Francis William Bain on Kristina's resentment of Axel Oxenstierna burning out, on Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie's jealousy of her other favourites, and on his fall from her grace

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 198 to 209, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library

https://archive.org/details/christinaqueenof00bain/page/198/mode/2up

Kristina's famous letter of December 5/15 (Old Style) to Magnus de la Gardie is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/05/kristinas-letter-to-magnus-de-la-gardie.html

Magnus's letter of November 28/December 8 (Old Style), 1653 to Axel Oxenstierna, is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2023/03/magnus-de-la-gardies-letter-to-axel.html

Kristina's letter to Axel Oxenstierna, written sometime in early or mid-December 1653, is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/02/kristinas-letter-to-axel-oxenstierna.html

Oxenstierna's reply to her, of December 22, 1653/January 1, 1654 (Old Style), is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2021/07/axel-oxenstiernas-letter-to-kristina-on.html

His letter of December 24, 1653/January 3, 1654 (Old Style), to his son Erik Oxenstierna is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2021/07/excerpt-from-axel-oxenstiernas-letter_17.html

The account:

The opposition between Christina and the Chancellor had arisen from, and depended upon, their antagonistic view of the proper policy to be followed in settling the affairs of Germany. Having gained her object in the Peace of Westphalia, this cause of difference ceased to exist, especially as she had now long since established her independent position. In view, too, of her resignation, she was desirous of standing well with all parties in the State; and hence, as the factitious party formed by her for a special end, to oppose that of the Chancellor, began to fall to pieces, being no longer required, the influence of Oxenstiern and the aristocracy began once more to regain its old position. This was agreeable to the nobles, who therefore strongly opposed any scheme of abdication in favour of Prince Charles, carefully though he paid his court to all; he himself, on the other hand, and then the generals of the army, who looked forward to a war, were prepared to support it. To these belonged Count Magnus, who depended either on the Queen or on the Prince, and was hated by the nobles for his connection with France. His position was now becoming ambiguous. Christina's new relations with Pimentelli, and the comparative shelving of himself and the French, as he thought, gave him cause for great uneasiness. He began to suspect his favour was declining, and sought to remedy this by expostulating with her, accusing her of allowing herself to be influenced against him by backbiters. His petulant suspicions irritated her to an extreme degree, partly because they assumed her capable of such meanness, partly because they seemed to imply he had claims upon her. In spite of all that has been said to her disadvantage, there is not the shadow of a proof that she ever regarded him from any other point of view than that of a patron, and the summary way she dismissed him, as one of her biographers has said, is clear evidence that she never was anything else to him. The base character of De la Gardie, who never lost a chance of damaging her afterwards, would have caught at any straw in his power to blacken her reputation in order to save his own. During the whole time he was in favour, he was not two years in all at Court; and the facts now to be related will show that Christina saw through him long before the crash came, through his own folly.

Already, as has been noticed, the Count fixed his suspicions on Bourdelot as the author of his declining influence; he complained to the Queen of him, who told him she did not believe him; and Bourdelot himself happening to come by, "told her Majesty that he knew well he had many enemies at Court, who endeavoured to ruin him in the opinion of the great, but that no one would ever be able to prove that he had spoken to any one's detriment." The Count produced two witnesses; but in the presence of the Queen they did not dare to charge Bourdelot to his face with their accusations, and the Queen declared they were impostors. She forbade them to appear again in her sight, saying "they were all French, and creatures of the Count."

Finding that he had only done himself harm by this attempt, De la Gardie demanded permission to retire from Stockholm to his country house, which the Queen refused, telling him that his presence was necessary on business (he was Grand Treasurer at the time). Soon after this the Count finally ruined himself by a somewhat similar endeavour.

Having to speak to the Queen, on matters connected with the state of the finances, one day after a meeting of the Senate she retained him alone with her. The Count immediately began to harangue her on her present misinterpretation of his sentiments, and regretted that she should have complained of him, saying "that he had acted treacherously towards her, but that she would not punish him for his bad faith herself, but leave it to the Prince to do so; yet would not be displeased should others affront him;" this he said he had learned from some one very near her Majesty's person, who told him he had it from her Majesty's own mouth. The Queen, much surprised, told him he ought to know her better than to suppose her capable of such a thing, ... and she bade him tell her who was his informant. He said it was Steinberg, her chief Equerry. "I cannot believe it", said the Queen, "he is a man of too much honour to tell such lies." She averred that if Steinberg allowed he had said it, she would admit having made the complaint. Accordingly, Steinberg and some senators were summoned from the antechamber by the Queen herself, who told him what the Count had said, and bade him say whether he acknowledged it. Steinberg replied he was astonished that Count Magnus, for whom he had always had respect and affection, should calumniate him to the Queen and seek his ruin in this way; he solemnly swore he had never heard her Majesty say any such thing. ... The Queen, satisfied with Steinberg's disavowal, and feeling pity for the Count, did not wish to proceed any further in the matter; but Steinberg considered it concerned his own honour to know who had told this to the Count, and the Queen approved his judgment, not sorry to see that he wished to sift the matter, as she was beginning to get tired of the Count's repeated attempts to prejudice her against others. Accordingly Steinberg went to the Count's house, and begged him to give him the name of the person who had slandered him; the Count, with profuse apologies, said he was quite willing to take his word for it, that his informant was a rascal. This did not satisfy Steinberg, but as he could not induce De la Gardie to disclose his authority, he went to the Queen to beg her to interfere. Christina sent Prince Adolphus to require the Count to give his informant's name; but the latter begged to decline to do so, as he had promised to keep his name a secret. The Queen sent the Prince to him again, telling him that he must; she had taken upon her to defend Steinberg's honour. Count Magnus thereupon declared, after deprecating any disgrace for him, that it was Schlippenbach, Colonel and Grand Seneschal at Stockholm. The Queen bade him write to him, as she would herself, to come to Upsala. "The Count wrote him a rigmarole which no one could understand." Schlippenbach came immediately; the day after[,] the Count sent him four friends to ask him whether he would not maintain that Steinberg had said the thing. He said positively, "No; he saw well that they were trying to ruin him; but he would speak the truth to her Majesty, and show himself a man of honour." On December 18, the Queen summoned Schlippenbach, Count Magnus, Steinberg, the senators, and the other chief men in the Court, who had been present before. She made a speech on the whole question, and told the Count to restate the matter alleged to have come from Schlippenbach; she then took the latter by the button of his doublet, and said to him, "Understand that I am prepared to own it, if Steinberg says I said it." Schlippenbach answered, that he did not know what Count Magnus meant; that he had never told him what he alleged; that Steinberg had never spoken to him of it, nor he himself to the Count, of Steinberg: except that once, dining with the Count, he had said to him, that it was obvious the Queen no longer had the same esteem for him as formerly, and that Steinberg was in great favour; on which point the Count had often spoken to him, as a thing he could not bear. The Count thereupon told him he was a rascal, and lied like a Schelm. Schlippenbach answered he was himself a man of honour, but as to the Count, he was not acting like an honourable man. The Count said it was true there were no witnesses, because the affair had taken place in private: Schlippenbach protested he had never spoken to him tête-à-tête, on which the Count fell into great confusion. The Queen, taking pity on him, said this was a matter which did not concern her, and withdrew. The Count sent to beg permission to bring Schlippenbach to justice: the Queen replied, such a course would only end in his own confusion. After dinner on the same day, the Count, through Prince Adolphus, begged her to let him go into the country to settle his domestic affairs, not to suffer Schlippenbach at the Court, and not to speak of the matter to his disadvantage. The Queen, astonished at these demands, sent to him to say, she not only permitted but ordered him to leave town, and go wherever he chose, except to her Court, to which he was not to return till he had cleared himself to his honour; as for Schlippenbach, she could not think of it; as to his third demand, he might console himself in his disgrace by the thought that, had she not retained some goodwill towards him, severer measures would have been used; all she could do for him was to pity his self-inflicted misfortune. The Count, though he ought to have gone that evening, waited till the next day, in hopes she might relent; finding she did not, he sent her a letter by Prince Adolphus, which she read twice, saying each time, "Poor Count!" She sent no answer, and the Count departed on the following day to a country house ten leagues from Stockholm. He was dissuaded from challenging Schlippenbach by the representations of the nobles, that being the fifth man in the Senate, the inequality of rank forbade it. Subsequently he wrote to the Queen, and received the following crushing reply: —

"SIR,

"As you express a wish to see me again after your disgrace, I am obliged to tell you how opposed this wish is to your advantage; and I write this letter to remind you of the reasons which prevent me from listening to it, and which ought to convince you, too, that the interview is useless to your repose. It is not for me to bring remedies for your misfortune: it is to yourself you must look for the reparation of your honour. What can you hope from me? or what can I do, except pity you and blame you? The friendship I had for you compels me to do both; and whatever indulgence I have had for you, I cannot, without giving myself the lie, pardon you the crime you have committed against yourself. Do not imagine I am angry with you — I assure you I am not. I am henceforth incapable of feeling any other sentiment for you than that of pity, which can do you no good, since you have yourself rendered useless the sentiments of goodwill I had for you. You are unworthy by your own confession, and you have yourself pronounced the decree of your banishment in the sight of several persons of rank who were present. I have confirmed this decree because I found it just, and I am not ready to undo it, as you are given to suppose. After what you have done and suffered, dare you show yourself to me? You make me feel ashamed when I think how many base actions you have stooped to, how often you have submitted to those whom you have so grievously injured. In this unfortunate affair, no spark of magnanimity or generosity has appeared in your conduct. Were I capable of repenting, I should regret having ever contracted a friendship with a soul so feeble as yours; but this weakness is unworthy of me, and, having always acted as reason dictated, I ought not to blame the veil I have thrown over the course of events. I would have preserved this all my life had not your imprudence compelled me to declare myself against you. Honour compels me to do it openly, and justice forces it upon me. I have done too much for you these nine years, in that I have always blindly taken your part against all. But now that you abandon your dearest interests, I am released from all further care of them. You have yourself betrayed a secret which I had resolved to keep all my life, by showing that you were unworthy of the fortune I built for you. If you are determined to hear my reproaches, you can come to me; I consent on this condition. But do not hope that tears or submission will ever force me to yield a hair's-breadth. The only favour I can do for you is to remember you but little, and speak of you less; being determined never to mention you except to blame you. For I ought to show you that you are unworthy of my esteem after a fault like yours. That is all I had to do for you. Remember, however, that you are yourself to blame for what has occurred to your disgrace, and that I am just towards you as I always will be for all the world.

"CHRISTINA.

"Upsala, Dec. 5, 1653."

Throughout the whole of this narration the native baseness of the Count is clearly seen. And when we remember that the Count's household were nearly all French, and that he was especially connected with the French interests, we have the solution of many a slander directed against the Queen in later years. Even he did not venture to apply again to Christina directly, but great efforts were made by his friends to revoke her decision. Prince Charles wrote in his behalf, but Christina sent him an account of the transaction, and remained inflexible. Count Magnus actually applied to his old enemy the Chancellor, to get him to use his reviving influence with Christina; to which appeal Oxenstiern retorted, it is said, by quoting the words De la Gardie had in his sunny days used of the Chancellor, "that he doted, being already in his second childhood, and no longer capable of giving counsel", at the same time bidding him observe that he could now do nothing for him but bewail his misfortune. To the Queen, who wrote to appeal to his judgment, Oxenstiern replied that he approved her action, yet was inclined to mercy; to his son Eric he described the Count as having brought it upon himself, and as little capable of supporting bad as good fortune. Although the Senate interceded for him, Christina refused to alter her resolution; saying that on his accession the Prince might do what he liked, but that she did not wish to hear of him again. Count Magnus took the mean revenge of testifying his joy when he heard of her resolution to resign, and expected that Charles would restore him to favour as soon as he came to the throne; but the latter declared that his gratitude to Christina would never permit him to let any person approach him who had been in her bad graces. Notwithstanding, the Count did return, and was foremost in thwarting all Christina's wishes and projects in later years, as will be seen. He lived to display his baseness on a grander stage by taking bribes from Louis XIV., as Chancellor of Sweden, and contributing largely to the downfall and degradation of his country; but Nemesis overtook him under Charles IX. The state in which he closed his contemptible and consistent career is an ironical commentary on its brilliant outset, and furnishes an edifying instance of retributive justice such as history does not often afford.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Axel Oxenstierna.

Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.

Notes: Schelm = rogue (skälm).

"The Italics are ours." - Bain

Francis William Bain on Kristina surviving the 1647 assassination attempt and the 1652 near-drowning incident, and on her calm, fearless, joking or trivialising reactions and strong presence of mind during them

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 209 to 210, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library

https://archive.org/details/christinaqueenof00bain/page/208/mode/2up

The account:

On more than one occasion Christina's life was in danger, and in every case she displayed the same cool courage and presence of mind. In 1647, in the Castle Church, a lunatic seized the moment when the congregation was kneeling after the sermon was over, to rush into the elevated gallery, where she was, and got within two steps of her; quite unmoved, she rose, and pushed her Captain of the Guards, who seized him by the hair. It was doubtful what the man's intentions were; two knives were found on him; however that may be, the incident showed the steadiness of the Queen's nerves. In June, 1652, she went at four in the morning to inspect the fleet which was being fitted up at Stockholm. While Admiral Herman Fleming was showing her a new ship, they were standing together on a plank; it suddenly tilted up, and the Admiral fell into the sea, in very deep water, dragging the Queen after him; fortunately her Equerry, Steinberg, being close by, jumped in just in time to seize her by the skirt of her dress, only just visible, as the Admiral, who had sunk, was clutching hold of her petticoats. Several people hurried up, and succeeded in getting her on board. Though she had fallen in head first and swallowed a lot of water, she was no sooner pulled out than she bade them save the Admiral, who was still grasping her clothes. So far from blaming him for this, she praised him, as he would certainly have drowned if he had not. She was moreover, she said, used to drinking cold water, only not salt and dirty; but the Admiral, she maliciously added, must have found the change from beer and wine unpleasant. She made no fuss about it, and dined in public as if nothing had happened.

Above: Kristina.

Notes: The man who tried to assassinate Kristina was Christoffer Presbeckius.

The incident where Kristina and Herman Fleming almost drowned happened in May 1652, not June.

salt = salty.

Kristina's open letter for Anton Steinberg, dated April 30/May 10 (Old Style), 1661

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 250 in K 89; Utgångna och ingångna skrivelser; Drottning Kristina d. y. (Christina Alexandra); Svenska drottningars arkivaliesamlingar i riksarkivet; Kungliga arkiv

https://sok.riksarkivet.se/nad?postid=Arkis+6fd2562f-1eb6-4fa4-90be-b830f4d5eb53&s=Balder

The letter (copy):

Christina Alexandra.

Giöre witterligen Oß hafwa af serdeeles Nådhe och gunstige benägenheet bewilliat och förvndt, efftersåsom Wij och i detta Wårt öpne brefs krafft förvnne och bewillie Oß Elskelige Wälborne Her Anthon von Stenbergh Grefwe till Eneköping etc. att måga vthi [...] ifrån dato effterfölliande Åhr, Siöledhes herifrån Wår Stadh Norköping vthskeppa Fämhundradhe Skeppundh Går Koppar, och dervthaf till Sin egen nÿtta, niuta och vpbära, dhen licent och Tull Oß elliest dervthaf bordhe tillfalla och bethalas, Och fördhenskuldh wardher Wår Skattmestare och General Gouverneur, sampt SiöTulls betiändte å dhenna Ohrten Nådeligen och alfwarligen anbefalla dhe, att dhe Wälbem:te Grefwe Stenbergh samma Wårt Gratial oturberat åthniuta låtha, och samma Post såledhes i Wåre Rekningar afföre. Till ÿttermehra wisso etc. etc. Datum Norköping den 30. Aprill 1661 ⸓

Christina Alexandra.

J: Stropp

With modernised spelling:

Kristina Alexandra.

Göre veterligen Oss hava av särdeles nåde och gunstiga benägenhet beviljat och förunt, eftersåsom Vi ock i detta Vårt öppna brevs kraft förunne och bevilje Oss älsklige välborne herr Anton von Steinberg, greve till Enköping, etc., att måga uti [...] ifrån dato efterföljande år sjöledes härifrån Vår Stad Norrköping utskeppa femhundrade skeppund går koppar och därutav till sin egen nytta njuta och uppbära. Den licent och tull Oss eljest därutav borde tillfalla och betalas; och fördenskull varder Vår skattmästare och generalguvernör samt sjötullsbetjänte å denna orten nådeligen och allvarligen anbefallande att de välbemälde greve Steinberg samma Vårt gratial oturberat åtnjuta låta och samma post således i Våra räkningar avföre. Till yttermera visso, etc., etc. Datum Norrköping, den 30 april 1661.

Kristina Alexandra.

J. Stropp.

French translation (my own):

Christine Alexandra.

Nous faisons savoir par la présente que, par une grâce particulière et une disposition bienveillante, Nous avons accordé, et Nous accordons également par cette Notre présente lettre ouverte, à Notre cher et bien né sieur Antoine de Steinberg, comte d'Enköping, etc., le droit d'expédier par mer, dès l'année prochaine et depuis Notre Ville de Norrköping, cinq cents skeppunds de cuivre raffiné, dont il pourra jouir et percevoir les revenus. Les droits et taxes afférents Nous seront dus. Nous recommandons donc gracieusement et sérieusement à Notre trésorier et gouverneur général, ainsi qu'à Notre officier des douanes maritimes en ce lieu, de laisser ledit comte Steinberg bénéficier pleinement de cette gratification et d'inscrire ce montant dans Nos comptes. En foi de quoi, etc., etc. Faite à Norrköping, le 30 avril 1661.

Christine Alexandra.

J. Stropp.

English translation (my own):

Kristina Alexandra.

We hereby make known that We have, out of particular grace and favourable disposition, granted and bestowed, as We also, by the power of this Our open letter, do grant and bestow on Our well-beloved and well-born Lord Anton von Steinberg, Count of Enköping, etc., to be able to [...] ship out by sea starting in the following year and from here, Our City of Norrköping, five hundred ship-pounds of refined copper and to enjoy and collect therefrom for his own benefit. The license and duty should otherwise accrue and be paid to Us; and We therefore graciously and seriously recommend to Our treasurer and governor general as well as to Our sea customs officer at this place that they let the said Count Steinberg enjoy Our same gratuity undisturbed and that they thus enter the same post into Our accounts. For further assurance, etc., etc. Given at Norrköping, April 30, 1661.

Kristina Alexandra.

J. Stropp.

Above: Kristina.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 8

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 93 to 94, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=znNZAAAAcAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=Eccentric+Biography%3B+or,+Memoirs+of+Remarkable+Female+Characters,+Ancient+and+Modern+1803&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The biography:

... About this time [sic] an accident happened to Christina, which brought her into still greater danger, than that which has been related already. Having given orders for some ships of war to be built at the port of Stockholm, she went to see them when she heard they were finished; as she was going aboard of them, across a narrow plank, with admiral Fleming, his foot slipping, he fell, and drew the queen with him into the sea, which in that place was 90 feet deep. Anthony Steinberg, the queen's first equerry, instantly threw himself into the water, laid hold of her robe, and, with such assistance as was given him, got the queen safe on shore. During this accident, her recollection and presence of mind was such, that the moment her lips were above water, she cried out, 'Take care of the admiral.' When she was got out of the water, she discovered no emotion either by her gesture or countenance, and she dined the same day in public, where she gave a humorous account of her adventure. ...

Above: Kristina's accident in the harbour.

Notes: robe = dress.

discovered = revealed, showed.

Kristina's handwritten letter to Anton Steinberg, undated

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 206 in 3 (Gustaf II Adolf; Kristina) in Kungliga handskriftsamlingen

https://sok.riksarkivet.se/nad?Sokord=Kungliga+handskriftsamlingen&EndastDigitaliserat=false&BegransaPaTitelEllerNamn=false&AvanceradSok=False&typAvLista=Standard&page=1&postid=Arkis+eeca2c27-5017-4069-a7af-f76df92000b5&tab=post&FacettState=undefined%3ac%7c&s=Balder

The letter:

naiant trouve que fourbe et tromperie dens la negotiation qve iavois Commence avec Ceux qvi me demandoi[en]t les trouppes Je suis Contraint[e] de Vous ordonner de me renVoier le memoire qve ie Vous avois donne pour le donner au Roy, renVoies me le donc ausi tost qve [ie] Vous avrois Sen cette lestre et n'en parles plus au Roy pvis qve ie ne Veux plus pouser a cette affaire

Christine

With modernised spelling (with Kristina's spelling and grammar mistakes preserved as much as possible):

N'ayant trouvé que fourbe et tromperie dens [sic] la négotiation [sic] que j'avais commencé avec ceux qui me demandai[en]t les trouppes, je suis contraint[e] de vous ordonner de me renvoyer le mémoire que je vous avais donné pour le donner au roi. Renvoyez-me le donc aussi tôt que [je] vous aurais sen[s] [sic] cette lettre, et n'en parlez plus au roi, puisque je ne veux plus pousser à cette affaire.

Christine.

With modernised spelling:

N'ayant trouvé que fourbe et tromperie dans la négociation que j'avais commencé avec ceux qui me demandaient les trouppes, je suis contrainte de vous ordonner de me renvoyer le mémoire que je vous avais donné pour le donner au roi. Renvoyez-me le donc aussi tôt que [je] vous aurais sans cette lettre, et n'en parlez plus au roi, puisque je ne veux plus pousser à cette affaire.

Christine.

Swedish translation (my own):

Efter att ha funnit endast svek och bedrägeri i de förhandlingar jag inlett med dem som bad mig om trupper, är jag tvungen att beordra Er att skicka tillbaka det memorial jag gav Er för att ge till kungen. Skicka tillbaka det till mig så snart jag önskat att Ni skulle avstå från detta brev, och tala inte med kungen om det igen, ty jag inte vill driva på detta ärende ytterligare.

Kristina.

English translation (my own):

Having found only deceit and deception in the negotiation I had begun with those who were asking me for troops, I am constrained to order you to send me back the memorandum I had given you to give to the King. Send it back to me as soon as I would have had you do without this letter, and do not speak to the King about it again, as I do not want to push any further on this affair.

Kristina.

Above: Kristina.

"Ett hugskott af drottning Christina" ("A whim of Queen Kristina"), story by Carl Georg Starbäck in "Historiska bilder", published posthumously in 1892

Source:

Historiska bilder tecknade af C. Georg Starbäck, volume 2, pages 319 to 330, by Carl Georg Starbäck and illustrated by Jenny Nyström-Stoopendaal, 1892; original at the University of Michigan

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015030069721&seq=327

Johan Ekeblad's letter of December 10/20 (Old Style), 1650 to his father Christoffer Johansson Ekeblad is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/10/johan-ekeblads-letter-to-his-father_51.html

His letter of July 29/August 8 (Old Style), 1651 to him is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/11/excerpt-from-johan-ekeblads-letter-to.html

Above: Kristina.

Above: Carl Georg Starbäck.

Above: Jenny Nyström-Stoopendaal.

The story:

40.

Ett hugskott af drottning Christina.

De sista åren af drottning Christinas regering uppträdde vid hofvet en yngling, som snart vann hennes gunst i högsta grad. Det var Clas Tott. Han var son af den häftige och framfusige, men tappre Åke Henriksson Tott, som i det preussiska kriget under Gustaf Adolf utmärkte sig på ett sådant sätt, att han af konungen framför hela den uppställda hären blef slagen till riddare. Denne herr Åke hade icke lätt att vinna det täcka könets tycke. Han blef först gift med Sigrid Bjelke, med hvilken han hade sonen Clas, men sedan stod det mycket hårdt för honom att vinna ett hjärta, tills slutligen Christina Brahe, yngsta dottern af grefve Abraham och syster till riksdrotsen, grefve Per den yngre, lät beveka sig. Ett bland hindren, som dock lät öfvervinna sig, var hans och fröken Christinas olika stånd. För att belysa tidsskicket i detta afseende tillåta vi oss att här anföra följande ur ett bref från herr Åke till sin blifvande svåger, skrifvet den 18 april 1638 på Ekolsund.

»Hvad hennes grefliga stånd beträffar», heter det, »så hoppas jag, att ingen i vårt fädernesland, man eller qvinna, skulle, så vidt som jag är en ärlig, ädel man jämlik och af lika god och urminnes gammal släkt, som en af de andra, de där af mitt stånd hafva haft den äran att bli försedda med grefvedöttrar, understå sig eller ock bevisa något skäl, hvarför hon mer än andra grefvedöttrar bör föraktas. Finnes där nu någon obeskedlig, som af förmätenhet annat sig företoge, så hoppas jag, att min käre bror känner mig så länge och väl, att jag af hjärtat har alltid varit curieus om min reputation; mycket mera i ett sådant fall och händelse, må han försäkra sig, skall jag vara i detta fallet. Men där som en sådan förändring, som nu många flere ske, skedde, att ingen grefvedotters stånd, sedan hon hade gift sig med en riddersman, aktades, hoppas jag, att min käre bror är så förnuftig, att han mig ej mera än möjligt pålägger.» — Det var en man, hvilken innehade riksråds och fältmarskalks värdighet, som skref på detta sätt till en personligen yngre man, men som var grefve!

Sonen Clas var då åtta år gammal. Fadern blef verkligen gift med grefvinnan Christina, men fick icke med henne några barn, hvarföre vid hans ett par år därefter inträffade död Clas fick hela det stora arfvet odeladt. När han omkring tio år efter faderns död uppträdde vid drottning Christinas hof, väckte han allmänt uppseende genom sitt sköna och lifliga utseende, sin fransyska belefvenhet, som han erhållit under sin uppfostran i detta rike, men framför allt genom sin ovanliga färdighet i adeliga idrotter. Han blef inom kort hofvets älskling, och var själfskrifven deltagare vid alla dess förlustelser.

Johan Ekeblad omtalar Clas Tott i sina bref till fadern, Christofer Johansson Ekeblad. I ett af den 10 dec. 1650 heter det: »Förliden söndag var Hennes Majestäts födelsedag.... Hos H. K. Höghet [Pfalzgrefven Carl Gustaf] stod bankett samma dag, hvarest båda drottningarna voro och sedan hela fruntimret och riksens råd med alla officerare. Där gick mycket präktigt till.... Under taket i stora salen var med granris flätadt fullt med citroner, pomeranser, granater, äpplen och päron, hvilket tog sig väl ut. Åtta anrättningar buros på H. Maj:ts bord, där vankades ock allehanda musik, och lät hon vin springa från kl. 6, då banketten begynte, till kl. 8 den andra dagen. Om midnattstid gingo drottningarna från bordet. Man gick då ner i undre salen för att åskåda ett fyrverkeri, hvilket varade i tre timmar. Sedan uppfördes balett på en i stora salen anordnad teater. Baletten blef kallad 'le boeuf rotti' eller: den stekta oxen. Där blef en stekt oxe, af papp gjord, framlagd, liksom skedde på torget i kröningen, hvartill allehanda folk kommo att skära utaf; var helt vackert att se.» — På en sedel, som utan tvifvel innehåller en förteckning öfver de i baletten deltagande, nämnes Clas Tott som den där spelade Alexander Magnus.

I ett annat bref, af den 29 juli 1651, heter det: »Christinæ dag stod ett ringrännande på Rännarebanan, hvarest H. Maj:t ett pris utsatte, värderadt för 1,000 dukater, som Clas Tott vann. Det var en ring med en stor diamant uti, infattad i en lagerkrans.»

Men under det den unge och rike ädlingen lyste bland de första i hofvets lekar och danstillställningar samt skördade beundrande leenden och vänliga ögonkast, fanns det äfven andra idrotter vid drottningens hof, hvari han icke mindre utmärkte sig. Det växte mycket ogräs under den glänsande ytan vid den snillrika drottningens hof. Öfversitteri, trätlystnad, afund, höga spel, väldiga dryckeslag, envig — se där hvad som i allmänhet utmärkte de unge hofherrarne och icke minst hennes gunstlingar.

Den nämnde Johan Ekeblads bref lämnar äfven härutinnan goda upplysningar. Så omtalar han i ett bref till sin broder om våren, huru Clas Tott på en enda afton förlorade tvåtusen fyrahundra dukater, och huru han slogs i envig med Gustaf Adolf Lewenhaupt, så att denne blef krutstänkt öfver hela ansiktet. Men oaktadt alla utbrott af det häftiga och våldsamma, från fadern ärfda lynnet, fanns det hos Clas Tott en viss ridderlighet, som midt i hans utsväfningar fängslade hans omgifnings sinnen.

Hos Christina steg han i gunst med hvarje dag, allt sedan han kom till hofvet. Redan i mars 1652 gjordes den 22-årige ynglingen till grefve, men samma år var det, som han gaf sin höga gynnarinnas allsmäktige gunstling Bourdelot en örfil. Ett nytt envig med Gustaf Adolf Lewenhaupt förbjöds af drottningen, som förlikte de tvistande. Så var ock förhållandet med ett par andra envig, alla af samma år. Det ena af dessa hölls med en annan af drottningens gunstlingar, Steinberg. Detta egde rum utan vittnen. Totts värja sprang af, och Steinberg frågade, »om han ville erkänna sig öfvervunnen». Tott svarade icke, utan sprang sin motståndare på lifvet, och en brottning uppstod, som fortsattes tills båda voro uttröttade, då de öfverenskommo att mötas, sedan Tott skaffat sig en ny värja. De blefvo emellertid dessförinnan, som nämndt är, förlikte af drottningen.

Följande året, 1653, blef Clas Tott riksråd, och några dagar därefter »Grand-Capitaine» af gardet, såsom det då kallades med en fransysk benämning, motsvarande öfverste höfvitsman för kongl. maj:ts hus- och liftrupper. Denna oerhörda framgång för en tjugutre års yngling väckte, som begripligt är, afund, och en utmaning följde af ännu en drottningens gunstling, Christofer Delphicus v. Dohna. Denna gången stred man till häst, och kämparne voro äfven nu ensamme. Utmanaren kastades slutligen ur sadeln. Clas Tott fortfor att stiga i drottningens gunst.

Då drottningen detta år vistades på Jakobsdal (nu Ulriksdal) — ett slott, som gunstlingen grefve Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie detta år enligt ett af Ekeblads bref skall hafva skänkt henne —, var Tott den ende svensk, som egde tillträde till hennes förtroligare sällskapskrets. Det var detta år på hösten, som grefve Magnus Gabriel föll i en ohjälplig onåd hos Christina. Med anledning däraf kommo den fallnes svåger hertig Adolf Johan och Clas Tott i en häftig ordvexling, som slutade med en utmaning från hertigen. Ett ilbud från drottningen kallade de båda kämparne från själfva mötesplatsen till henne, då hon förklarade sin önskan att bilägga tvisten, hvarföre hon befallde hertigen att omfamna grefven. Adolf Johan räckte med synbar köld handen åt Clas Tott, men hotade vid bortgåendet, att grefven nog skulle stå honom till svars. De blefvo emellertid sedan af konung Carl Gustaf förlikte.

Men ännu hade icke grefve Clas stigit högt nog. Arckenholtz berättar i detta afseende i sitt arbete »Memoires concernant Christine Reine de Suede» något som icke kan få namn af annat än ett hugskott, ett infall hos denna drottning. Det var icke fråga om mer eller mindre än att upphöja gunstlingen till Sveriges konung. Christina började i allmänna ordalag inför rådet tala om faran för riket, ifall Carl Gustaf aflede utan arfvingar, hvarigenom det skulle kunna hända, att riket återfölle i samma villervalla, som man velat undvika genom utväljandet af en arffurste. Det var dessa omständigheter, som förmådde henne att söka ett medel för att betrygga riket för de olyckor, hvilka vanligen åtfölja ett konungaval.

Måhända fruktade drottningen — säger Arckenholtz — att i händelse af ett nytt val man skulle sätta på tronen en furste, som stode i mindre förbindelser till henne, och hvilken därföre icke så villigt skulle medgifva henne de inkomster, som hon förbehållit sig. Hon föreslog nu rådet att för denna händelse välja en efterträdare åt Carl Gustaf. Rådet tackade för hennes omtanke om riket, men bad henne tillika icke illa upptaga, om det icke bifölle till denna hennes begäran. Man föreställde henne, att då hon fattat sitt beslut att afsäga sig kronan, så måste de gå in på en sak, som de icke kunde hindra, men som de likväl icke gillade, men hvad det nu ifrågavarande förslaget beträffade, funno de det olämpligt att tvinga prinsen att mottaga och erkänna en medregent eller en påtrugad arftagare till kronan, något som kunde föranleda stora oordningar i riket.

Förslaget strandade mot rådets bestämda motstånd och blef blott och bart ett drottningens hugskott, men kan tjena som bevis på, huru högt den unge grefve Clas stod i hennes gunst, för så vidt som icke ännu någon annan orsak därvid medverkat, såsom den, att drottningen hyste en afgjord ovilja för den utsedde tronföljarens broder, hertig Adolf Johan, och på detta sätt ville beröfva honom alla utsikter. I sitt sträfvande för gunstlingen framhöll hon dennes släktskap med konungahuset. Hans farfar var nämligen gift med Erik XIV:s och Catharina Månsdotters dotter Sigrid. Grefve Clas borde ock på den grunden samt för att underlätta öfvergången bära konungahusets sköldemärke samt kallas »prins af Vasa».

När emellertid vägen till konungatronen var stängd, så ville Christina åtminstone lyfta sin gunstling högt öfver alla andra undersåtar i riket och göra honom till hertig. Det var som om hon velat begagna tiden och öka bevisen på sin gunst i samma mån, som tiden för hennes eget välde blef kort. Grefve Magnus Gabriel hade ock åtnjutit stora prof på drottningens ynnest, men det var under loppet af åtta år och med en grund bakom sig, där sådana namn som Ebba Brahes (hans moders) samt Jakob och Pontus De la Gardies namn glänste, för att icke tala om gammal släktskap på mödernet till konungahuset allt ifrån Gustaf Vasas dagar, och det utan alla minnen af mord och blod samt brödrastrider. Grefve Clas hade intet af allt detta att skjuta under sin sträckridt till ärans och anseendets höjder. Hans ätt var i jämförelse med de gamla storätterna oansenlig, och knappast talade någon om hans farmoder såsom grund för hans höghet, förr än drottning Christina gjorde det. Men från 1650, då han först visade sig vid hofvet, var han inom loppet af tre år grefve och riksråd samt slutligen 1654 rikskansliråd — ett slags vice rikskansler. Drottningen tycktes liksom själf jagas framåt af ett oroligt begär att ständigt lyfta sin gunstling allt högre, gifvande hvad hon kunde, när det hon ville slant henne ur händerna.

Till detta hörde den hertigliga krona, som hon hoppades kunna lyfta på den sköne grefvens hufvud. Att tänka på detta för Clas Tott ensamt, det fann hon dock vara omöjligt, och hon ville därföre stämma de inflytelserikaste i rådet för saken genom att erbjuda samma värdighet åt Axel Oxenstjerna och Per Brahe. Värdigheten skulle gälla dem och deras efterkommande. Men så väl gamle herr Axel som grefve Per gåfvo henne ett svar, som hon ingalunda väntat, ehuruväl hon borde hafva haft tillräcklig tid att lära känna det allvarliga och fosterländska sinne, som utmärkte hennes gamle förmyndare.

Då hon kallat till sig de båda rådsherrarne och gifvit dem sin afsikt till känna, att hon till belöning för deras stora förtjenster om fäderneslandet ville upphöja dem i furstligt stånd, tog Axel Oxenstjerna till orda och tackade henne för den heder, som hon ville göra honom och hans hus, men han bad henne besinna, att alla sådana titlar voro så dyra för staten, att han höll före, det man, i stället för att öka, snarare borde afskaffa alla, d. v. s. äfven grefve- och friherrevärdigheterna, samt återföra adeln till samma jämlikhet, hvari den befann sig medan riket var valrike, då hvar och en fick sin utmärkelse till följd af egen dygd och egen förtjenst, hvilket ensamt gjorde någon skillnad bland menniskorna, men icke tomma och förut okända titlar. För sin del ville han gärna nedlägga både sin grefve- och sin friherrekrona, och han hoppades, att hans barn skulle söka göra sig nyttiga för fäderneslandet utan att behöfva manas därtill af andra belöningar, än äran att hafva tjenat sitt fädernesland.

I detta yttrande förenade sig äfven grefve Per, och där stod drottningen med sina håfvor, hvilka för de allvarliga och manliga orden föllo till stoft och blefvo värdelösa. Denne rikskansler, som vägrade att emottaga furstevärdigheten, hade dock själf i Tyskland bortgifvit furstendömen och värdigheter, under det han i själfva verket kände sig stolt att såsom svensk adelsman utöfva en sådan myndighet, följande vid alla tillfällen den grundsats, som han uttalade en gång i ett bref till den ifrågavarande Clas Totts fader, hvilken bad rikskansleren förorda sig till en belöning hos hertigen af Meklenburg. »Anginge det min egen person», säger han, »så ville jag akta mitt stånd i Sveriges rike så högt och nobelt, att jag hvarken honom (hertigen af Meklenburg) eller någon annan främmande för något beneficio skulle göra mig förbunden.»

Sålunda blefvo Christinas upphöjelseplaner för gunstlingen, så väl den konungsliga, som den hertigliga kronan, idel hugskott. Det blef icke mer talan om hvarken det ena eller andra, men drottningen liksom bröt sig fram till den flyktiga njutningen att i sista stunden slösa med rikets medel för att visa sin gunst. Strax innan hon högtidligen i Upsala afsade sig kronan, upphöjdes Clas Tott till riksskattmästare, och en gammal fordran på 200,000 riksdaler, som Åke Tott hade hos kronan, framletades och blef af drottningen erkänd, hvarjemte kommerskollegium erhöll befallning att utbetala summan till sonen.

Men hvad hon tänkte, den store konungens dotter, så väl i denna fråga som i många andra, om i hennes hjärta fanns ett rum för hennes fäders land, en känsla för dess ära och lycka, det må Gud allena veta.

English translation (my own):

40.

A whim of Queen Kristina.

In the last years of Queen Kristina's reign, a young man appeared at court who soon won her favour to the highest degree. It was Claes Tott. He was the son of the passionate and impetuous, but brave Åke Henriksson Tott, who in the Prussian war under Gustav Adolf distinguished himself in such a way that he was knighted by the King in front of the entire army.

This gentleman Åke did not find it easy to win the favour of the fairer sex. He was first married to Sigrid Bielke, with whom he had a son, Claes, but then it was very difficult for him to win a heart, until finally Christina Brahe, the youngest daughter of Count Abraham and sister of the Grand Steward, Count Per the Younger, allowed herself to be moved.

One of the obstacles, however, which could be overcome, was the difference in status between him and Lady Christina. To illustrate the times in this regard, we allow ourselves to quote the following from a letter from Lord Åke to his future brother-in-law, written on April 18, 1638 at Ekolsund.

"As for her comital state", it says, "I hope that no one in our Fatherland, man or woman, would, insofar as I am an honest, noble man, equal and of as good and ancient a lineage as any of the others, those of my state who have had the honour of being provided with a count's daughters, assume or even prove any reason why she should be despised more than other count's daughters. Now, if there is any immodest person who, out of presumptuousness, would pretend otherwise, I hope that my dear brother has known me so long and well that I have always been curious about my reputation from the heart; much more so in such a case and event, may he be assured, I shall be in this case.

But because such a change, as many others now happen, took place, that no count's daughter's position was respected after she had married a knight, I hope that my dear brother is so sensible that he not impose more on me than is possible." —

It was a man who held the dignity of a councilman and field marshal who wrote in this way to a man who was personally younger, but who was a count!

His son Claes was then eight years old. His father did indeed marry Countess Christina, but had no children with her, which is why when he died a couple of years later, Claes received the entire large inheritance undivided. When he appeared at Queen Kristina's court about ten years after his father's death, he attracted general attention through his beautiful and lively appearance, his French manners, which he had acquired during his upbringing in this kingdom, but above all through his unusual skill in noble sports. He soon became the darling of the court, and was a natural participant in all its entertainments.

Johan Ekeblad mentions Claes Tott in his letters to his father, Christoffer Johansson Ekeblad. In one of the letters, dated December 10, 1650, it says:

"Last Sunday was Her Majesty's birthday.... At His Royal Highness's [Palatine Count Karl Gustav's] place there was a banquet that day, where both the queens were, and all the ladies and all the councilmen with all the officers. There was much splendour there....

Under the ceiling in the great hall was a fir tree full of lemons, oranges, pomegranates, apples and pears, which turned out well. Eight dishes were laid out on Her Majesty's table, there was also all kinds of music, and she let wine flow from 6 o'clock, when the banquet began, to 8 o'clock the next day. At midnight the queens left the table. They then went down to the lower hall to watch a fireworks display, which lasted three hours.

Then a ballet was performed in a theatre arranged in the main hall. The ballet was called 'le bœuf rôti' or: the roasted ox. There a roasted ox, made of cardboard, was presented, as was done in the square for the coronation, to which all sorts of people came to carve it; it was quite beautiful to see." —

On a note, which undoubtedly contains a list of those participating in the ballet, Claes Tott is mentioned as the one who played Alexander Magnus there.

In another letter, dated July 29, 1651, it is stated: "On Kristina Day there was a ring race on the racetrack, where Her Majesty offered a prize, valued at 1,000 ducats, which Claes Tott won. It was a ring with a large diamond in it, set in a laurel wreath."

But while the young and rich nobleman shone among the first in the court games and dances and reaped admiring smiles and friendly glances, there were also other sports at the Queen's court in which he excelled no less. Many weeds grew under the shiny surface at the ingenious Queen's court. Bullying, quarrelsomeness, envy, loud games, enormous drinking bouts, single combat duels — see what generally distinguished the young court lords, and not least her favourites.

The said Johan Ekeblad's letter also provides good information on this subject. In a letter to his brother in the spring, he mentions how Claes Tott lost two thousand four hundred ducats in a single evening, and how he fought in a duel with Gustaf Adolf Lewenhaupt, so that the latter was sprayed with gunpowder all over his face. But despite all the outbursts of the fierce and violent temper inherited from his father, there was a certain chivalry in Claes Tott, which, in the midst of his excesses, captivated the minds of those around him.

With Kristina he rose in favour with every day, ever since he came to court. Already in March 1652 the 22 year old young man was made a count, but in the same year he gave a slap in the face to his high benefactress' all-powerful favourite, Bourdelot. A new duel with Gustaf Adolf Lewenhaupt was forbidden by the Queen, who reconciled the disputants. So was the situation with a couple of other duels, all of the same year. One of these was held with another of the Queen's favourites, Steinberg. This took place without witnesses. Tott's sword slipped, and Steinberg asked, "if he wanted to admit defeat". Tott did not answer, but ran after his opponent, and a wrestling match ensued, which continued until both were exhausted, when they agreed to meet after Tott had obtained a new sword. However, they were previously, as mentioned, reconciled by the Queen.

The following year, 1653, Claes Tott became a councilman, and a few days later "grand capitain" of the guard, as it was then called by a French term, corresponding to the chief captain of the Royal Majesty's house- and bodyguard troops. This extraordinary success for a twenty-three year old young man aroused, as is understandable, envy, and a challenge followed from another favourite of the Queen, Christoph Delphicus von Dohna. This time the fight was on horseback, and the fighters were now alone. The challenger was finally thrown from the saddle. Claes Tott continued to rise in the Queen's favour.

When the Queen was staying at Jakobsdal (now Ulriksdal) in this year — a castle that her favourite, Count Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie, according to one of Ekeblad's letters, is said to have given her, — Tott was the only Swede who had access to her more intimate circle of friends. It was in the autumn of this year that Count Magnus Gabriel fell into irremediable disfavour with Kristina. On account of this, the fallen man's brother-in-law, Duke Adolf Johan, and Claes Tott had a heated exchange of words, which ended with a challenge from the Duke. A messenger from the Queen called the two fighters from the very meeting place to her, when she declared her desire to settle the dispute, wherefore she ordered the Duke to embrace the count. Adolf Johan extended his hand to Claes Tott with visible coldness, but threatened as he was leaving that the Count would certainly answer to him. They were, however, later reconciled by King Karl Gustav.

But Count Claes had not yet risen high enough. In this regard, Arckenholtz tells in his work "Mémoires concernant Christine, reine de Suède" something that cannot be called anything other than a whim, an impulse of this Queen. It was no more or less a question of elevating the favourite to king of Sweden. Kristina began to speak in general terms before the Council about the danger to the realm if Karl Gustav were to die without heirs, whereby it might happen that the kingdom would fall back into the same chaos that they had wanted to avoid by choosing a hereditary prince. It was these circumstances that induced her to seek a means of securing the realm from the misfortunes which usually accompany the election of a king.

Perhaps the Queen feared — says Arckenholtz — that in the event of a new election a prince would be placed on the throne who was less closely connected with her, and who would therefore not so willingly grant her the income which she had reserved for herself. She now proposed to the Council that for this event a successor should be chosen for Karl Gustav.

The Council thanked her for her concern for the realm, but also asked her not to take it ill if it did not grant her request. It was represented to her that since she had made her decision to renounce the crown, they would have to enter into a matter which they could not prevent, but which they nevertheless did not approve of; but as far as the proposal in question was concerned, they found it inappropriate to force the Prince to receive and acknowledge a co-ruler or an imposed heir to the crown, something which could cause great disorders in the kingdom.

The proposal foundered against the determined opposition of the Council and became merely a whim of the Queen's, but it can serve as proof of how high the young Count Claes stood in her favour, insofar as no other reason had yet contributed to it, such as the fact that the Queen harboured a decided dislike for the designated heir to the throne's brother, Duke Adolf Johan, and in this way wanted to deprive him of all prospects. In her pursuit of the favourite, she emphasised his kinship with the royal house. His paternal grandfather was married to Erik XIV's and Katarina Månsdotter's daughter Sigrid. Count Claes should also, on that basis, and to facilitate the transition, bear the coat of arms of the royal house and be called "Prince of Vasa".

When, however, the path to the royal throne was closed, Kristina wanted at least to raise her favourite high above all other subjects in the kingdom and make him a duke. It was as if she wanted to use the time and increase the evidence of her favour to the same extent that the time of her own reign was becoming short. Count Magnus Gabriel had also enjoyed great pleasures in the Queen's favour, but it was during the course of eight years and with a foundation behind him, where such names as Ebba Brahe's (his mother's) and Jakob and Pontus de la Gardie's names shone, not to mention old maternal ties to the royal house since the days of Gustav Vasa, and that without all memories of murder and blood and fratricidal strife.

Count Claes had none of this to draw on during his long journey to the heights of honour and reputation. His lineage was insignificant in comparison with the old great rights, and hardly anyone spoke of his paternal grandmother as the basis for his highness until Queen Kristina did so. But from 1650, when he first appeared at court, he was within three years a count and a councilman, and finally in 1654 a councilman of the chancellery of the realm — a kind of vice grand chancellor. The Queen seemed as if she herself were driven forward by a restless desire to constantly raise her favourite ever higher, giving what she could when what she wanted slipped out of her hands.

This included the ducal crown, which she hoped to raise on the head of the handsome Count. To think of this for Claes Tott alone, however, she found it impossible, and she therefore wanted to summon the most influential people in the Council to the matter by offering the same dignity to Axel Oxenstierna and Per Brahe. The dignity would apply to them and their descendants. But both old Lord Axel and Count Per gave her an answer that she had by no means expected, although she should have had sufficient time to get to know the serious and patriotic spirit that distinguished her old guardian.

When she had summoned the two councilmen and made known to them her intention that, as a reward for their great services to the Fatherland, she wished to elevate them to princely status, Axel Oxenstierna spoke up and thanked her for the honour she wished to do him and his house, but he asked her to consider that all such titles were so dear to the state that he thought that instead of increasing them, they should rather abolish all of them, — that is, even the titles of count and baron, — and return the nobility to the same equality in which it was while the kingdom was an elective monarchy, when each received his distinction as a result of his own virtue and his own merit, which alone made any difference among men, but not empty and previously unknown titles. For his part, he was willing to lay down both his comital and baronial crowns, and he hoped that his children would seek to make themselves useful to their Fatherland without needing to be encouraged to do so by any other rewards than the honour of having served their Fatherland.

Count Per also joined in this statement, and there stood the Queen with her bounty, which, for the serious and manly words, fell to dust and became worthless. This Grand Chancellor, who refused to accept the princely dignity, had himself given away principalities and dignities in Germany, while he himself felt proud to exercise such authority as a Swedish nobleman, following on all occasions the principle that he once stated in a letter to the father of the Claes Tott in question, who asked the Grand Chancellor to recommend a reward to the Duke of Mecklenburg. "If it concerned my own person," he says, "I would consider my position in the kingdom of Sweden so high and noble that I would not bind myself to him (the Duke of Mecklenburg) or any other foreigner for any benefit."

Thus Kristina's plans for the elevation of her favourite, both the royal and the ducal crown, were nothing more than a whim. There was no more talk of either one or the other, but the Queen, as it were, broke through to the fleeting enjoyment of at the last moment squandering the kingdom's resources to show her favour. Shortly before she solemnly abdicated the crown in Uppsala, Claes Tott was elevated to the position of grand treasurer, and an old claim of 200,000 riksdalers, which Åke Tott had with the Crown, was traced and acknowledged by the Queen, each College of Commerce being ordered to pay the sum to his son.

But what she was thinking, the daughter of the great king, both in this matter as well as in many others, whether in her heart there was a place for the country of her fathers, a feeling for its honour and happiness, God alone may know.

H. E. Friis on Kristina's interest in her studies and foreign scholars and her relationship with Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie and her other favourites

Source:

Dronning Christina af Sverrig 1626-1689, pages 29 to 34, published by H. E. Friis, 1896

https://archive.org/details/DronningChristinaAfSverrig/page/n35/mode/2up

The account:

Selv efterat Dronning Christina havde tabt al Lyst til at beskæftige sig med Statssager, bevarede hun Interessen for Studierne, og de indkaldte Videnskabsmænd betragtede Sverrig som et rent Gosens Land og lovpriste den enestaaende Dronning baade i Tale og paa Vers, da den fejrede Elev betalte dem kongeligt.

Længere hen kededes Dronning Christina ogsaa ved de mere dybtgaaende Studier, da andre Udlændinge af mindre lødig Beskaffenhed traadte til og fik hende lært, istedetfor at nytte Tiden, at slaa Tiden ihjel ved alene at tænke paa Fornøjelser og Adspredelser, bortset fra de uhørte Udgifter, disse medførte, og det slette Eksempel og den moralske Fordærvelse, dette Liv afgav for hendes Samtid.

En Hofyndling var sjælden synderlig længe i Dronning Christinas Gunst, thi Vankelmodighed i denne Henseende og en stor Lyst til Afveksling hørte til hendes særlige Egenskaber. I Begyndelsen var det en indfødt Svensk, Grev Magnus de la Gardie, der indtog Yndlingens misundelsesværdige Plads, og det var ham, der holdt sig længst, i hele 7 Aar. Efter hans Fald vare Yndlingerne for største Delen Udlændinge. Blandt disse fremmede vare nogle af et mere end tvivlsomt Rygte, saasom Corfitz Ulfeld af Danmark og Radziejewsky fra Polen, der begge for Landsforræderi vare dømte fra Ære, Liv og Gods i deres respektive Fødestavne; men det synes, som om Dronning Christina, satte en Ære i at tage sig af den Slags Folk og skaffe dem Oprejsning for de Forurettelser, de formente sig at have lidt, hvor de kom fra.

Paa de følgende Blade ville vi nærmere lære at kende nogle faa af den Skare, der fra Tid til anden flokkedes om Dronning Christina, dog ville kun de vigtigste med Hensyn til at belyse Forholdene blive nærmere omtalte, da det vilde blive for vidtløftigt at tage dem alle med.

Ovennævnte Grev Magnus de la Gardie, der længst havde det Held at bevare Dronning Christinas Naade, var Ætling af en fransk Slægt, hvis Stamfædre ejede Godset la Gardie i Languedoc. I det 16de Aarhundrede indvandrede en Gren af Slægten til Sverrig. Magnus's Fader, Grev Jacob de la Gardie, var gift med den skønne Ebba Brahe, Kong Gustav Adolfs Ungdoms Kærlighed. Af Jacob de la Gardies og Ebba Brahes 14 Børn var Magnus det 4de i Rækken. Ligesom Grev Magnus var af Sverrigs højeste Adel, modtog han tillige den omhyggeligste Opdragelse og studerede dernæst i Frankrig samt senere ved Universitetet i Leyden. I Frankrig, hvor saavel hans franske Herkomst som belevne Væsen vandt ham alles Hjerter, blev han meget vel modtaget ved Hoffet. Den senere Kong Ludvig den 14de, som da var ung, forærede ham sit Billede med Diamanter, og Kardinal Mazarin tilbød ham et fransk Regiment, hvilket Magnus, efter at indhentet Raad hjemmefra, dog afslog at modtage; kort efter tog han hjem.

I Stockholm vakte den unge, statelige, fint dannede Greve stor Opmærksomhed ved hele sit Væsens behagelige Forening af Kundskaber, Belevenhed og Omgængelighed. Han tilbød straks Hoffet sin Tjeneste, og da han ogsaa paa Dronning Christina havde gjort det bedste Indtryk, antog hun ham og udnævnte ham til Chef for Livgarden med 3000 Kroner mere i Gage, end der ellers var normeret for denne Stilling.

Dronning Christina overvurderede dog denne nye Yndlings, Grev Magnus's Betydning; hun mente nemlig, at han maatte kunne afløse og erstatte den gamle Minister Oxenstjerna fuldt ud. For at give ham Lejlighed til at høste Berømmelse og gøre sig fortjent af Sverrig fik hun den Idé at sende et overordentligt Gesandtskab til Frankrig og sætte Greve Magnus i Spidsen derfor. Øjemedet skulde være at lykønske det franske Hof til dets Sejre i Tyskland samt takke for Frankrigs Medvirkning ved den nylig afsluttede Fred i Brømsebro o. s. v. Disse Grunde havde ikke stort at sige; det hele var kun tomme Ceremonier, som den svenske Gesandt i Paris godt kunde have besørget. Rigskantsler Oxenstjerna søgte ogsaa at modsætte sig det hele Foretagende som baade unødvendigt og meget dyrt; men det hjalp ikke; Dronning Christina fik dog sin Vilje trumfet igennem.

Dronning Christina vilde have, da det var den første Ambassade under hendes Regering, at der skulde udfoldes den størst mulige Pragt, samt at Grev Magnus de la Gardie skulde sættes i Spidsen for det hele. Under ham kom der til at staa en Hofmarskalk, to Kammerherrer, 16 Adelsmænd af den højere Adel og 30 Adelsmænd af den lavere Grad, 8 Gardister, 4 Pager, 6 Lakajer og 4 Trompetere, alle af Dronningens egne Folk. Med Tjenerskab udgjorde det hele Selskab 200 Personer, som paa et Linieskib og 3 Fregatter overførtes direkte til Frankrig, fra Gøteborg til Dieppe.

Samtidigt med, at Grev M. de la Gardie var bleven ansat ved Dronning Christinas Hof, var der kommen en ny fransk Gesandt, Chanut, til Stockholm. Denne Franskmand syntes Dronning Christina ogsaa særdeles godt om, idet han var en lærd og kundskabsrig Mand, der kunde tale fem forskellige Sprog; desuden var han dygtig i Matematik og Filosofi. Chanut, hvis fortrinlige Egenskaber passede saa udmærket for Dronning Christinas Karakter, erhvervede sig i kort Tid hendes store Bevaagenhed, og hendes store Forkærlighed for Frankrig, dets Nationalitet, Sprog og Kultur skrev sig især fra denne Tid og var en medvirkende Grund for hende til at faa ovennævnte svenske Gesandtskab sendt til Frankrig.

Denne Franske Gesandt Chanut i Stockholm skrev til Kardinal Mazarin, at der endelig maatte blive gjort megen Stads i Frankrig af Grev Magnus de la Gardie, da Dronning Christina vilde sætte stor Pris derpaa, saasom denne Greve stod højt i Dronningens Gunst.

I Frankrig fulgte man de givne Vink. Kongelige Vogne fra det franske Hof bleve sendte Grev Magnus de la Gardie imøde til St. Denis, og han førtes med alle Æresbevisninger af den franske Ceremonimester ind til Paris, hvor Vendôme-Paladset var indrettet for ham og Følge, som beværtedes for kongelig Regning i al Overdaadighed i et Par Dage; derpaa fulgte en Række Gæstebud, Jagter, Baller og Skuespil. Den svenske Greve gjorde stor Opsigt og vandt overalt stort Bifald. Der var ingen ved det franske Hof, der overgik ham i statelig Udseende og Belevenhed eller i Jagt og Dans; ej heller gjorde det lidet til Sagen, at han strøede Penge ud med rund Haand, hvoraf den største Del optoges og laantes i Paris dels af de franske Subsidier, dels af en rig, svensk Undersaat, Salvius, som dog ikke senere fik Vederlag af Dronning Christina for denne paa hendes Vegne stiftede Gæld.

Ved sin Hjemkomst fra Frankrig blev Grev de la Gardie meget vel modtaget af Dronning Christina. Der blev naturligvis stærk Tale om den Hengivenhed, Dronningen nærede for den unge Mand, og man troede, at hun havde i Sinde at ægte ham. Hun er formodentlig bleven ked af den Snak, da den kom hende for Øre, og for at gøre Ende derpaa var det rimeligvis, at hun ønskede at gifte Grev Magnus de la Gardie med sit Søskendebarn, Pfalzgrevedatteren Maria Euphrosyna, for hvilken han havde næret varm Tilbøjelighed i flere Aar.

Dronning Christina gjorde det unge Pars Bryllup: foruden at give Juveler til Bruden forærede hun Parret 5000 Dukater og et stort Gods i Brudegave. I nogle Aar overøste Dronning Christina Magnus de la Gardie med store Gaver og Forfremmelser, men da han ikke kunde bære sin Lykke uden at spænde Buen for højt ved at ville sætte ondt for andre af Dronningens Yndlinge, saa hørte efter 7 Aars Forløb en skøn Dag hendes Bevaagenhed op, og Grev Magnus de la Gardies Rolle var udspillet, og andre udfyldte i kortere Tid hans Plads.

Samme Aar, som Grev de la Gardies Stjerne dalede, var der en ung Staldmester, Steinberg, ved Dronning Christinas Hof, som uforvarende ved et for ham heldigt Tilfælde kom til at gøre sin Lykke. Dronning Christina vilde nemlig en tidlig Morgenstund Kl. 4 i Juni Maaned 1652, fulgt af Admiral Fleming, General Wachtmeister og flere inspicere nogle Orlogsskibe, der nyligt vare udrustede. Der var lagt en Overgangsbro af løse Brædder over til det paagældende Skib, paa hvilket Dronning Christina vilde gaa ombord. Admiral Fleming, der vilde føre hendes Majestæt over, traadte fejl, plumpede i Vandet og rev hende med sig, idet han greb fat i Garneringen af hendes Kjole. De gik begge til Bunds, da Admiral Fleming blev ved at holde fast i Kjolen.

Staldmesteren Steinberg, der først opdagede Uheldet, sprang straks i Vandet bagefter dem og greb fat i den anden Side af Dronningens Kjole, samtidigt med at han raabte Alarm, hvorefter der straks kom Hjælp til, og alle Mand kom snart paa det tørre igen.

Dronning Christina ænsede ikke det ufrivillige Morgenbad videre, men holdt samme Dag offentligt Taffel og sagde spøgende ved dette: «Det var en Lykke for hende, at hun var vant til kun at drikke Vand, derfor gjorde denne Hændelse hende ikke noget, skønt Vandet smagte baade af Salt og Tjære; værre var det derimod for Admiral Fleming, der ellers kun drak Øl og Vin.»

Forresten roste hun skæmtevis Admiralen for hans Snarraadighed, at gribe fat i hendes Kjole og derved gøre sin egen Frelse mulig.

Redningsmanden Steinberg var fra den Dag af i vedvarende Gunst hos Dronningen, fik Gods og Guld og blev noget senere ophøjet i Grevestanden, skønt de gamle indfødte Adelsmænd søgte at forhindre det.

With modernised spelling:

Selv efterat dronning Kristina havde tabt al lyst til at beskæftige sig med statssager, bevarede hun interessen for studierne, og de indkaldte videnskabsmænd betragtede Sverige som et rent Gosens land og lovpriste den enestående dronning både i tale og på vers, da den fejrede elev betalte dem kongeligt.

Længere hen kededes dronning Kristina også ved de mere dybtgående studier, da andre udlændinge af mindre lødig beskaffenhed trådte til og fik hende lært, istedetfor at nytte tiden, at slå tiden ihjel ved alene at tænke på fornøjelser og adspredelser, bortset fra de uhørte udgifter, disse medførte, og det slette eksempel og den moralske fordærvelse, dette liv afgav for hendes samtid.

En hofyndling var sjælden synderlig længe i dronning Kristinas gunst, thi vankelmodighed i denne henseende og en stor lyst til afveksling hørte til hendes særlige egenskaber. I begyndelsen var det en indfødt svensk, grev Magnus de la Gardie, der indtog yndlingens misundelsesværdige plads, og det var ham, der holdt sig længst, i hele 7 år. Efter hans fald vare yndlingerne for største delen udlændinge.

Blandt disse fremmede vare nogle af et mere end tvivlsomt rygte, såsom Corfitz Ulfeldt af Danmark og Radziejowski fra Polen, der begge for landsforræderi vare dømte fra ære, liv og gods i deres respektive fødestavne; men det synes, som om dronning Kristina satte en ære i at tage sig af den slags folk og skaffe dem oprejsning for de forurettelser, de formente sig at have lidt, hvor de kom fra.

På de følgende blade ville vi nærmere lære at kende nogle få af den skare, der fra tid til anden flokkedes om dronning Kristina, dog ville kun de vigtigste med hensyn til at belyse forholdene blive nærmere omtalte, da det ville blive for vidtløftigt at tage dem alle med.

Ovennævnte grev Magnus de la Gardie, der længst havde det held at bevare dronning Kristinas nåde, var ætling af en fransk slægt, hvis stamfædre ejede godset la Gardie i Languedoc. I det 16. århundrede indvandrede en gren af slægten til Sverige. Magnus' fader, grev Jakob de la Gardie, var gift med den skønne Ebba Brahe, kong Gustav Adolfs ungdoms kærlighed. Af Jakob de la Gardies og Ebba Brahes 14 børn var Magnus det fjerde i rækken.

Ligesom grev Magnus var af Sveriges højeste adel, modtog han tillige den omhyggeligste opdragelse og studerede dernæst i Frankrig samt senere ved universitetet i Leiden. I Frankrig, hvor såvel hans franske herkomst som belevne væsen vandt ham alles hjerter, blev han meget vel modtaget ved hoffet. Den senere kong Ludvig den fjortende, som da var ung, forærede ham sit billede med diamanter; og kardinal Mazarin tilbød ham et fransk regiment, hvilket Magnus, efter at indhentet råd hjemmefra, dog afslog at modtage; kort efter tog han hjem.

I Stockholm vakte den unge, statelige, fint dannede greve stor opmærksomhed ved hele sit væsens behagelige forening af kundskaber, belevenhed og omgængelighed. Han tilbød straks hoffet sin tjeneste, og da han også på dronning Kristina havde gjort det bedste indtryk, antog hun ham og udnævnte ham til chef for livgarden med 3,000 kroner mere i gage, end der ellers var normeret for denne stilling.

Dronning Kristina overvurderede dog denne nye yndlings, grev Magnus' betydning; hun mente nemlig, at han måtte kunne afløse og erstatte den gamle minister Oxenstierna fuldt ud. For at give ham lejlighed til at høste berømmelse og gøre sig fortjent af Sverige, fik hun den idé at sende et overordentligt gesandtskab til Frankrig og sætte greve Magnus i spidsen derfor. Øjemedet skulle være at lykønske det franske hof til dets sejre i Tyskland, samt takke for Frankrigs medvirkning ved den nylig afsluttede fred i Brømsebro osv.

Disse grunde havde ikke stort at sige; det hele var kun tomme ceremonier, som den svenske gesandt i Paris godt kunne have besørget. Rigskansler Oxenstierna søgte også at modsætte sig det hele foretagende som både unødvendigt og meget dyrt. Men det hjalp ikke; dronning Kristina fik dog sin vilje trumfet igennem.

Dronning Kristina ville have, da det var den første ambassade under hendes regering, at der skulle udfoldes den størst mulige pragt, samt at grev Magnus de la Gardie skulle sættes i spidsen for det hele. Under ham kom der til at stå en hofmarskalk, to kammerherrer, 16 adelsmænd af den højere adel og 30 adelsmænd af den lavere grad, 8 gardister, 4 pager, 6 lakajer og 4 trompetere, alle af dronningens egne folk. Med tjenerskab udgjorde det hele selskab 200 personer, som på et linjeskib og 3 fregatter overførtes direkte til Frankrig, fra Gøteborg til Dieppe.

Samtidigt med, at grev M. de la Gardie var bleven ansat ved dronning Kristinas hof, var der kommen en ny fransk gesandt, Chanut, til Stockholm. Denne franskmand syntes dronning Kristina også særdeles godt om, idet han var en lærd og kundskabsrig mand, der kunne tale fem forskellige sprog; desuden var han dygtig i matematik og filosofi. Chanut, hvis fortrinlige egenskaber passede så udmærket for dronning Kristinas karakter, erhvervede sig i kort tid hendes store bevågenhed, og hendes store forkærlighed for Frankrig, dets nationalitet, sprog og kultur skrev sig især fra denne tid og var en medvirkende grund for hende til at få ovennævnte svenske gesandtskab sendt til Frankrig.

Denne franske gesandt Chanut i Stockholm skrev til kardinal Mazarin, at der endelig måtte blive gjort megen stads i Frankrig af grev Magnus de la Gardie, da dronning Kristina ville sætte stor pris derpå, såsom denne greve stod højt i dronningens gunst.

I Frankrig fulgte man de givne vink. Kongelige vogne fra det franske hof bleve sendte grev Magnus de la Gardie imøde til St. Denis, og han førtes med alle æresbevisninger af den franske ceremonimester ind til Paris, hvor Vendôme-paladset var indrettet for ham og følge, som beværtedes for kongelig regning i al overdådighed i et par dage; derpå fulgte en række gæstebud, jagter, baller og skuespil.

Den svenske greve gjorde stor opsigt og vandt overalt stort bifald. Der var ingen ved det franske hof, der overgik ham i statelig udseende og belevenhed eller i jagt og dans; ej heller gjorde det lidet til sagen, at han strøede penge ud med rund hånd, hvoraf den største del optoges og låntes i Paris dels af de franske subsidier, dels af en rig, svensk undersåt, Salvius, som dog ikke senere fik vederlag af dronning Kristina for denne på hendes vegne stiftede gæld.

Ved sin hjemkomst fra Frankrig blev grev de la Gardie meget vel modtaget af dronning Kristina. Der blev naturligvis stærk tale om den hengivenhed, dronningen nærede for den unge mand, og man troede, at hun havde i sinde at ægte ham. Hun er formodentlig bleven ked af den snak, da den kom hende for øre, og for at gøre ende derpå var det rimeligvis, at hun ønskede at gifte grev Magnus de la Gardie med sit søskendebarn, pfalzgrevedatteren Maria Euphrosyne, for hvilken han havde næret varm tilbøjelighed i flere år.

Dronning Kristina gjorde det unge pars bryllup; foruden at give juveler til bruden forærede hun parret 5,000 dukater og et stort gods i brudegave. I nogle år overøste dronning Kristina Magnus de la Gardie med store gaver og forfremmelser, men da han ikke kunne bære sin lykke uden at spænde buen for højt ved at ville sætte ondt for andre af dronningens yndlinge, så hørte efter 7 års forløb en skøn dag hendes bevågenhed op, og grev Magnus de la Gardies rolle var udspillet, og andre udfyldte i kortere tid hans plads.

Samme år, som grev de la Gardies stjerne dalede, var der en ung staldmester, Steinberg, ved dronning Kristinas hof, som uforvarende ved et for ham heldigt tilfælde kom til at gøre sin lykke. Dronning Kristina ville nemlig en tidlig morgenstund kl. 4 i juni måned 1652, fulgt af admiral Fleming, general Wachtmeister og flere inspicere nogle orlogsskibe, der nyligt vare udrustede.

Der var lagt en overgangsbro af løse brædder over til det pågældende skib, på hvilket dronning Kristina ville gå ombord. Admiral Fleming, der ville føre Hendes Majestæt over, trådte fejl, plumpede i vandet og rev hende med sig, idet han greb fat i garneringen af hendes kjole. De gik begge til bunds, da admiral Fleming blev ved at holde fast i kjolen.

Staldmesteren Steinberg, der først opdagede uheldet, sprang straks i vandet bagefter dem og greb fat i den anden side af dronningens kjole, samtidigt med at han råbte alarm, hvorefter der straks kom hjælp til, og alle mand kom snart på det tørre igen.

Dronning Kristina ænsede ikke det ufrivillige morgenbad videre, men holdt samme dag offentligt taffel og sagde spøgende ved dette: det var en lykke for hende, at hun var vant til kun at drikke vand, derfor gjorde denne hændelse hende ikke noget, skønt vandet smagte både af salt og tjære; værre var det derimod for admiral Fleming, der ellers kun drak øl og vin.

Forresten roste hun skæmtevis admiralen for hans snarrådighed, at gribe fat i hendes kjole og derved gøre sin egen frelse mulig.

Redningsmanden Steinberg var fra den dag af i vedvarende gunst hos dronningen, fik gods og guld og blev noget senere ophøjet i grevestanden, skønt de gamle indfødte adelsmænd søgte at forhindre det.

English translation (my own):

Even after Queen Kristina had lost all desire to deal with affairs of state, she retained her interest in her studies, and the invited scholars considered Sweden a pure land of Goshen and praised the unique Queen both in speech and verse, as the celebrated student paid them royally.

Queen Kristina also grew bored with the more in-depth studies when other foreigners of less worthy nature came along and taught her, instead of to use her time, to kill it by thinking only of pleasures and diversions, apart from the unheard-of expenses these entailed, and the bad example and moral corruption this life set for her contemporaries.

A court favourite rarely remained in Queen Kristina's favour for very long, for fickleness in this respect and a great desire for variety were among her special qualities. At first it was a native Swede, Count Magnus de la Gardie, who occupied the enviable position of favourite, and it was he who lasted the longest, for a full 7 years. After his fall, the favourites were mostly foreigners.

Among these foreigners were some of more than dubious reputation, such as Corfitz Ulfeldt of Denmark and Radziejowski of Poland, both of whom were condemned to forfeit honour, life, and property in their respective native states for treason; but it seems as if Queen Kristina took pride in taking care of such people and obtaining for them redress for the wrongs they believed they had suffered where they came from.

In the following pages we will get to know a few of the crowd that from time to time flocked around Queen Kristina; however, only those most important in terms of illuminating the circumstances would be mentioned in more detail, as it would be too lengthy to include them all.

The above-mentioned Count Magnus de la Gardie, who had the longest success in retaining Queen Kristina's favour, was a descendant of a French family whose ancestors owned the estate of La Gardie in Languedoc. In the 16th century, a branch of the family immigrated to Sweden. Magnus' father, Count Jakob de la Gardie, was married to the beautiful Ebba Brahe, the love of King Gustav Adolf's youth. Of Jakob de la Gardie and Ebba Brahe's 14 children, Magnus was fourth in the line.

Just as Count Magnus was of Sweden's highest nobility, he also received the most meticulous upbringing and then studied in France and later at the University of Leiden. In France, where both his French origin and his pleasant personality won him everyone's hearts, he was very well received at court. The later King Louis XIV, who was then young, presented him with his portrait with diamonds; and Cardinal Mazarin offered him a French regiment, which Magnus, after seeking advice from home, refused to accept. Shortly afterwards he went home.

In Stockholm, the young, stately, finely educated Count attracted great attention by the pleasant combination of knowledge, politeness and sociability of his whole being. He immediately offered his services to the court, and when he had also made the best impression on Queen Kristina, she accepted him and appointed him chief of her bodyguard, with a salary of 3,000 crowns more than was otherwise the norm for this position.

Queen Kristina, however, overestimated the importance of this new favourite, Count Magnus. She believed that he must be able to fully replace and replace the old minister Oxenstierna. In order to give him the opportunity to reap fame and earn his place in Sweden, she had the idea of sending an extraordinary embassy to France and placing Count Magnus at its head. The purpose was to congratulate the French court on its victories in Germany, as well as to thank France for its participation in the recently concluded Peace of Brömsebro, etc.

These reasons were not very important; it was all merely empty ceremonies that the Swedish envoy in Paris could have taken care of. Grand Chancellor Oxenstierna also tried to oppose the whole undertaking as both unnecessary and very expensive. But it did not help; Queen Kristina nevertheless got her way.

Queen Kristina wanted, as it was the first embassy during her reign, that the greatest possible splendour should be displayed, and that Count Magnus de la Gardie should be placed at the head of the whole thing. Under him were a court marshal, two chamberlains, 16 noblemen of the higher nobility and 30 noblemen of the lower rank, 8 guardsmen, 4 pageboys, 6 lackeys and 4 trumpeters, all of the Queen's own people. With servants, the entire company amounted to 200 people, who were transferred directly to France on a ship of the line and 3 frigates, from Gothenburg to Dieppe.

At the same time that Count M. de la Gardie had been appointed to Queen Kristina's court, a new French envoy, Chanut, had arrived in Stockholm. Queen Kristina also liked this Frenchman very much, as he was a learned and knowledgeable man who could speak five different languages; he was also skilled in mathematics and philosophy. Chanut, whose excellent qualities suited Queen Kristina's character so well, soon gained her great attention; and her great love for France, its nationality, language and culture was especially evident from this time and was a contributing reason for her having the above-mentioned Swedish embassy sent to France.

This French envoy Chanut in Stockholm wrote to Cardinal Mazarin that a lot of pomp and show must finally be made in France by Count Magnus de la Gardie, as Queen Kristina would greatly appreciate it, as this Count stood high in the Queen's favour.

In France, the hints given were followed. Royal carriages from the French court were sent to meet Count Magnus de la Gardie at St. Denis, and he was conducted with all honours by the French master of ceremonies into Paris, where the Vendôme Palace was furnished for him and his entourage, who were entertained at royal expense in all luxury for a couple of days; then followed a series of banquets, hunts, balls and plays.

The Swedish Count caused a great stir and won great applause everywhere. There was no one at the French court who surpassed him in stately appearance and politeness or in hunting and dancing; nor did it make a small difference that he lavished money, the largest part of which was raised and lent in Paris partly from the French subsidies, partly from a rich Swedish subject, Salvius, who, however, did not later receive payment from Queen Kristina for this debt incurred on her behalf.

On his return from France, Count de la Gardie was very well received by Queen Kristina. Naturally there was much talk of the Queen's affection for the young man, and it was believed that she intended to marry him. She must have been upset by this talk when it reached her ears, and to put an end to it, it was reasonable that she wished to marry Count Magnus de la Gardie to her cousin, the Count Palatine's daughter Marie Euphrosyne, for whom he had had a warm affection for several years.

Queen Kristina performed the young couple's wedding; in addition to giving jewels to the bride, she presented the couple with 5,000 ducats and a large estate as a wedding gift. For some years Queen Kristina showered Magnus de la Gardie with great gifts and promotions, but because he could not bear his happiness without stretching his bow too high by wanting to hurt others of the Queen's favourites, after 7 years her attention ceased one fine day, and Count Magnus de la Gardie's role was played out, and others filled his place for a short time.

In the same year that Count de la Gardie's star was waning, there was a young equerry, Steinberg, at Queen Kristina's court, who, unwittingly, by a fortunate chance for him, came to make his fortune. Queen Kristina wanted to inspect some warships that had recently been equipped one early morning at 4 o'clock in June 1652, accompanied by Admiral Fleming, General Wachtmeister and others.

A bridge of loose boards had been laid across to the ship in question, on which Queen Kristina wanted to board. Admiral Fleming, who wanted to lead Her Majesty across, took a wrong step, fell into the water and dragged her with him, grabbing the trim of her dress. They both went to the bottom, as Admiral Fleming kept holding on to the dress.

The equerry Steinberg, who first discovered the accident, immediately jumped into the water after them and grabbed the other side of the Queen's dress while shouting the alarm, after which help immediately arrived, and everyone soon got back on dry land.

Queen Kristina paid no further attention to the involuntary morning bath, but held a public banquet that same day and jokingly said about it that it was fortunate for her that she was used to drinking only water, therefore this incident did not bother her, although the water tasted of both salt and tar; on the other hand, it was worse for Admiral Fleming, who otherwise only drank beer and wine.

Incidentally, she jokingly praised the Admiral for his resourcefulness in grabbing her dress and thereby making his own rescue possible.

From that day on, the rescuer Steinberg was in constant favour with the Queen, received estates and gold, and was somewhat later elevated to the rank of count, although the old native nobles tried to prevent it.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.

Note: Kristina's accident at the harbour happened in May 1652, not in June.