par d'Avaux et Adler Salvius. La France s'engageait à payer un demi-million de livres comme arrérages des subsides stipulés en 1632; un million pour le temps qui s'était écoulé sans qu'on eût formellement renouvelé les traités, et un million annuellement pendant les trois années fixées pour la nouvelle alliance. Les deux puissances devaient réunir leurs forces contre les ennemis communs, et ne point conclure de paix séparée; elles se réservaient néanmoins de pouvoir traiter chacune en particulier.

Gallas entreprit plusieurs fois de s'emparer de la Poméranie; mais son armée s'étant affaiblie par les maladies et le manque de subsistances, Banier qui avait reçu un renfort de Suède l'attaqua et le força de se retirer vers la Silésie et la Bohême. Peu après, le général suédois secondé par Torstenson, avança lui-même vers ces pays, et sans se laisser décourager par un échec, que les Suédois avaient éprouvé en Westphalie, il livra bataille aux impériaux et aux Saxons près de Chemnitz, le 4 avril 1639; huit mille hommes de l'armée ennemie restèrent sur la place, et quinze cents furent faits prisonniers. Après cette victoire, Banier entra en Bohême; deux fois il se montra sous les murs de Prague, où les impériaux s'étaient enfermés; mais ne pouvant les engager à sortir de la ville, et n'étant pas en état d'entreprendre le siége, il établit son camp à Leutmeritz pour attendre le moment de continuer les opérations. Koenigsmarck ayant obtenu le commandement en Westphalie, les armes suédoises reprirent également leur supériorité dans cette partie de l'Allemagne. A la même époque la renommée publiait les exploits du duc de Weymar dans les contrées du Rhin.

Le duc de Weymar ayant renforcé son armée dès le commencement de l'année 1637, se mesura avec les Autrichiens et les Bavarois. Arrêté d'abord par le fameux partisan Jean de Werth, il obtint ensuite des succès décisifs. Il prit à Rheinfeld la plupart des généraux ennemis et Jean de Werth lui-même; il mit le siége devant Brisach, après avoir remporté une victoire brillante, et s'empara de cette place, le 3 octobre 1638. Amélie-Elisabeth, régente de Hesse-Cassel, lui offrait sa main et il était parvenu au plus haut période de sa gloire. Mais la mort renversa les brillantes espérances que lui présentait la fortune; une attaque subite mit fin à ses jours; il mourut, le 18 juillet 1639, à l'âge de trente cinq ans, chéri de ses soldats et admiré de l'Europe. On a avancé sans preuve que sa mort fut l'effet du poison. Les généraux suédois prétendirent au commandement des troupes dont il était le chef, et voulurent prendre possession des places qu'il avait emportées. D'un autre côté, Charles-Louis, fils de Frédéric, électeur palatin, étant parti d'Allemagne, avait le projet de traiter avec l'armée du duc, et se flattait qu'elle le mettrait en état de faire valoir ses droits sur le Palatinat. Il prit sa route par la France; mais arrivé à Moulins, il fut arrêté sous prétexte qu'une personne de son rang ne devait pas voyager dans le pays du roi sans lui en avoir donné connaissance; on le conduisit à Vincennes où il resta environ six mois. Richelieu voulait faire passer les troupes du duc de Weymar au service de la France, qui les avait soldées depuis quelque temps, et s'assurer en même temps des places qu'elles occupaient. Il parvint à son but par des offres séduisantes, et en gagnant Erlach, qui était le premier officier.

Banier qui venait de se concerter avec Weymar pour pénétrer dans les états de l'empereur, ne put rester plus long-temps en Bohême. Les impériaux s'étaient renforcés, et Piccolomini, qui les commandait, était un chef très-habile. Pour leur résister avec plus de succès, le général suédois se rendit en Misnie en 1640, et fit, près d'Erfurt, sa jonction avec l'armée française conduite par Longueville et Guébriant. Il eut le commandement en chef; mais il rencontra beaucoup de difficultés dans l'exécution de ses plans. Malgré tous ses efforts, il ne put porter des coups sensibles aux impériaux, et il fut réduit à défendre le pays qu'il occupait.

Cependant l'empereur recevait des nouvelles peu satisfaisantes au sujet des Espagnols, ses principaux alliés. Le Portugal et la Catalogne étaient en insurrection; Arras avait capitulé, et plusieurs états d'Italie s'étaient détachés de l'Espagne. La diète germanique fut convoquée à Ratisbonne où Ferdinand III se rendit lui-même pour délibérer avec les états sur la situation des affaires. Banier et Guébriant firent le projet de l'enlever. Au milieu de l'hiver, en 1641, ils marchèrent rapidement sur Ratisbonne; leur avant-garde était déjà à peu de distance de cette ville dépourvue de défense, et les glaces, dont le Danube s'était couvert, semblaient assurer un passage facile. Mais il survint tout à coup un grand dégel, la rivière commença à charrier des glaçons, et il fut impossible de construire des ponts ou des radeaux. L'armée se retira et l'empereur fut sauvé. Guébriant qui craignait que les Suédois ne gagnassent les troupes de Weymar, s'étant séparé de Banier, celui-ci eut à lutter contre les plus grands obstacles pour ne pas être écrasé par les impériaux. D'abord poursuivi, ensuite menacé d'être coupé, et faisant sa retraite à travers les neiges et les frimas dans un pays montagneux, il passa deux mois au milieu des inquiétudes et des alarmes. Il parvint cependant à sauver son armée et se réunit du nouveau à Guébriant près de Zwickau. Mais sa santé avait reçu une atteinte mortelle; consumé par une fièvre douloureuse, il se fit transporter sur un brancard à Halberstadt, où il mourut au mois de mai 1641, à l'âge de quarante-quatre ans. Une année avant sa mort, il avait épousé, au milieu du bruit des combats, Jeanne, princesse de Bade, dont il s'était fortement épris. On a attribué sa mort, comme celle du duc de Weymar, au poison; mais il est plus probable qu'elle fut l'effet des fatigues de ses campagnes et des excès auxquels il se laissait aller quelquefois, comme plusieurs autres guerriers de son temps.

Lorsque la nouvelle de la maladie de Banier parvint en Suède, Christine qui fixait déjà son attention sur les événemens publics, écrivit à son oncle, Jean Casimir de Deux-Ponts: «Je ne puis vous cacher les bruits affligeans qui courent ici; on dit que Banier est malade, et qu'humainement parlant, il ne pourra pas en revenir. Il n'a personne auprès de lui à qui il puisse se confier; on s'en met trop peu en peine ici, et l'on se flatte qu'on en trouvera facilement un autre; mais on ne secoue pas de la manche des hommes comme lui; s'il meurt, il est à craindre que nos affaires ne tombent en décadence.» Banier avait été, en effet, depuis la mort de Gustave-Adolphe, le plus ferme soutien de la gloire militaire des Suédois: formé à l'école du héros couronné, il lui ressemblait non-seulement par les qualités guerrières, mais par les traits du visage, et on l'appelait le second Gustave. Son talent consistait principalement à ruiner les armées ennemies par des manœuvres savantes, et à conserver la sienne en lui assurant des postes avantageux. Mais il possédait aussi à un degré éminent l'intrépidité, le coup d'œil et la présence d'esprit nécessaires dans les batailles. Son corps fut transporté en Suède et enterré dans l'église des Chevaliers non loin de la tombe de Gustave-Adolphe. Un monument lui a été érigé dans le même temple environ cent ans après sa mort par deux hommes d'état célèbres en Suède, les sénateurs Hoepken et Scheffer. Son fils fut le dernier rejeton de la branche de sa famille, dont il était le chef, mais qui avait plusieurs autres rameaux, dont quelques-uns subsistent encore.

Comme Christine, quelque jeune qu[']elle fût, l'avait prévu, la mort de Banier eut des suites funestes. L'ascendant de ses talens, et la haute considération où il s'était élevé, avaient maintenu l'ordre et la discipline dans une armée dont les officiers aspiraient la plupart à l'indépendance, qui se composait de soldats de plusieurs nations, et qu'il était difficile de payer régulièrement. Aussitôt que Banier fut mort, il éclata des troubles et des insurrections; quelques généraux se réunirent pour prendre le commandement; mais ils exigèrent en vain l'obéissance à leurs ordres. Les colonels des régimens formèrent une ligue pour obtenir une augmentation de prérogatives; les soldats s'attroupèrent, exigeant les arrérages qui leur étaient dus, et les impériaux d'un côté, les Danois de l'autre, cherchèrent à les faire passer sous leurs drapeaux. Mais il y avait en Suède un capitaine, qui, formé également par Gustave-Adolphe, était en état de rétablir l'ordre, et de conduire les troupes au combat sous les auspices de cette discipline, qui garantit le succès de concert avec le courage: c'était Léonard de Torstenson, grand-maître de l'artillerie et sénateur.

Torstenson, à l'âge de quinze ans, devint page de Gustave-Adolphe, et accompagna en Pologne ce monarque, qui apprécia ses heureuses dispositions et l'avança rapidement. Il se distingua à la tête de l'artillerie pendant la bataille de Leipsick et au passage du Leck. Dans le combat livré près de Nurremberg, en 1632, il fut fait prisonnier; on le conduisit à Ingolstadt, et on l'enferma dans un lieu bas et humide, dont les exhalaisons méphitiques détruisirent sa santé. Ayant été échangé après la bataille de Lutzen, il se rétablit peu à peu, mais en restant sujet à des douleurs habituelles. Cependant son ardeur militaire ne se rallentit point, et il prit part aux exploits de Banier. Il venait de se rendre en Suède, lorsque ce général mourut. Après quelques délibérations occasionnées par la jalousie de plusieurs familles, la régence le nomma au commandement en chef, et il partit pour l'Allemagne vers la fin de l'année 1641.

Il était essentiel que Torstenson arrivât; l'armée se désorganisait de plus en plus, et les ennemis faisaient des progrès. Le nouveau chef employa tour à tour la prudence et la fermeté. La supériorité de son génie enchaîna toutes les volontés, et triompha de tous les intérêts particuliers, de toutes les passions jalouses. On n'admira pas moins la hardiesse et l'étendue de ses plans que la rapidité qu'il mit dans l'exécution. Malgré la faiblesse de sa santé, et les souffrances qu'il éprouvait presque journellement, il se transporta d'une province à l'autre, n'étant retenu ni par la saison ni par les chemins, déployant tous les genres de talens, et faisant tantôt des siéges, tantôt des manœuvres savantes, ou livrant des batailles, et pénétrant avec impétuosité dans les rangs de l'ennemi.

Avant l'arrivée de Torstenson, Guébriant s'était détaché de la grande armée, et avait pris avec les troupes de Hesse la route du Bas-Rhin; le 17 janvier 1642, il battit près de Kempten le général Lamboi, et après cette victoire il occupa une grande étendue de pays. Torstenson resta quelque temps dans la Basse Saxe; il réorganisait l'armée, et attendait des renforts. Son plan était de transporter le théâtre de la guerre dans les états de l'empereur.

Les impériaux essayèrent de le déloger de la position avantageuse qu'il avait su prendre à temps; mais leurs attaques furent inutiles, et obligés de se retirer faute de vivres, ils perdirent une partie de leur armée. Alors Torstenson abandonna la Basse Saxe, et feignit de vouloir passer en Westphalie; mais il avait un autre dessein. Au mois d'avril, son armée prit la route de Silésie, et, sans rencontrer d'obstacles, elle entra dans cette province pendant que les impériaux la cherchaient vainement ailleurs. Revenant sur leurs pas, ils se proposèrent d'arrêter les Suédois; mais ceux-ci profitaient déjà de leurs avantages. Le grand Glogau fut pris d'assaut, et Schweidnitz fut assiégé. Le duc François-Albert de Lauenbourg, voulut aller au secours de la place avec la cavalerie; Torstenson l'ayant rencontré près de Zobtenberg, le 20 mai, le fit prisonnier lui-même, ainsi que quatre-vingt-sept de ses officiers, et une grande partie du corps qu'il commandait. Il mourut au bout de quelques jours des blessures qu'il avait reçues. Schweidnitz se rendit, et l'armée suédoise fit une invasion in Moravie. La régence lui destinait un renfort de huit mille hommes, qui venaient de partir de Suède. Cependant l'archiduc Léopold-Guillaume et Piccolomini, ayant rassemblé également un grand nombre de troupes, se remirent en activité. Torstenson fit le siége de Breslau; mais ce siége traîna en longueur, et le général suédois se dirigea de manière à recevoir plus promptement le renfort qu'il attendait. Lorsque ce renfort fut arrivé, il prit Zittau à la vue des impériaux. Ce fut là qu'on traita la première fois dans cette guerre de l'échange des prisonniers.

Les impériaux avaient pris une position très-avantageuse sur les frontières de Bohême, et refusaient la bataille. Torstenson, ne pouvant pénétrer plus avant dans les pays de l'empereur, résolut de se rendre en Saxe, et de s'emparer de l'importante ville de Leipsick, pour en faire le centre de ses nouvelles opérations. L'ennemi le suivit et les deux armées se trouvèrent à la vue l'une de l'autre dans cette même plaine de Breitenfeldt, près de Leipsick, où le grand Gustave avait remporté sa première victoire sur les impériaux. Torstenson donna aussitôt ses ordres pour la bataille; elle eut lieu le 23 octobre 1642; le choc fut terrible, les uns combattant pour effacer le souvenir de leur défaite, les autres pour soutenir celui de leur triomphe. Au commencement de la bataille un boulet emporta la croupe du cheval de Torstenson, et perça le cou de celui que montait le prince Charles-Gustave. Ils tombèrent l'un et l'autre par terre, mais sans être blessés, et Torstenson reprit le commandement avec le calme d'un héros accoutumé aux hasards et aux périls des combats. L'ennemi, après une longue résistance, céda, laissant sur le champ de bataille plus de cinq mille hommes; les Suédois firent de plus quatre mille cinq cents prisonniers, et s'emparèrent de quarante-six canons; soixante-neuf étendarts, et cent vingt et un drapeaux tombèrent en leur pouvoir. Leipsick se rendit et le chemin de la Bohême fut ouvert à Torstenson.

Swedish translation (by anonymous translator):

Om vi nu återföra våra blickar till Tyskland, få vi der se generaler och ministrar öfverlemna sig till mycken verksamhet, och underhandlingarna och militäriska operationerna blandas om hvart annat. Banér, som utbredt sin armée i Saxen, var uppmärksam på Magdeburgs belägring, och sökte att rädda denna stad; men Saxarne lyckades att bemäktiga sig den och förstärktes af den korps, som Marazini kommenderade. Banér förenade sig med Lesle vid Lüneburg, och efterskickade ett detachement från Pommerska arméen; hela hans styrka utgjorde 7000 man infanteri och 9000 kavalleri; fienden hade 13 infanteri-regementen och 15,000 ryttare. Den Svenska generalen lyckades att få honom utur sitt förskansade låger och lefvererade honom slagtning den 4 October 1636 vid Wittstock uti Mark-Brandenburg. Högra flygeln attackerade under det den venstra tog en omväg, för att taga fienden i flanken. Innan denna kunde ankomma, nödgades högra flygeln uthärda en gruflig strid; tie gånger hade den förnyat anfallet, och var nära att gifva vika, då venstra flygeln kom att understödja den och afgjorde segren. Svenskarne nedergjorde hela det Kejserliga infanteriet och större delen af det Saxiska; de afväpnade eller nedsablade ett stort antal ryttare och togo 125 fanor, 33 kanoner, allt bagage och Kurfurstens silfver-service.

Denna seger väckte den största sensation. Tysklands Protestantiska furstar, som hade ingått i Pragiska freden, utbröto i förebråelser mot Kurfursten af Saxen, och blefvo åter benägna för Svenskarna. Konungen af Danmark, som smickrat sig att tvinga Sverige att erkänna honom för medlare, afstod från sina förhoppningar och Kejsaren började tvifla på sin lycka. Man kom öfverens att öppna underhandlingar i Hamburg, dit Kejsaren skickade Grefve von Curt, Frankrike, Grefve d'Avaux, och Sverige Kansleren Adler Salvius; men då det blef fråga att fastställa preliminärernes hufvudgrunder, vägrade FERDINAND att erkänna Tyska Ständerne såsom Frankrikes eller Sveriges bundsförvanter. Då dessa tvenne Makter förklarat, att det vore ett hufvudsakligt vilkor, afbrötos underhandlingarna. Kort derpå, den 15 September 1637, slutade FERDINAND II. sina dagar och hans son, redan Romersk Konung, efterträdde honom under namn af FERDINAND III. Man hoppades, att denne Furste skulle vara mindre obenägen för freden. Han var af en mildare karakter än fadren, och hade mindre vedervilja för Protestanterna. När han i spetsen för arméerna färdats genom flere provinser, hade han sett krigets grufliga verkningar: ödelagda fällt, uppbrända städer, och tusendtals familjer bragte till hunger och elände. Det gynnande ögonblick hade likväl ännu icke kommit, och fyra år förflöto, innan man å nyo alfvarsamt sysselsatte sig med fredsfördraget.

Kejsarlige tropparne hade förenat sig till en enda korps, och sedan de erhållit ett stort antal rekryter, hotade de att bryta löst på Svenskarne. Banér, som hade sitt läger vid Torgau, var nära att blifva innesluten, och ägde ingen annan utväg än att i största skyndsamhet förfoga sig åt Pommern. Han lyckades att gå öfver Elben; men när han i Juni månad 1637 nalkades Warta, fann han framför sig hela fiendtliga arméen, som genom forcerade marcher hade förekommit honom. Han lät utkomma ett rykte, att han ärnade rikta sina steg mot Pohlen, och begagnande sig af natten, återvände han till Oder och gick in uti Stettin, utan att hafva lidit någon förlust och utan att Gallas, som kommenderade de Kejserlige, fått någon misstanke om hans marche. Banér tog med Herrman Wrangel, som han träffade i Pommern, de verksammaste mått och steg till bibehållande af detta land, hvars sista Hertig, BOGISLAUS XIV, nyligen dödt, och hvars ägande Sverige länge eftersträfvat, ehuru Kurfursten af Brandenburg hade gällande rättigheter.

Men efter Banérs reträt, hade Svenskarna förlorat sina eröfringar vid Elben, och bibehöllo sig med möda i Westphalen. Hertigen af Weimar, som hade gjort framsteg vid Rhen, understöddes icke tillräckligt af Franska generalerne. LandtGrefven af Hessen-Cassel WILHELM V, som alltid förblifvit Sverige tillgifven, dog den 24 September 1637. Detta dödsfall var en annan för de allierades intressen skadlig tillfällighet. LandtGrefvens Enka, AMALIA ELISABET, som vid hans död tog regeringen, bibehöll hans system, och lät icke skräma sig af Wienska hofvets hotelser.

Då utsigten till fred ännu var långt borta och nya hjelpmedel behöfdes för Sverige, började denna Stat åter underhandlingar med Frankrike, och en ny treårig traktat undertecknades i Hamburg, den 24 Februari 1638, af d'Avaux och Adler Salvius. Frankrike förbandt sig att betala en half million Livres, såsom återstående ränta af de år 1632 betingade subsidier; en million för den tid som förflutit, utan att man formligt förnyat traktaterna och en million hvarje af de, för den nya alliansen, bestämde tre åren. De begge Staterna skulle förena deras krigsmakt mot de gemensamma fienderna, och icke sluta separat fred; dock likväl förbehöllo de sig att kunna underhandla hvar och en serskilda.

Gallas sökte flera gånger att bemäktiga sig Pommern; men då hans armée försvagades af sjukdomar och brist på lifsmedel, angrep honom Banér, som fått en förstärkning från Sverige, och tvingade honom att draga sig tillbaka till Schlesien och Böhmen. Kort derefter framryckte den Svenske generalen, biträdd af Torstenson, sjelf till dessa länder, och utan att fälla modet af en förlust, som de Svenske lidit i Westphalene, lefvererade han de Kejserlige och Saxarne slagtning vid Chemnitz den 4 April 1639; 8000 man af fiendtliga arméen blefvo på platsen, och 1500 gjordes till fångar. Efter denna seger, gick Banér in i Böhmen; tvenne gånger visade han sig vid murarne af Prag, der de Kejserlige hade inneslutit sig; men när han icke kunde förmå dem att gå ut ur staden och icke var i stånd att företaga någon belägring, slog han sitt läger vid Leutmeritz, för att afvakta ögonblicket, då han kunde fortsätta operationerna. Sedan Königsmark erhållit befälet i Westphalen, återtogo Svenska vapnen på en gång deras öfverlägsenhet i denna delen af Tyskland. Vid samma tidpunkt kungjorde ryktet Hertigen af Weimars bedrifter i trakterna af Rhen.

Hertigen af Weimar, som från början af år 1637 hade förstärkt sin armée, måtte sig med Österrikarne och Bajrarne. I början tillbakahållen af den ryktbara partigängaren Johan von Werth, erhöll han sedermera afgörande framgångar. Han tog vid Rheinfelden de fleste fiendtlige generaler och Johan von Werth sjelf till fånga; han belägrade Breisach, sedan han vunnit en lysande seger, och intog denna fästning den 3 October 1638, AMALIA ELISABETH, regentinna af HessenCassel, tillbjöd honom sin hand, och han hade hunnit högsta perioden för sin ära. Men döden störtade de lysande förhoppningar lyckan visade honom; en häftigt tillstötande sjukdom slutade hans dagar; han dog den 18 Juli 1639, vid 35 års ålder, älskad af sina soldater och beundrad af Europa. Man har obevisligt påstått, att hans död var verkan af förgift. De Svenske generalerne eftersträfvade befälet öfver de troppar, hvilkas chef han varit, och ville taga de af honom vunna fästningar i besittning. FREDRIKS son, Kurfursten af Pfalts CARL LUDVIG, som var af Engelska partiet, hade å andra sidan förslag att underhandla med Hertigens armée, och smickrade sig, att genom den göra sina rättigheter till Kurfurstendömet Pfalts gällande. Han tog vägen genom Frankrike; men blef hindrad i Moulins under förevändning, att en person af hans rang icke borde resa i Konungens stat utan att derom hafva underrättat honom; man förde honom till Vincennes, der han qvarstannade omkring sex månader. Richelieu ville låta Hertigen af Weimars troppar gå öfver till tjenst i Frankrike, som på någon tid besoldat dem, och med detsamma försäkra sig om de af dem innehafvande befästade orter. Han uppnådde sitt ändamål genom förledande anbud och derigenom, att han vann Erlach, som var förste officeraren.

Banér, som kom att öfverlägga med Weimar om inträngandet uti Kejsarens stater, kunde icke längre qvarblifva i Böhmen. De Kejserlige hade blifvit förstärkte och Piccolomini, som kommenderade dem, var en ganska skicklig chef. För att med mera framgång emotstå dem, begaf den Svenske generalen sig till Meissen 1640 och förenade sig i Erfurt med Franska arméen, anförd af Longueville och Guébriant. Han fick öfverbefälet, men mötte många hinder vid utförandet af sina planer. Oaktadt allt sitt bemödande, kunde han ej betydligt slå de Kejserlige, och nödgades försvara det land han innehade.

Imellertid erhöll Kejsaren föga tillfridsställande tidningar om sina förnämsta bundsförvandter Spaniorerne, Portugal och Catalonien voro i uppror; Arras hade kapitulerat och flere Italienska stater afsöndrat sig från Spanien. Tyska Riksdagen sammankallades i Regensburg, dit FERDINAND III sjelf begaf sig, för att med ständerne rådslå om statsärendernas tillstånd. Banér och Guébriant uppgjorde plan att bortröfva honom. Midt i vintern 1641, ryckte de hastigt mot Regensburg; deras avant-garde var redan på kort afstånd från denna försvarslösa stad, och de isar, af hvilka Donau betäcktes, syntes försäkra om en lätt öfvergång. Men oförmodadt inföll ett ymnigt tö, floden började föra med sig isstycken, och det blef omöjligt att bygga broar eller flottor. Arméen drog sig tillbaka, och Kejsaren blef räddad. När Guébriant, som fruktade att Svenskarna skulle vinna Weimarska tropparna, skilt sig från Banér, hade denne att kämpa mot de största hinder, för att icke blifva krossad af de Kejserlige. I början förföljd, sedermera hotad att blifva afstängd, och retirerande i ett bergigt land, tillbragte han två månader i oro och bekymmer. Han lyckades likväl att frälsa sin armée och förenade sig å nyo med Guébriant, vid Zwickau. Men hans helsa tog en dödlig stöt; tärd af en smärtsam feber, lät han transportera sig på en bär till Halberstadt, der han dog i Maj månad 1641, vid 44 års ålder. Ett år före sin död, hade han, midt under stridernas buller, ägtat Badiska Prinsessan JOHANNA, i hvilken han blifvit häftigt förtjust. Man har, likasom Hertigens af Weimar, tillskrifvit hans död förgift; men det är mera troligt, att den var en verkan af hans fälttogs besvär och de ytterligheter, till hvilka han stundom lät sig föras, såsom många andra krigare på hans tid.

Då tidningen om Banérs sjukdom hann till Sverige, skref CHRISTINA, som redan fäste sin uppmärksamhet på allmänna händelserna, till sin onkel, JOHAN CASIMIR af Zweibrücken: "Jag kan icke dölja för er de bedröfliga rykten, som löpa här; man säger, att Banér är sjuk och, att tala efter mennisko-begrepp, ej lärer kunna komma sig före. Han har hos sig ingen, till hvilken han kan förtro sig, hvarom man bekymrar sig föga här, och smickrar sig att lätt finna en annan; men man skakar icke ur ärmen sådan män som han; om han dör, är den fruktansvärdt, att våra saker råka i förfall". Banér hade, sedan GUSTAF ADOLPHS död, verkligen varit det fastaste stöd för Svenskarnas krigsära: bildad i den fullkomnade hjeltens skola, liknande han honom icke allenast till krigiska egenskaper, utan äfven till anletsdragen och man kallade honom den andre Gustaf. Hans förtjenst i synnerhet var, att förstöra de fiendtliga arméerna genom kunniga manövrer, och att bibehålla sin derigenom att han försäkrade henne om fördelaktiga poster. Men han ägde också i hög grad hvad, som i slagtningar är nödvändigt: ett oförskräckt mod, skarpsynthet och fintlighet. Hans lik öfverfördes till Sverige och begrafdes i Riddarholms-kyrkan ej långt från GUSTAF ADOLPHS graf. En griftvärd restes åt honom omkring hundrade år efter hans död å samma tempel af tvenne i Sverige namnkunnige Statsmän, Riks-Rådena Höpken och Scheffer. Hans son var den sista ätteläggen af hans familjegren, hvilkens Stamfader han var, men som hade flere andra mindre grenar, af hvilka några ännu lefva.

Banérs död hade, såsom CHRISTINA, ehuru ung hon var, förespått, olyckliga följder. Väldet af hans förtjenster, och det höga anseende, hvartill han höjt sig, hade bibehållit ordning och disciplin uti en armée, hvilkens fleste officerare eftersträfvade sjelfständighet, en armée, som utgjordes af flere nationers soldater, och som det var svårt att ordentligen aflöna. Så snart Banér blef död, utbröto oordningar och uppror; någre generaler förenade sig för att taga befälet, men förgäfves fordrade de lydnad för sina order. Regementernas öfverstar gjorde en sammangaddning, för att få sina förmåner påökade; soldaterne skockade sig tillsammans, fordrande återstoden af den sold dem tillkom, och de Kejserlige å ena sidan, å den andra Danskarne, sökte få dem att gå öfver till deras parti. Men i Sverige var en fältherre, som, äfven danad af GUSTAF ADOLPH, var i stånd att återställa ordningen och att föra tropparna till striden under skydd af denna disciplin, som i förening med behjertenheten, är en borgen för den goda framgången: det var Öfverbefälhafvaren af artilleriet, Riks-Rådet Lennart Torstenson.

Vid femton års ålder blef Torstenson page hos GUSTAF ADOLPH, och åtföljde till Pohlen sin Monark, som satte värde på hans lyckliga natursgåfvor och gaf honom hastig befordran. Under bataljen af Leipzig och vid öfvergången af Leckströmmen, utmärkte han sig i spetsen för artilleriet. I striden vid Nürnberg 1632 blef han tagen till fånga och förd till Ingolstadt, der man inneslöt honom i ett lågt och fuktigt rum; hvars giftiga utdunstningar förstörde hans helsa. Sedan han efter bataljen vid Lützen blifvit utvexlad, återställdes han småningom, men tärdes beständigt af inrotade plågor. Hans militäriska ifver minskades likväl icke, och han deltog i Banérs bedrifter. Han hade nyss begifvit sig till Sverige, när denne general dog. Efter några, af flere familjers afundsjuka förorsakade, rådplägningar, utnämnde regeringen honom till Fältmarskalk, och han reste till Tyskland mot slutet af år 1641.

Torstensons ankomst var nödvändig; arméen sattes i allt större oreda och fienderna gjorde framsteg. Den nye befälhafvanden använde ömsom försiktighet och ståndaktighet. Öfverlägsenheten af hans snille fjettrade alla sinnen och segrade öfver alla enskilta intressen och afundsamma passioner. Man beundrade icke mindre dristigheten och vidden af hans planer, än den hastighet, hvarmed han utförde dem. Oaktadt sin svaga helsa och de plågor han nästan dageligen erfor, flyttade han sig från en provins till den andra; hvarken uppehållen af årstid eller vågar, använde han alla slags egenskaper, och verkställde än belägringar, än kunniga manövrer, eller lefvererade slagtningar och inträngde med häftighet i fiendens leder.

Innan Torstensons ankomst hade Guébriant skiljt sig från stora arméen, och med Hessiska tropparna tagit vägen till Neder-Rhen; den 17 Januari 1642 slog han vid Kempten General Lamboi, och efter denna seger intog han en stor sträcka land. Torstenson qvarblef någon tid i Neder-Saxen; han organiserade åter arméen och väntade förstärkningar. Hans plan var att förflytta krigsteatern i Kejsarens stater.

De Kejserlige försökte att köra bort honom ur den fördelaktiga position, han förstått att i tid taga; men deras anfall voro onyttige, och tvungne att, för brist af lifsmedel, draga sig tillbaka, förlorade de en del af sin armée. Då öfvergaf Torstenson Neder-Saxen, och låtsade vilja gå öfver till Westphalen; men han hade en annan afsigt. I April månad tog hans armée vägen till Schlesien, och ingick, utan att möta något hinder, i denna provins under det de Kejserlige förgäfves sökte honom annorstädes. Då de återvände, ärnade de hindra Svenskarna; men desse betjenade sig redan af sina fördelar. Stora Glogau intogs med storm och Sweidnitz belägrades. Hertig FRANS ALBREKT af Lauenburg ville med artilleriet komma till fästningens undsättning; Torstenson, som mötte honom vid Zobtenberg den 20 Maj, tog honom sjelf till fånga tillika med 87 af hans officerare, och större delen af den korps han kommenderade. Han dog efter några dagar af de sår, han fått. Sweidnitz gaf sig, och Svenska arméen gjorde ett infall i Mähren. Regeringen anslog henne en förstärkning af 8000 man, som nyss förut rest från Sverige. Ärke-Hertig LEOPOLD och Piccolomini, som imellertid jemväl församlat ett stort antal troppar, satte sig åter i verksamhet. Torstenson belägrade Breslau; men denna belägring blef långvarig, och den Svenske generalen vände sin marsch så, att han hastigare kunde få den förväntade förstärkningen. Då denne förstärkning inträffade, intog han Zittau i de Kejserliges åsyn. Det var der man första gången i detta krig gick i underhandling om fångarnas utvexling.

De Kejserlige hade på Böhmiska gränsen fattat en ganska fördelaktig ställning, och ville ej lefverera drabbning. Torstenson, som icke kunde tränga längre in i Kejsarens länder, beslöt att begifva sig till Saxen och bemäktiga sig den betydande staden Leipzig, för att göra den till medelpunkten för sina nya operationer. Fienden följde honom och begge arméerna befunno sig i hvarandras åsyn på denna samma Breitenfeldts slätt, vid Leipzig, der den store GUSTAF vunnit sin första seger öfver de Kejserlige. Torstenson utfärdade genast sina order till slagtningen, som stod den 23 October 1642; anfallet var förfärligt, somlige stridde för att utplåna minnet af deras nederlag, andre för att upprätthålla minnet af deras seger. Vid bataljens början borttog en kula länden af Torstensons häst, och genomborrade dens hals, på hvilken Prinsen CARL GUSTAF red. De föllo bägge af, men utan att blifva sårade, och Torstenson återtog befälet med en hjeltes lugn, som var van vid stridernas faror och äfventyr. Efter ett långt motstånd, gaf fienden vika, och lemnade på valplatsen mer än 5000 man; Svenskarna gjorde mer än 4500 fångar, och bemäktigade sig 46 kanoner, 69 standarer och 121 fanor föllo i deras våld. Leipzig gaf sig, och vägen till Böhmen blef öppen för Torstenson.

På en annan sida utmärkte sig Königsmark i spetsen för ett detachement, som Torstenson lemnat honom. Han qvarhöll de Kejserlige och Saxarne i Meissen och Franken, skyndade sedan att undsätta Pommern, som hotades af ett fiendtligt infall af Kejserlige Generalen Krackau, och tvang denne general att draga sig tillbaka ända in i Pohlen. Guébriant var mindre lycklig vid Rhen; sedan han fått en dödlig blessyr vid Rothweil, dog han den 23 November 1643, kort efter denna stads intagande. Hans död var en förlust för Frankrike och dess bundsförvandter. Den armée han kommenderade, erfor motgångar i trakten af Duttlingen, och blef betydligt förminskad. Turenne, som anträdde banan, medförde imidlertid förstärkningar, och upplifvade soldaternes mod. En annan Fransk hjelte, Hertigen af Enghien, sedermera den store Condé, samlade lysande lagrar, och förstörde, på Rocroys fällt, Spaniens fruktansvärda härar.

English translation (my own):

If we now turn our eyes towards Germany, we will see there the generals and ministers engaged in great activity, and the movement of negotiations merging with that of military operations. Banér, having spread his army into Saxony, observed the siege of Magdeburg and sought to save that city, but the Saxons succeeded in seizing it and were reinforced by the corps commanded by Marazini.

Banér assembled with Leslie near Lüneburg, and called up a detachment from the army of Pomerania. His whole force consisted of seven thousand infantry and nine thousand cavalry; the enemy had thirteen regiments of infantry and fifteen thousand mounted men. The Swedish general succeeded in driving him out of his entrenched camp, and gave him battle on October 4, 1635, near Wittstock, in the march of Brandenburg.

The right wing made the attack while the left wing turned aside to take the enemy in flank. Before this could arrive, the right wing was obliged to sustain a terrible fight; it had returned ten times to the charge, and was about to give way, when the left wing came to support it, and decided the victory. The Swedes destroyed all the imperial infantry and a great part of that of the Saxons. They disarmed or put to the sword a great number of horsemen and seized one hundred and twenty-five standards, thirty-three cannons, all the baggage, and the Elector's silver service.

This victory created the greatest sensation. The Protestant princes of Germany, who had acceded to the peace of Prague, burst into reproaches against the Elector of Saxony and drew nearer to the Swedes. The King of Denmark, who had flattered himself that he would force Sweden to recognise him as mediator, gave up his hopes, and the Emperor began to doubt his fortune.

It was agreed to open negotiations at Hamburg, where the Emperor sent Count Curt, France Count d'Avaux, and Sweden Chancellor Adler Salvius; but when it was a question of fixing the bases of the preliminaries, Ferdinand refused to admit the states of Germany as allies of France or Sweden. These two powers having declared that this condition was essential, the conferences were interrupted. 

Shortly after, on September 15, 1637, Ferdinand II ended his days, and his son, already King of the Romans, succeeded him under the name of Ferdinand III. It was hoped that this prince would be less opposed to peace. He was of a milder temper than his father and had less aversion to the Protestants. Having traveled through several provinces at the head of the armies, he had seen the terrible effects of war, deserted countrysides, burnt cities, and thousands of families reduced to hunger and misery. However, the favourable moment had not yet arrived, and four years elapsed before pacification was again seriously attended to.

The imperial troops had concentrated into a single body, and after receiving a large number of recruits, they threatened to fall upon the Swedes. Banér, who had his camp near Torgau, was on the point of being shut in, and had no other resource than to proceed towards Pomerania with the greatest dispatch. He succeeded in crossing the Elbe; but having approached the Warta in the month of June 1637, he found before him the whole enemy army, which had warned him by forced marches.

He spread the word that he was going to head for Poland, and, taking advantage of the night, he returned to the Oder and entered Stettin without having suffered any loss, and without Gallas, who commanded the Imperials, having had any suspicion of his march. Banér took, with Herman Wrangel, whom he found in Pomerania, the most effective measures to preserve this country whose last duke, Bogusław XIV, had just died, and whose possession Sweden had long coveted, although the Elector of Brandenburg had rights to assert.

But since Banér's retreat, the Swedes had lost their conquests on the Elbe and were only barely maintaining themselves in Westphalia. The Duke of Weimar, who had made progress towards the Rhine, was not sufficiently supported by the French generals. The Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel, Wilhelm V, who had always remained attached to Sweden, died on September 24, 1637. This death was another incident harmful to the interests of the allies. However, the Landgrave's widow, Amalia Elisabeth, who took the regency on his death, maintained her system and did not allow herself to be intimidated by the threats of the court of Vienna.

The prospect of peace being still remote, and new resources being necessary to Sweden, that power resumed its negotiations with France, and a new treaty was signed at Hamburg, on February 24, 1638, for three years by d'Avaux and Adler Salvius. France engaged to pay half a million livres as arrears of the subsidies stipulated in 1632 — a million for the time which had elapsed without the treaties having been formally renewed, and a million annually during the three years fixed for the new alliance. The two powers were to unite their forces against common enemies, and not to conclude separate peace; they nevertheless reserved the right to treat each in particular.

Gallas undertook several times to seize Pomerania; but, his army having been weakened by diseases and lack of provisions, Banér, who had received reinforcements from Sweden, attacked him and forced him to retreat towards Silesia and Bohemia. Shortly afterwards, the Swedish general, seconded by Torstensson, advanced himself towards these countries, and without being discouraged by a check, which the Swedes had experienced in Westphalia, he gave battle to the imperials and the Saxons near Chemnitz, on April 4, 1639; eight thousand men of the enemy army remained on the spot, and fifteen hundred were taken prisoner.

After this victory, Banér entered Bohemia. Twice he showed himself under the walls of Prague, where the Imperials had shut themselves in; but, not being able to induce them to leave the city, and not being in a condition to undertake the siege, he established his camp at Leitmeritz to await the moment of continuing the operations. Königsmarck having obtained the command in Westphalia, the Swedish arms also resumed their superiority in this part of Germany. At the same time, fame published the exploits of the Duke of Weimar in the Rhine regions.

The Duke of Weimar, having strengthened his army from the beginning of the year 1637, measured himself against the Austrians and the Bavarians. Stopped first by the famous partisan Johann von Werth, he then obtained decisive successes. He took most of the enemy generals and Johann von Werth himself at Rheinfeld. He laid siege to Breisach after having won a brilliant victory and seized this place on October 3, 1638. Amelia Elisabeth, regent of Hesse-Kassel, offered him her hand and he had reached the highest period of his glory.

But death overturned the brilliant hopes that fortune presented to him. A sudden attack put an end to his days; he died on July 18, 1639, at the age of thirty-five, beloved by his soldiers and admired by Europe. It has been suggested without proof that his death was the effect of poison. The Swedish generals claimed command of the troops of which he was the leader, and wished to take possession of the places he had taken.

On the other hand, Karl Ludwig, the son of Friedrich, Elector Palatine, having left Germany, had the project of treating with the Duke's army and flattered himself that it would put him in a position to assert his rights over the Palatinate. He took his route through France; but, arriving at Moulins, he was arrested under the pretext that a person of his rank should not travel in the King's country without having informed him of it. He was taken to Vincennes, where he remained for about six months. Richelieu wanted to transfer the Duke of Weimar's troops to the service of France, which had paid them for some time, and at the same time secure the places they occupied. He achieved his object by attractive offers and by winning over Erlach, who was the first officer.

Banér, who had just consulted with Weimar to penetrate the states of the Emperor, could not remain any longer in Bohemia. The Imperials had been reinforced, and Piccolomini, who commanded them, was a very able leader. In order to resist them with more success, the Swedish general went to Meissen in 1640, and made, near Erfurt, his junction with the French army led by Longueville and Guébriant. He had the command in chief, but he encountered many difficulties in the execution of his plans. In spite of all his efforts, he was unable to deal any significant blows to the Imperials, and he was reduced to defending the land he occupied.

Meanwhile the Emperor received unsatisfactory news concerning the Spaniards, his principal allies. Portugal and Catalonia were in insurrection, Arras had capitulated, and several states of Italy had broken away from Spain. The Reichstag of the Empire was summoned to Regensburg, where Ferdinand III himself went to deliberate with the Estates on the state of affairs.

Banér and Guébriant made plans to take it. In the middle of winter, in 1641, they marched rapidly on Regensburg; their vanguard was already at a short distance from this undefended city, and the ice with which the Danube had become covered seemed to assure an easy passage. But suddenly a great thaw came, the river began to carry ice floes, and it was impossible to build bridges or rafts. The army withdrew, and the Emperor was saved.

Guébriant, who feared that the Swedes would overtake Weimar's troops, having separated from Banér, the latter had to fight against the greatest obstacles to avoid being crushed by the Imperials. First pursued, then threatened with being cut off, and retreating through the snow and frost in a mountainous country, he spent two months amidst worries and alarms. He nevertheless managed to save his army and reunited with Guébriant near Zwickau.

But his health had received a mortal attack. Consumed by a painful fever, he had himself transported on a stretcher to Halberstadt, where he died in the month of May 1641, at the age of forty-four. A year before his death, he had married, amidst the noise of the fighting, Johanna, Princess of Baden, with whom he had fallen deeply in love. His death, like that of the Duke of Weimar, has been attributed to poison, but it is more likely that it was the effect of the fatigue of his campaigns and the excesses to which he sometimes indulged, like many other warriors of his time.

When the news of Banér's illness reached Sweden, Kristina, who was already focusing her attention on public events, wrote to her uncle, Johan Kasimir of Zweibrücken:

"I cannot hide from you the distressing rumours that are circulating here. One says that Banér is ill, and that humanly speaking, he will not be able to recover. He has no one near him in whom he can confide; people take too little trouble about him here, and flatter themselves that they will easily find another, but one does not shake out of the sleeve men like him. If he dies, it is to be feared that our affairs will fall into decline."

Banér had been, in fact, since the death of Gustav Adolf, the firmest support of the military glory of the Swedes. Trained in the school of the crowned hero, he resembled him not only in his warlike qualities, but in his facial features, and he was called the second Gustav. His talent consisted mainly in ruining enemy armies by clever manoeuvers, and in preserving his own by securing advantageous positions for them. But he also possessed to an eminent degree the intrepidity, the eye and the presence of mind necessary in battles.

His body was transported to Sweden and buried in Riddarholm Church, not far from the tomb of Gustav Adolf. A monument was erected to him in the same temple about a hundred years after his death by two statesmen famous in Sweden, the senators Höpken and Scheffer. His son was the last scion of the branch of his family, of which he was the head, but which had several other branches, some of which still exist.

Torstensson, at the age of fifteen, became a page to Gustav Adolf, and accompanied that monarch to Poland, who appreciated his fortunate disposition and advanced him rapidly. He distinguished himself at the head of the artillery during the battle of Leipzig and at the crossing of the Lech. In the combat fought near Nuremberg, in 1632, he was taken prisoner. He was taken to Ingolstadt and shut up in a low and damp place, the mephitic exhalations of which destroyed his health. Having been exchanged after the Battle of Lützen, he gradually recovered, but remained subject to habitual pains.

However, his military ardour did not slacken, and he took part in Banér's exploits. He had just gone to Sweden when that general died. After some deliberations occasioned by the jealousy of several families, the regency appointed him to the chief command, and he left for Germany towards the end of the year 1641.

It was essential that Torstensson should arrive. The army was becoming more and more disorganised, and the enemy was making progress. The new leader employed prudence and firmness in turn. The superiority of his genius enchained all wills and triumphed over all private interests, all jealous passions. The boldness and extent of his plans were admired no less than the speed with which he executed them. In spite of the weakness of his health and the sufferings which he experienced almost daily, he transported himself from one province to another, being held back neither by the season nor by the roads, displaying all kinds of talents, and sometimes making sieges, sometimes skillful manoeuvers or delivering battles, and penetrating with impetuosity into the ranks of the enemy.

Before Torstensson's arrival, Guébriant had detached himself from the great army, and had taken with the troops of Hesse the road to the Lower Rhine. On January 17, 1642, he defeated General Lambois near Kempten, and after this victory he occupied a large area of land. Torstensson remained for some time in Lower Saxony. he reorganised the army, and awaited reinforcements. His plan was to transfer the theater of war to the states of the Emperor.

The Imperials tried to dislodge him from the advantageous position which he had managed to take in time, but their attacks were useless, and, obliged to withdraw for lack of provisions, they lost part of their army. Then Torstensson abandoned Lower Saxony and pretended to want to pass into Westphalia, but he had another design.

In the month of April, his army took the road to Silesia, and, without encountering any obstacles, it entered this province while the Imperials searched in vain for it elsewhere. Retracing their steps, they proposed to stop the Swedes, but the latter were already profiting from their advantages. Groß-Glogau was taken by assault, and Schweidnitz was besieged.

Duke Franz Albrecht of Lauenburg wanted to go to the aid of the place with the cavalry. Torstensson having met him near Zobtenberg, on May 20, took him prisoner himself, as well as eighty-seven of his officers, and a large part of the corps he commanded. He died in a few days from the wounds he had received. Schweidnitz surrendered, and the Swedish army made an invasion of Moravia. The regency intended for him a reinforcement of eight thousand men, who had just left Sweden.

Meanwhile, Archduke Leopold Wilhelm and Piccolomini, having also collected a large number of troops, resumed their activity. Torstensson laid siege to Breslau, but this siege dragged on, and the Swedish general made his way so as to receive more promptly the reinforcement he expected. When this reinforcement arrived, he took Zittau in sight of the Imperials. It was there that the exchange of prisoners was first discussed in this war.

The Imperials had taken a very advantageous position on the frontiers of Bohemia and refused battle. Torstensson, not being able to penetrate further into the Emperor's lands, resolved to go to Saxony and to seize the important city of Leipzig to make it the center of his new operations. The enemy followed him and the two armies found themselves in sight of each other in this same plain of Breitenfeld, near Leipzig, where the great Gustav had won his first victory over the Imperials.

Torstensson immediately gave his orders for the battle. It took place on October 23, 1642. The shock was terrible, some fighting to erase the memory of their defeat, others to sustain that of their triumph. At the beginning of the battle a cannonball tore off the rump of Torstensson's horse and pierced the neck of the one mounted by Prince Karl Gustav. They both fell to the ground, but without being wounded, and Torstensson resumed the command with the calmness of a hero accustomed to the hazards and perils of combat.

The enemy, after a long resistance, yielded, leaving on the battlefield more than five thousand men. The Swedes took more than four thousand five hundred prisoners and seized forty-six cannon. Sixty-nine standards and one hundred and twenty-one flags fell into their power. Leipzig surrendered, and the road to Bohemia was opened to Torstensson.

The army which he commanded suffered reverses in the canton of Dötlingen, and was considerably diminished. However, Turenne, who was entering his career, brought reinforcements, and revived the courage of the soldiers. Another French hero, the Duke of Enghien, later the Great Condé, gathered brilliant laurels and destroyed, in the plain of Rocroi, the formidable phalanxes of Spain.

Notes: Stettin is the German name for the town of Szczecin in what is now the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in Poland.

Leitmeritz is the German name for Litoměřice, a town in the Ústí nad Labem region of what is now the Czech Republic.

Groß-Glogau is the old German name for the city of Głogów in what is now the Lower Silesian Voivodeship in western Poland.

Schweidnitz is the old German name for the city of Świdnica in what is now the Lower Silesian Voivodeship in western Poland.

Zobtenberg is the old German name for Ślęża Mountain in the Sudeten Foothills of Poland.

Breslau is the old German name for the city of Wrocław in the historical region of Silesia in what is now southwestern Poland.

Jacques Lacombe on more of the affairs of Sweden in Germany

Source:

Histoire de Christine, reine de Suede, pages 66 to 73, by Jacques Lacombe, 1762

https://archive.org/details/histoiredechris00lacogoog/page/n85/mode/2up

Kristina's letter of May 23/June 2 (Old Style), 1641 to Johan Kasimir (not to Karl Gustav) is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2021/06/kristinas-letter-to-count-palatine.html

The account:

Cependant Banier tenta une entreprise aussi hardie que difficile. Il se mit à la tête de l'avant-garde de son armée, & s'approcha de Ratisbonne, où l'Empereur & les Etats de l'Empire étoient assemblés. Il vouloit les surprendre, & finir cette guerre par un coup d'éclat. Les troupes Impériales étoient dispersées & en quartier d'hyver, le Danube étoit glacé; tout concouroit en apparence pour faciliter ce grand dessein. Mais un dégel subit arrêta le Général Suédois, lorsqu'il étoit sur le point de traverser le fleuve; & la grande quantité des glaçons empêcha de construire un pont de bateaux. Le Comte de Guébriant se sépara en même tems avec ses troupes, de l'armée Suédoise, & se retira vers le Mein, quelques instances que lui fît Banier de ne point l'abandonner. L'alarme se répandit dans Ratisbonne. On eut le temps de rassembler les troupes. Les Suédois furent dans un pressant danger, environnés d'ennemis, & menacés d'être accablés par le nombre. Banier prit la fuite par la forêt de Bohême. Les Impériaux s'amuserent imprudemment au siege de Ratisbonne, & laisserent ainsi échapper l'occasion de se venger. L'Armée Suédoise prévint heureusement d'une demi-heure Picolomini qui, à la tête de l'infanterie des Impériaux, accouroit pour surprendre les Suédois au passage de Priesnitz: il fut arrêté lui-même, & forcé de se retirer.

La Suede perdit un puissant allié par la mort de Georges de Lunebourg. Les Ministres de sa maison ne suivirent point son plan, ils consulterent plus leurs intérêts particuliers, que ceux de la cause commune.

Le Landgrave de Hesse, le Comte de Schaumbourg, périrent vers le même tems; mais aucune perte ne se fit sentir plus vivement que celle du Général Banier. Ce grand homme, l'éleve de Gustave, son ami & son confident, lui ressembloit parfaitement pour l'extérieur de la personne, & plus encore par les qualités du cœur, & par l'étendue & la vivacité du génie. Il avoit perfectionné l'art de la guerre; il réunissoit la prudence avec la valeur, & la sagesse du conseil avec l'activité de l'exécution. On admiroit le plan de ses campagnes; il sembloit lire dans l'avenir; il savoit amener & préparer les événemens. Il n'y eut jamais de citoyen plus zélé pour la gloire de sa patrie. Christine, toute jeune qu'elle étoit, connoissoit mieux que sa cour, combien son trône pouvoit être ébranlé par la chûte de ce Général. Elle écrivit au Prince Charles Gustave [sic]: "Je viens d'apprendre la triste & accablante nouvelle de la maladie de Banier. On m'assure qu'il n'en réchappera pas. Ici on ne se soucie guere de cette nouvelle, & l'on s'imagine de trouver dans peu un pareil homme. Mais de tels personnages sont rares; si Banier meurt, les affaires iront toujours en décadence."

Les malheurs que cette Reine avoit prévus arriverent. Le désordre se mit dans l'armée Suédoise. Les alliés se diviserent; les Impériaux profiterent de l'alarme de leurs ennemis, ils remporterent un avantage considérable près de Quedlinbourg; ils rentrerent en possession des principales places de la Silésie. Léonard Torstenson, successeur de Banier dans le commandement des troupes, tomba malade, & fut contraint de rester longtems dans l'inaction.

Mais ce Général, ayant recouvré la santé, ouvrit la campagne avec éclat, & se signala par son activité & par la rapidité de ses succès. Il traversa toutes les démarches des Impériaux, & les surprit dans leurs propres pieges. Les Suédois, animés par un chef vif & entreprenant, reprirent leur ancienne supériorité: leur courage, dirigé par la prudence, fixa la victoire sous leurs étendarts. Ils triompherent en Westphalie; ils reprirent leur revanche près de Quedlinbourg. Torstenson les conduisit vainqueurs en Silésie, & reprit d'assaut les principales places. Il désir la cavalerie de François Albert, Duc de Saxe Lawenbourg, qui voloit au secours des Impériaux. Ce Prince fut lui-même obligé de se rendre prisonnier, & mourut peu de tems après de ses blessures. La Westphalie, la Moravie, la Saxe, devinrent successivement les théatres des exploits des Suédois. Les Impériaux rassemblerent toutes leurs forces, pour arrêter ce torrent qui ne connoissoit plus de digue. L'Archiduc Léopold Guillaume & le Général Picolomini ayant confondu leurs armées, firent une marche forcée, se fiant sur le nombre supérieur de leurs troupes. Les deux nations ennemies se trouverent en présence, dans une plaine, près de Breitenfeld, déja fameuse par une victoire du Grand Gustave. L'action commença par une décharge de la grosse artillerie. On remarqua alors qu'un même boulet de canon tua les chevaux sur lesquels Torstenson & deux autres Officiers étoient montés, sans qu'aucun des cavaliers fût blessé. Les Suédois firent des prodiges de valeur, ils combattoient dans les champs déja témoins de leur gloire: ils laisserent sur la place cinq mille Impériaux, ils firent deux mille cinq cens prisonniers, & ne perdirent que deux mille hommes. Cette journée, si glorieuse pour la Suede, fut suivie de la prise de Léipsic & de plusieurs avantages considérables remportés par les troupes de Hesse & de Weimar, qui s'ouvrirent un passage dans le pays de Cologne & de Juliers.

Swedish translation (my own; I cannot find any digitisation of the 1765 Swedish translation by Erik Ekholm):

Emellertid försökte Banér ett företag så djärvt som det var svårt. Han ställde sig i spetsen för sin armés avantgarde och närmade sig Regensburg, där kejsaren och Imperiets Ständer samlades. Han ville överraska dem och avsluta detta krig med ett lysande slag. De kejserliga trupperna skingrades, och i vinterkvarteret var Donau frusen. Allt har tydligen konspirerat för att underlätta denna fantastiska dessäng.

Men en plötslig upptining stoppade den svenske generalen när han skulle gå över floden; och den stora mängden is hindrade byggandet av en pontonbro. Greven de Guébriant skilde sig samtidigt med sina trupper, från den svenska armén, och drog sig tillbaka mot Main, trots Banérs bön om att inte överge den. Larmet spred sig i Regensburg. Det fanns tid att samla trupperna.

Svenskarna var i trängande fara, omgivna av fiender och hotade att bli överväldigade av siffror. Banér flydde genom den böhmiska skogen. De kejserliga roade sig oförsiktigt med belägringen av Regensburg och släppte därmed möjligheten att hämnas. Den svenska armén gav lyckligtvis en halvtimmes varsel till Piccolomini, som i spetsen för det kejserliga infanteriet skyndade sig för att överraska svenskarna vid passagen av Prießnitz. Han stoppades själv och tvingades dra sig tillbaka.

Landgreven av Hessen, greven av Schaumburg, omkom ungefär samtidigt; men ingen förlust kändes skarpare än general Banérs. Denne store man, eleven till Gustav, hans vän och förtrogne, liknade honom fullkomligt till det yttre av hans person, och ännu mer i hans hjärtas egenskaper och i omfattningen och livligheten av hans genialitet. Han hade fulländat krigskonsten; han förenade klokhet med tapperhet och rådsvishet med avrättningsaktivitet. Planen för hans kampanjer beundrades; han tycktes läsa framtiden; han visste hur han skulle åstadkomma och förbereda evenemang. Det har aldrig funnits en medborgare som var mer nitisk för sitt lands ära.

Kristina, ung som hon än var, visste bättre än sitt hov hur mycket hennes tron kunde skakas av denne generals fall. Hon skrev till prins Karl Gustav [sic]:

»Jag har nyss fått veta den sorgliga och överväldigande nyheten om Banérs sjukdom. Jag är säker på att han inte kommer att överleva. Här bryr sig ingen mycket om denna nyhet, och man tänker sig att man snart kommer att finna en sådan man. Men sådana människor är sällsynta; om Banér dör, kommer affärerna alltid att falla i förfall.«

De olyckor som denna drottning hade förutsett inträffade. Oordning bröt ut i den svenska armén. De allierade var splittrade; de kejserliga utnyttjade sina fienders larm. De fick en betydande fördel nära Quedlinburg; de återtog de viktigaste platserna i Schlesien. Lennart Torstensson, Banérs efterträdare i truppbefälet, insjuknade och tvingades förbli inaktiv under lång tid.

Men denne general, efter att ha återhämtat sig, inledde kampanjen med glans och utmärkte sig genom sin verksamhet och genom snabbheten i sina framgångar. Han korsade alla kejserliga infallsvinklar och överraskade dem i deras egna fällor.

Svenskarna, besjälade av en livlig och företagsam ledare, återupptog sin forna överlägsenhet: deras mod, styrt av klokhet, säkrade segern under deras normer. De triumferade i Westfalen; de tog sin hämnd nära Quedlinburg. Torstensson ledde dem segrande in i Schlesien och återtog huvudplatserna genom anfall. Han önskade kavalleriet av Franz Albrecht, hertig av Sachsen-Lauenburg, som flög till kejsarnas hjälp. Denne furste var själv skyldig att överlämna sig själv som fånge och dog kort därefter av sina sår. Westfalen, Mähren och Sachsen blev successivt teatrar för svenskarnas bedrifter.

De kejserliga samlade alla sina styrkor för att stoppa denna ström som inte längre kände en damm. Ärkehertig Leopold Wilhelm och general Piccolomini gjorde, efter att ha förvirrat sina arméer, en påtvingad marsch och förlitade sig på det överlägsna antalet av sina trupper. De två fientliga nationerna befann sig ansikte mot ansikte, på en slätt nära Breitenfeld, redan känd för en seger för den store Gustav.

Åtgärden började med ett urladdning av tungt artilleri. Det noterades då att samma kanonkula dödade hästarna på vilka Torstensson och två andra officerare var besatta, utan att någon av kavaljererna skadades. Svenskarna gjorde prodigier av tapperhet, de kämpade på fälten redan vittna om deras ära. De lämnade fem tusen kejsare på plats, de tog två tusen fem hundra fångar och förlorade bara två tusen män.

Denna dag, så härlig för Sverige, följdes av erövringen av Leipzig och flera betydande fördelar som Hessens och Weimars trupper vann, som öppnade en passage in i landet Köln och Gülich.

English translation (my own):

In the meantine, Banér attempted an enterprise as bold as it was difficult. He placed himself at the head of the vanguard of his army, and approached Regensburg, where the Emperor and the Estates of the Empire were assembled. He wanted to surprise them and end this war with a brilliant stroke. The imperial troops were dispersed, and in the winter quarter the Danube was frozen. Everything apparently conspired to facilitate this great design.

But a sudden thaw stopped the Swedish general when he was about to cross the river; and the large quantity of ice prevented the construction of a pontoon bridge. The Count de Guébriant separated at the same time with his troops, from the Swedish army, and withdrew towards the Main, despite Banér's entreaties not to abandon it. The alarm spread in Regensburg. There was time to assemble the troops.

The Swedes were in pressing danger, surrounded by enemies, and threatened with being overwhelmed by numbers. Banér fled through the Bohemian forest. The Imperials imprudently amused themselves with the siege of Regensburg and thus let slip the opportunity of revenge. The Swedish army fortunately gave half an hour's notice to Piccolomini, who, at the head of the imperial infantry, was rushing to surprise the Swedes at the passage of Prießnitz. He was himself stopped and forced to withdraw.

Sweden lost a powerful ally through the death of Georg of Lüneburg. The ministers of his house did not follow his plan. They consulted more their particular interests, than those of the common cause.

The Landgrave of Hesse, the Count of Schaumburg, perished at about the same time; but no loss was felt more keenly than that of General Banér. This great man, the pupil of Gustav, his friend and confidant, resembled him perfectly in the exterior of his person, and even more in the qualities of his heart, and in the extent and vivacity of his genius. He had perfected the art of war; he united prudence with valour, and wisdom of counsel with activity of execution. The plan of his campaigns was admired; he seemed to read the future; he knew how to bring about and prepare events. There was never a citizen more zealous for the glory of his country.

Kristina, young as she was, knew better than her court how much her throne could be shaken by the fall of this general. She wrote to Prince Karl Gustav [sic]:

"I have just learned the sad and overwhelming news of Banér's illness. I am assured that he will not survive. Here no one cares much about this news, and one imagines that one will soon find such a man. But such people are rare; if Banér dies, affairs will always fall into decline."

The misfortunes that this queen had foreseen came to pass. Disorder broke out in the Swedish army. The allies were divided; the Imperials took advantage of the alarm of their enemies. They gained a considerable advantage near Quedlinburg; they regained possession of the principal places of Silesia. Lennart Torstensson, Banér's successor in command of the troops, fell ill and was forced to remain inactive for a long time.

But this general, having recovered his health, opened the campaign with brilliance and distinguished himself by his activity and by the rapidity of his successes. He crossed all the approaches of the Imperials and surprised them in their own traps.

The Swedes, animated by a lively and enterprising leader, resumed their former superiority: their courage, directed by prudence, secured the victory under their standards. They triumphed in Westphalia; they took their revenge near Quedlinburg. Torstensson led them victorious into Silesia and retook the principal places by assault. He desired the cavalry of Franz Albrecht, Duke of Saxony-Lauenburg, who flew to the aid of the Imperials. This prince was himself obliged to surrender himself as prisoner and died shortly afterwards of his wounds. Westphalia, Moravia and Saxony successively became the theaters of the exploits of the Swedes.

The Imperials gathered all their forces to stop this torrent which no longer knew a dam. Archduke Leopold Wilhelm and General Piccolomini, having confused their armies, made a forced march, relying on the superior number of their troops. The two enemy nations found themselves face to face, in a plain, near Breitenfeld, already famous for a victory of the great Gustav.

The action began with a discharge of heavy artillery. It was then noted that the same cannonball killed the horses on which Torstensson and two other officers were mounted, without any of the cavaliers being wounded. The Swedes performed prodigies of valour, they fought in the fields already witness to their glory. They left five thousand Imperials on the spot, they took two thousand five hundred prisoners, and lost only two thousand men.

This day, so glorious for Sweden, was followed by the capture of Leipzig and several considerable advantages won by the troops of Hesse and Weimar, who opened a passage into the land of Cologne and Gülich.