Showing posts with label Kristina's sense of humour. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kristina's sense of humour. Show all posts

Saturday, December 6, 2025

Francis Henry Gribble on "Bulstrode [Whitelocke], the British Ambassador to Sweden; his character sketch of Christina; his dance with her; his conversations with her on various subjects; she informs him of her intention to abdicate; his unsuccessful attempt to dissuade her"

Sources:

The court of Christina of Sweden and the later adventures of the Queen in exile, pages 107 to 121, by Francis Henry Gribble, 1913; original at the University of Toronto


Drottning Kristinas hof och hennes senare äfventyr efter tronafsägelsen: bemyndigad öfversättning, pages 88 to 100, by Francis Henry Gribble, published by Wahlström & Widstrand, 1914; original at the University of Wisconsin, Madison


The account:

THOUGH Bulstrode Whitelocke was the Ambassador of a Puritan Government, we must not think of him as one of the ordinary psalm-singers of the period. He figured on the Puritan side in the character of a "political Dissenter" rather than a fanatic. He had been a gentleman before he became a Puritan: he remained a gentleman first and a Puritan afterwards. He was an Oxford man — a fellow commoner of St. John's — and a barrister of the Middle Temple, with a practice worth £2000 a year and a country seat near Henley-on-Thames. As a law student he had organised a masque for the diversion of the King and Court; he had been complimented, on that occasion, not only on his stage-management, but on his dancing. England had need of such Puritans no less than of the Puritans who went about snuffling that if Christ had not died for them[,] they had been damned.

He was one of those, moreover, who had too much wit to associate themselves with the indictment, trial, and execution of the King: a reason, of course, for expecting them to be a persona grata to other sovereigns, who might have found it hard to be polite to regicides. On the other hand, he was too good a Parliamentarian to please Cromwell; and it therefore suited Cromwell to find him honourable employment at a distance from home. So, when there was trouble with the Dutch, and a Treaty with Sweden was deemed desirable, he was the obvious man to be charged with the mission. He did not in the least want to go; but he yielded to the claims of expediency, took two of his children with him, leaving ten behind, and tore himself from the arms of a wife who not only wept[,] but "shrieked" at the hour of his departure, believing Sweden to be as remote as the North Pole, and sadly fearing that she would never see her husband's face again.

And truly the journey was a terrible experience, very different from any that a modern Ambassador has to take. On the high seas Whitelocke had to run the gauntlet of the Dutch fleet, — he actually captured one of their ships, and considered that he did no violence to international law by bringing it into a Swedish port as a prize. It was a time, too, when British Ambassadors were frequently waylaid and murdered, as Ascham and Dorislaus had lately been. Moreover, the sea voyage was long and rough, and most of the company were prostrated with sea-sickness; and even after they had landed at Gothenburg, their troubles were by no means at an end. They still had to travel in coaches and carts — a long procession of one hundred carts — for many weary days over abominable roads, putting up for the night in miserable country inns before they reached Upsala, where the Queen was wintering. It was on November 6, 1653, that Whitelocke weighed anchor in the Thames, and on November 15 that he landed. He rested at Gothenburg for a fortnight, and did not get to Upsala until just before Christmas Eve.

His adventures by the way are his business rather than ours; but his record of the spirit in which he faced them shows us usefully what manner of man it was that Cromwell had sent to Christina. He was a Puritan up to a point, but a very cheery Puritan: one who combined a rough sense of humour with a keen sense of his personal and ambassadorial dignity. It was his pleasant habit to "droll" with his companions, or, as we should say, to "chaff" them. He began by drolling with the ship's company, "by affording them now and then a douse in the neck or a kick in jest ... which demeanours please those kind of people." He ended by drolling with the Queen of Sweden, albeit in a manner more suitable to her condition.

Though no total abstainer, again, he astonished the Swedes by refusing to join them in the drinking of toasts. "Why not 'eat' a toast instead?" he asked them; and there were indeed horrible examples in Sweden which indicated that that was the safer way of pledging those whom one esteemed. The case of the Russian Ambassador may be cited; a formal reception of the diplomatic corps having to be put off on account of that Muscovite's excesses —

"The Russ" (Whitelocke tells us) "had sent word that, the notice of his audience not being given him till about ten o'clock this morning, he had before that time drunk so much aqua-vitæ that he was already drunk, and not in a condition to have his audience that day, but desired it might be appointed another day, and he to have earlier notice of it."

Another matter in which Whitelocke had firm principles and stuck to them firmly was that of Lord's Day observance. As each Sabbath came round he required his chaplain to preach two sermons to his retinue; and when the chaplain had finished he generally added admonitions of his own, speaking more to the point than the clergy did, and having, as one imagines, something of a lawyer's disdain for clerical circumlocutions. Nor would he divert himself, or countenance diversion, on the Sunday: a day which he insisted, in many discourses, must be wholly given over to devotional exercise and Bible reading. He begged that he might be given no Sunday invitations, even to Court entertainments, in order that he might not have to cause offence by declining them; but on other days he could be induced to dance, with the slow dignity becoming his years and station, and was, in fact, rather glad to have the opportunity of demonstrating that, Puritan though he was, he danced uncommonly well.

Such were his manners and disposition; and if we desire a picture of his appearance on ceremonial occasions, this is how he tells us that he looked —

"His secretary, for the credit of his master, had put himself into a rich habit. Whitelocke himself was plain, but extraordinarily rich in his habit, though without any gold or silver lace or embroidery. His suit was of black English cloth, the cloak lined with the same cloth, and that and the suit set with very fair rich diamond buttons; his hat-band of diamonds answerable; and all of the value of £1000."

Thus plainly but bravely apparelled, he proceeded to his first audience; the Queen receiving him "sitting, at the upper end of the room, upon her chair of state of crimson velvet, with a canopy of the same over it." Her magnificence, he observed, was less than his. Her dress was "of plain grey stuff", surmounted with "a jacket such as men wear of the same stuff." Round her neck was a black scarf, "tied before with a black ribbon, as soldiers and mariners sometimes use to wear"; while "her hair was braided and hung loose upon her head." She nevertheless had "much of majesty in her demeanour"; but Bulstrode Whitelocke was not the man to let himself be too much impressed by it. The Spanish Ambassador was reported to have been so dazzled by her that, when first received, he had made three low bows and retired without speaking, — affecting to be overawed, dumbfoundered, unable to find words; but if Christina expected Whitelocke to do the same, she had misjudged him —

"The Queen" (he writes) "was very attentive whilst he spake, and, coming up close to him, by her looks and gestures (as was supposed) would have daunted him; but those who have been conversant in the late great affairs in England are not so soon as others appalled with the presence of a young lady and her servants."

So, the ordinary civilities having been exchanged, Whitelocke withdrew and settled down in his Embassy. He showed himself a man of the world as well as a Puritan by hastening to make friends with "Grave Tott, the Queen's favourite, a gallant young gentleman"; and one would gather from the way he puts it that it was a matter of course to him that queens should have favourites, — a foreign custom to be accepted by him in the same tolerant spirit in which he accepted foreign food and foreign languages. He also let his interests range somewhat in the style of an American Ambassador in England by entering into friendly relations with the students of the Upsala University. They presented an address of welcome to him, composed in verse and in English. He thought the verses quaint; and so they were —

"One only star (from East) three Kings did lead:
Most glorious Mars and Jupiter brought you to Swede,
Who, doubtless, with your famous will and wisdom,
Will knot and LOCK ours with your most martial kingdom."

Et cetera; leading to the conclusion that —

"Thus do we, the literal flower of this most glorious Academy,
With hearts embrace whom Heaven sent, and praise your famous Excellency."

And so to business; though, as Whitelocke's business is not ours, we will not dwell upon it, but merely record that he was kept kicking his heels in Sweden rather longer than he liked before he could get it finished. The round of banquets, musical evenings, and diplomatic interviews would be wearisome to follow in detail; but one must insist that Whitelocke was a strong man who maintained the dignity of the Commonwealth by emphatically affirming his title to ceremonial precedence. When the Master of the Ceremonies told him that, at a certain reception, the Danish Ambassador would take precedence of him because he was the representative of a crowned sovereign, he replied that if the Danish Ambassador attempted to do anything of the kind, he would lay violent hands on him, even in the royal presence, and throw him out; with the result that, as Whitelocke was believed to be a man of his word, the Danish Ambassador received no invitation to that party.

His firmness, however, did not prevent Christina from liking him. Again and again she invited him to join her when she proposed to "take the air"; and the conversation was by no means limited to diplomatic business. He "drolled" with her, as has been said; he had even some reason to believe that she confided in him. She told him that she considered Cromwell "one of the gallantest men in the world", — superior even to the Prince de Condé. She was much interested in his description of the officers and soldiers of the Army of the Parliament "encouraging and exhorting one another out of the word of God" — an example which Gustavus Adolphus had set; and she mentioned the proposal of marriage which she had received from Charles II. —

"I confess that letters have passed between us; but this I assure you, that I will not marry that King; he is a young man, and in a condition sad enough; though I respect him very much, yet I shall never marry him, you may be well assured."

She was also curious about Whitelocke's own matrimonial affairs —

"How many wives have you had?"

"I have had three wives."

"Have you had children by all of them?"

"Yes, by every one of them."

"Pardieu! Vous êtes incorrigible!"

"Madam, I have been a true servant to your sex; and as it was my duty to be kind to my wives, so I count it my happiness and riches and strength to have many children."

Then we have a curious dialogue arising out of some remarks on the comparative poverty of Sweden. The English, Christina said, had money to spare, whereas she had none; whereupon —

"I do not see Your Majesty to waste the revenues of your Crown in gallantry of clothes for your person."

"I am the least curious in clothes of any woman, especially now I am in the country."

"Your wearing plain clothes makes them rich."

A compliment which the Queen turned with the irrelevant remark: "My Chancellor will be in town shortly"; whereto Whitelocke adroitly responded: "Your Majesty is happy in such a servant of so great wisdom, experience, and fidelity."

Religion was another of Christina's favourite subjects. The number and variety of the sects in England perplexed her; and she was also curious to know what Whitelocke thought about transubstantiation, — a significant hint as to the turn which her thoughts were beginning to take. That, however, is a matter which we shall have to return to. For the moment it is more relevant to show how Whitelocke acquitted himself at one of the Court balls. Christina invited him to dance with her; he begged to be excused, but she insisted: "I will try", she said, "whether you can dance." So he took up the challenge, and earned a compliment —

"The Hollanders" (Christina said) "reported to me, a great while since, that all the noblesse of England were of the King's party, and none but mechanics of the Parliament party, and not a gentleman among them; now I thought to try you, and to shame you if you could not dance; but I see that you are a gentleman and have been bred a gentleman, and that makes me say that the Hollanders are lying fellows."

Whereto Whitelocke properly replied that the Parliament "would not have given the honour to any but a gentleman to kiss Your Majesty's hand", adding: "I was bred up in the qualities of a gentleman, and, in my youth, was accounted not inferior to others in the practice of them." And Christina thanked him, saying: "I take it as a favour that you were willing to lay aside your gravity and play the courtier upon my request, which I see you can do so well when you please."

Evidently Whitelocke knew how to deal with the Queen who required Doctors of Divinity to play battledore and shuttlecock, — unbending with more dignity than they did. His manner with her would seem to have been that of a father with a skittish daughter: he tells us of yet another occasion on which he humoured her inclination for friskiness.

It was on May Day, when he was permitted to offer her an entertainment in the English style. He not only gave her a banquet which tempted her to "eat and drink more than she used to do in three or four days at her own table"; he also found her "full of pleasantness and gaiety of spirit both in supper-time and afterwards", in the following manner —

"Among other frolics" (he says) "she commanded Whitelocke to teach her ladies the English salutation, which, after some pretty defences, their lips obeyed, and Whitelocke most readily ... and her discourse was all of mirth and drollery, wherein Whitelocke endeavoured to answer her, and the rest of the company did their parts."

Whether Christina herself took lessons in "the English salutation" does not appear, — perhaps she already knew it; but these stories, at any rate, show us fairly well how Whitelocke regarded her. He was not overawed, — he did not take her too seriously. As soon would the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge be overawed by a Girton girl because she was reported to write brilliant iambics! She remained just a "young lady" to him. His cue was to pat her paternally and approvingly on the back when she did well; to descend a little way towards her level and humour her when she was gay [cheerful, excited]; to admonish her when the gaiety was excessive; to give her good advice out of the vast storehouse of his experience. No doubt he "had a way with him" which Christina liked even when he gave her "a talking to" on the impropriety of dancing on the Sabbath; and that is how it came about that she proposed to tell him a secret and ask his advice —

Queen: "I shall surprise you with something that I intend to communicate to you; but it must be under secrecy."

Whitelocke: "Madam, we that have been versed in the affairs of England do not use to be surprised with the discourse of a young lady. Whatsoever Your Majesty shall think fit to impart to me, and command to be under secrecy, shall be faithfully obeyed by me."

What she should tell him, Christina continued, she had as yet told to no one else. She told it now because she desired advice; and then she came out with it —

"Sir, this it is. I have it in my thoughts and resolution to quit the Crown of Sweden, and to retire myself unto a private life, as much more suitable to my contentment than the great cares and troubles attendant upon the government of my kingdom; and what think you of this resolution?"

It was a little disingenuous. The resolution was not so new as all that, — the secret had already been imparted to a good many others. Chanut, for one, had been taken into Christina's confidence long before Whitelocke. Nor did she impart all her reasons for her decision, — the religious reason, which would not have appealed to Whitelocke, was withheld: we will deal with that reason in its place. But she had a woman's desire to be advised to do the thing which she had made up her mind to do; and she had ulterior motives, which will appear. So she and Whitelocke argued the matter out for the space of about three hours.

He spoke of the duty which a queen owed to her subjects; she replied that her successor would be much more competent than she was to discharge that duty. He then warned her of certain possible consequences of her abdication — a diminished income and affronts from time-serving courtiers who now cringed and fawned before her; and to these arguments also she had her answer ready. Her tastes, she protested, were very simple: "I can content myself with very little; and for servants, with a lackey and a chambermaid." As for the threatened disrespect: "I look upon such things as these as the course of this world, and shall expect such scorns, and be prepared to contemn them."

So Christina adhered to her opinion, and Whitelocke to his; and presently Whitelocke discovered that the secret which had been communicated to him was already secret de Polichinelle, and that it had been communicated to him for a particular private reason: because Christina wanted a secret article included in the projected Treaty, empowering Cromwell to repudiate his engagements if her own retiring allowance was not punctually paid. That, however, was altogether too feminine a proposal to be practicable. Christina did not insist upon it; and the business being concluded, the farewells were said. Gifts were exchanged; and Whitelocke received an invitation to visit the Queen in Pomerania, where, she said, she proposed to take the waters. One may quote a final scrap of dialogue —

Queen: "If you will come to me into Pomerland, you shall be as welcome as any man living, and we will be merry together."

Whitelocke: "I humbly thank Your Majesty for your great favour to your servant, who hath a wife and children enough to people a province in Pomerland, and I shall bring them all thither to do Your Majesty service."

Queen: "If you will bring your lady and all your children and family thither, and settle yourself there, you shall want nothing in my power, and shall be welcome to me."

But that was only politeness; interesting chiefly as proving that the Puritan as well as the Queen could, on occasion, grace life with agreeable fibs. Not Pomerania[,] but Rome[,] was Christina's destination; and Whitelocke had no intention of visiting her either in Pomerania or anywhere else.

Nor was he really as deeply in her confidence as he had flattered himself. His portrait of her is valuable as a corrective of certain other portraits; but the true story of her abdication, and her motives for it, must be sought from other sources.

Swedish translation (by Wahlström & Widstrand):

Ehuru Bulstrode Whitelocke var en puritansk regerings sändebud, få vi icke tänka oss honom såsom en af denna tids vanliga psalmsångare. Han stod på den puritanska sidan i egenskap af "politisk dissenter" fastmer än som en fanatiker. Innan han blef puritan, hade han varit gentleman, och gentleman förblef han först och främst och puritan därnäst. Han var en Oxfordman, samt medlem af S:t Johns College och jurist i Middle Temple med en praktik, värd 2,000 pund om året, och ett landtligt herresäte i närheten af Henley-on-Thames. Medan han var juris studiosus, hade han ordnat en maskerad för att roa kungen och hofvet och hade fått beröm vid detta tillfälle, icke blott för sin anordning af scenen, utan äfven för sin dans. England behöfde sådana puritaner lika väl som de puritaner, hvilka gingo omkring och snörflade, att om Kristus icke dött för dem, hade de blifvit fördömda.

Han var dessutom en af dem, som voro alldeles för kloka att taga del i konungens anklagelse, förhör och afrättning; ett skäl, hvarför han kunde väntas vara persona grata hos andra suveräner, hvilka torde ha funnit det svårt att artigt behandla kungamördare. Å andra sidan var han en alltför god parlamentariker för att behaga Cromwell, som fördenskull fann lämpligt att skaffa honom hedrande sysselsättning på afstånd från hemmet. Då tvist uppstod med Holland och ett fördrag med Sverige ansågs önskvärdt, var han rätte mannen till att erhålla uppdraget. Han ville alls icke resa, men gaf vika för nödvändighetens kraf, tog två af sina barn med sig och lämnade kvar tio samt slet sig ur en hustrus armar, som icke allenast grät, utan "skrek" i afskedsstunden, i den tron att Sverige vore så långt borta som nordpolen och i sin sorg fruktade, att hon aldrig mera skulle få se sin makes ansikte.

Resan var verkligen också en fruktansvärd erfarenhet, helt annan än den ett modärnt sändebud behöfver göra. Ute på öppna sjön löpte Whitelocke fara att öfverrumplas af den holländska flottan; — han tog verkligen ett af deras fartyg och ansåg det icke för något brott mot mellanfolklig lag att föra det till en svensk hamn som god pris. Det var en tid då försåt ofta lades för britiska sändebud, hvilka mördades, såsom detta kort tid förut händt Ascham och Dorislaus. Dessutom var sjöresan lång och stormig; de flesta af sällskapet angrepos af sjösjuka, och äfven sedan de landstigit i Göteborg, var det ingalunda slut med deras vedermödor. I vagnar och kärror — en lång rad af mer än hundra fordon — måste de under många tröttsamma dagar resa på afskyvärda vägar och under nätterna taga in på usla gästgifvargårdar, innan de uppnådde Uppsala, där drottningen tillbringade vintern. Den 6 november 1653 hade Whitelocke lyft ankaret i Thames och den 15 november hade han landstigit. Han stannade fjorton dagar i Göteborg och kom icke till Uppsala förrän strax före julafton.

Hans äfventyr under vägen äro hans ensak, men hans berättelser om det sätt, hvarpå han tog dem, visar oss förträffligt hvad slags man Cromwell skickat till Kristina. Han var visserligen puritan, men en mycket gladlynt puritan; en puritan, som förenade sinne för en sträf humor med en stark känsla af sin värdighet som person och sändebud. Han hade en treflig vana att gyckla och "nojsa" med sitt sällskap. Han började nojsa med skeppsbesättningen "genom att då och då gifva dem en knuff i nacken eller på skämt ge dem en spark... hvilket behagar sådant folk". Han slutade med att gyckla med drottningen af Sverige, ehuru på ett sätt, som bättre öfverensstämde med hennes ställning.

Ehuru visst icke absolut nykterhetsvän, förvånade han svenskarna, då han vägrade förena sig med dem i att dricka skålar. "Hvarför inte lika gärna i stället 'äta' en skål?" frågade han, och i Sverige funnos verkligen fruktansvärda exempel, som visade, att, detta var bästa sättet att göra dem man aktade sig förbundna. Det ryska sändebudet må här omtalas; en högtidlig mottagning af den diplomatiska kåren måste uppskjutas till följd af moskoviternas utsväfningar.

"Ryssen", berättar Whitelocke, "hade sändt bud, att som underrättelsen om hans audiens icke meddelats honom förrän på morgonen klockan tio, hade han redan före den tiden druckit så mycket aqua vitæ, at han redan var drucken och icke i sådant tillstånd, att han kunde infinna sig till audiens den dagen, men önskade, att en annan dag måtte bestämmas och att han tidigare underrättades därom."

En annan fråga, i hvilken Whitelocke hade fasta grundsatser, som han strängt vidhöll, var söndagens iakttagande. Då hvarje söndag kom, fordrade han, att hans kaplan skulle hålla två predikningar för hans husfolk; och då kaplanen slutat, ställde han vanligen egna förmaningar till dem och talade mera på sak än prästerskapet gör; han hade nämligen, såsom man kan tänka sig, något af juristens förakt för kyrkliga talesätt. Icke heller ville han deltaga i förströelser eller tillåta sådana om söndagen, en dag, hvilken, såsom han i många tal framhöll, helt och hållet måste ägnas åt andaktsöfningar och bibelläsning. Han bad, att inga bjudningar till hoffester skulle tillställas honom på söndagen, på det att han icke skulle nödgas orsaka förargelse genom att afböja dem, men andra dagar kunde han förmås att dansa med den lugna värdighet, som anstod hans år och hans rang. I själfva verket var han ganska nöjd att få tillfälle visa, att han dansade ovanligt väl, fast han var puritan.

Sådant var hans sätt och hans sinnelag, och om vi vilja ha en skildring af hans uppträdande vid högtidliga tillfällen, så berättar han, att han såg ut på följande sätt:

"Till sin herres ära hade hans sekreterare iklädt sig en rik dräkt. Själf bar Whitelocke en enkel, men utomordentligt rik dräkt, ehuru utan guldsaker, silfverspetsar eller broderi. Hans dräkt var af svart engelskt kläde och kappan fodrad med samma tyg, och såväl kappan som den öfriga dräkten var besatt med mycket vackra rika diamantknappar; bandet kring hans hatt var på samma sätt besatt med diamanter, alltsammans till ett värde af 1,000 pund sterling."

På detta sätt enkelt, men dyrbart klädd begaf han sig till sin första audiens, vid hvilken drottningen mottog honom, "sittande vid rummets öfre ända på sin tron af röd sammet under en himmel af samma tyg". Hon var, anmärker han, mycket mindre dyrbart klädd än han. Hennes kjol var "af enkelt grått tyg" och öfver densamma bar hon en jacka, sådan männen bära, af samma tyg. Om halsen hade hon en svart halsduk, "framtill knuten med ett svart band, sådan soldater och sjömän stundom bruka bära"; medan "hennes hår var benadt och hängde löst kring hennes hufvud". Detta oaktadt hade hon "mycket majestätiskt i sitt sätt". Bulstrode Whitelocke var emellertid icke den, som lät imponera på sig. Det berättades, att spanska sändebudet blifvit så bländad af henne vid sin första audiens, att han gjorde tre djupa bugningar och därpå drog sig tillbaka utan att säga något, i det han gaf sig sken af bli så öfverväldigad och förvirrad, att han var ur stånd att finna ord; men om Kristina trott, att Whitelocke skulle göra på samma sätt, hade hon misstagit sig på honom.

"Drottningen", skrifver han, "var mycket uppmärksam, medan han talade, och, då han kom tätt intill honom, skulle hon (såsom antogs) ha skrämt honom med blick och åtbörder; men de, som deltagit i de senare stora händelserna i England, bringas icke så lätt som andra ur fattningen af en ung dams och hennes tjänares närvaro."

Sedan på detta sätt de vanliga hedersbetygelserna växlats, drog sig Whitelocke tillbaka och ordnade sin beskickning. Han visade sig vara en man af värld lika väl som puritan genom att skyndsamt göra bekantskap med "drottningens gunstling, grefve Tott, en vacker ung ädling"; och af det sätt, hvarpå han omtalar detta, finner man, att han fann det helt naturligt, att drottningar skulle ha gunstlingar — ett utländskt bruk, hvari han fogade sig med samma fördragsamhet som han fann sig i främmande föda och främmande språk. Han utsträckte också sina intressen, ungefär på samma sätt som ett amerikanskt sändebud i England, till att sätta sig i vänskaplig förbindelse med studenterna vid Uppsala universitet. De öfverlämnade en välkomsthälsning till honom på vers och på engelska, slutande med att "den litterära blomman vid den högst berömda akademien hjärtligt omfamnar den, som himlen sändt, och prisar Eders berömde excellens."

Och nu till affärerna. Som Whitelockes uppdrag egentligen icke angår oss, skola vi icke uppehålla oss vid detsamma, utan endast anteckna, att han måste dröja kvar mycket längre i Sverige än han ville, innan han kom till slut därmed. Det skulle bli alldeles för enformigt att i detalj skildra raden af festmåltider, musikaftnar och diplomatiska sammankomster; men man måste framhålla, att Whitelocke var en stark karl, som upprätthöll republikens värdighet genom att eftertryckligt fasthålla sin rätt till officiellt försteg. Då ceremonimästaren sade honom, att danska sändebudet skulle ha försteget framför honom vid en viss mottagning, alldenstund sändebudet representerade en krönt suverän, svarade Whitelocke, att om danska sändebudet gjorde ett dylikt försök, skulle han bära våldsam hand på honom, om det också vore i själfva drottningens närvaro, och kasta ut honom. Resultatet blef, att som Whitelocke ansågs vara man att stå för sitt ord, erhöll danska sändebudet ingen inbjudning till mottagningen.

Hans fasthet hindrade emellertid icke, att Kristina fann behag i honom. Hon inbjöd honom om och om igen att göra henne sällskap, då hon ville "hämta frisk luft", och samtalet inskränkte sig ingalunda till diplomatiska angelägenheter. Han "nojsade" med henne, såsom redan omtalats; han hade också skäl att tro henne hysa förtroende till honom. Hon förklarade, att hon ansåg Cromwell för "en af de yppersta män i världen", till och med öfverlägsnare än prinsen af Condé. Hon intresserade sig mycket för hans beskrifning af parlamentsarméns officerare och soldater, "hvilka stärkte och uppmuntrade hvarandra med Guds ord", efter Gustaf Adolfs föredöme; hon omtalade också det giftermålsanbud, som hon erhållit af Karl II.

"Jag erkänner", sade hon, "att bref växlats mellan oss; men jag försäkrar Eder, att jag icke vill äkta denne kung; han är en ung man och befinner sig i en nog så sorglig belägenhet. Ehuru jag högt aktar honom, skall jag aldrig gifta mig med honom, därpå kan Ni vara säker."

Hon ville också veta Whitelockes egna husliga förhållanden:

"Huru många hustrur har Ni haft?"

"Jag har haft tre hustrur."

"Har Ni haft barn med dem alla tre?"

"Ja, med hvarenda en."

"Pardieu! Vous êtes incorrigible!"

"Madame, jag har varit en trogen tjänare åt Edert kön; och som det var min plikt att vara god mot mina hustrur, så räknar jag det också för min lycka och rikedom och styrka att ha många barn."

Vi ha därnäst ett egendomligt samtal med anledning af Sveriges relativa fattigdom. Engelsmannen, sade Kristina, har pengar, som han kan spara, hvaremot hon icke hade detta. Härtill svarade Whitelocke:

"Jag kan inte se, att Eders majestät offrar Eder kronas inkomster på präktiga kläder för Eder person."

"Jag bryr mig minst af alla kvinnor om kläder, särskildt nu, då jag är på landet."

"Att Ni bär enkla dräkter, gör Edert folk rikt."

En artighet, som drottningen kringgick med den oväntade anmärkningen: "Min kanslär skall inom kort komma till staden"; hvarpå Whitelocke skickligt svarade: "Eders majestät är lycklig, som har en så klok, erfaren och trogen tjänare."

Religionen var ett annat af Kristinas favoritämnen. Mängden och omväxlingen af sekter i England förvånade henne, och hon ville gärna veta, hvad Whitelocke tänkte om transsubstantiationen, — en betydelsefull vink om den riktning hennes tankar börjat taga. Till detta ämne skola vi emellertid återkomma. För tillfället är det viktigare att veta, hur Whitelocke redde sig vid en hofbal. Kristina inbjöd honom att dansa med sig; han bad att få slippa, men hon envisades: "Jag vill försöka", sade hon, "om Ni kan dansa." Han måste sålunda mottaga inbjudningen och erhöll en komplimang.

"Holländarne", sade Kristina, "berättade mig för en längre tid sedan, att hela den engelska noblessen stod på konungens sida och att endast handtverkare tillhörde parlamentet, men ingen adelsman. Nu tänkte jag pröfva Eder och skämma ut Eder, om Ni inte kunde dansa; men jag ser, att Ni är en adelsman, och nu säger jag, att holländare ljuga."

Härpå svarade Whitelocke lämpligt, att parlamentet icke "skulle gifvit någon annan än en adelsman äran att få kyssa Eders majestäts hand", och tillade: "Jag har fått adlig uppfostran och ansågs i min ungdom icke någon underlägsen i adliga öfningar." Kristina tackade honom och sade: "Jag anser det som en ynnest, att Ni velat lägga å sido Edert allvar och på min begäran vara hofman, hvilket jag ser, att Ni mycket väl kan, om Ni vill."

Whitelocke visste tydligen huru han skulle behandla en drottning, som fordrade, att teologie doktorer skulle spela boll — oböjlig med mera värdighet än de. Hans sätt mot drottningen tyckes ha varit en faders mot en nyckfull dotter. Han berättar äfven om ett annat tillfälle, vid hvilket han fogade sig efter hennes böjelse för upptåg.

Det var en majdag, då det tilläts honom att bjuda henne på en underhållning i engelsk stil. Han icke allenast gaf en festmåltid, som narrade henne att "äta och dricka mer än hon plägade göra på tre eller fyra dagar vid sitt eget bord", utan fann henne också "glad och vid godt lynne både vid supén och efteråt" på följande sätt:

"Bland annat skämt", säger han, "bad hon Whitelocke lära hennes damer den engelska hälsningen, som deras läppar efter några små invändningar lydde, en önskan, som Whitelocke beredvilligt efterkom ... och hennes tal var idel munterhet och lustiga infall, på hvilka Whitelocke gjorde sitt bästa att svara, och det öfriga sällskapet spelade äfven sin roll.["]

Om Kristina själf tog undervisning i "den engelska hälsningen", synes icke, — måhända kunde hon den redan, men dessa historier visa i alla händelser väl, huru Whitelocke uppfattade henne. Han var så längt ifrån öfverväldigad, att han icke tog henne allt för mycket på allvar. För honom förblef hon endast "en ung dam". Hans sätt var att faderligt och gillande klappa henne på axeln, då hon gjorde sin sak bra, att sänka sig ett litet stycke till hennes ståndpunkt och uppmuntra henne, då hon var glad, men varna henne, då glädjen gick till öfverdrift, och gifva henne goda råd ur sin erfarenhets stora skattkammare. Detta hade obestridligen "ett sätt med sig", som Kristina tyckte om, äfven då han gjorde henne "föreställningar" om det oskickliga i att dansa på sabbaten; och härpå berodde det, att hon beslöt anförtro honom en hemlighet och spörja honom om hans mening.

Drottningen: "Jag skall öfverraska Eder med något, som jag tänker meddela Eder; men det måste förbli oss emellan."

Whitelocke: "Madame, vi som tagit del i händelserna i England, bruka icke bli öfverraskade af hvad en ung dam har att säga. Hvad det än är, som Eders majestät anser lämpligt att anförtro mig och befaller under tysthetslöfte, skall jag troget åtlyda."

Hvad hon tänkte säga honom, fortsatte Kristina, hade hon ännu icke sagt någon annan. Nu omtalade hon det, därför att hon ville ha ett råd, och så kom hon fram med det: —

"Sir, det är detta. Jag tänker och har beslutit afsäga mig Sveriges krona och draga mig tillbaka till privatlifvet, som bättre passar för mina önskningar än de bekymmer och all den oro, som äro oskiljaktiga från regeringen öfver mitt kungarike; hvad tänker Ni om mitt beslut?"

Detta var icke fullt uppriktigt. Beslutet var ingalunda så nytt, som hon sade — hemligheten hade redan anförtrotts åt flera andra. Chanut t. ex. hade långt före Whitelocke fått Kristinas förtroende. Icke heller omtalade hon alla skälen till sitt beslut; den religiösa orsaken, som icke skulle gjort någon verkan på Whitelocke, förteg hon sålunda; vi skola sedermera tala om densamma. Men hon hade en kvinnas lust att bli rådd just till det, som hon föresatt sig att göra, och dessutom hade hon andra skäl, hvilket skall visa sig. Emellertid öfvervägde hon saken med Whitelocke under nära tre timmars tid.

Han talade om den förpliktelse, drottningen hade till sina undersåtar; hon svarade, att hennes efterträdare skulle vara mycket mera kompetent än hon att uppfylla denna förpliktelse. Han varnade henne därefter för vissa möjliga följder af hennes afsägelse — minskade inkomster och förolämpningar af ögontjänare till hofmän, som nu bugade sig och kröpo för henne; men till dessa skäl hade hon sitt svar färdigt. Hennes tycken och vanor, förklarade hon, voro mycket enkla: "Jag kan nöja mig med mycket litet; hvad tjänare angår, med en lakej och en kammarjungfru." Om den hotande missaktningen sade hon: "Dylikt betraktar jag som tillhörande denna världens gång och väntar mig också uttryck af lågsinthet, hvilka jag är beredd att förakta."

Kristina vidhöll sålunda sin mening och Whitelocke sin, och snart upptäckte Whitelocke, att den hemlighet, som anförtrotts honom, redan var secret de Polichinelle samt att den meddelats honom af vissa särskilda privata skäl: därför att Kristina ville ha insatt i fördraget en hemlig artikel, hvilken gaf Cromwell rätt att uppsäga sina förpliktelser, om de medel, hvilka anslogos åt Kristina efter hennes nedstigande från tronen, icke punktligt utbetalades. Detta var emellertid ett alltför kvinnligt förslag för att vara praktiskt. Kristina vidhöll icke heller detsamma, och då fördraget slutligen ingåtts, bjöd man hvarandra farväl. Skänker växlades, och Whitelocke erhöll en inbjudning att besöka drottningen i Pommern, där hon sade sig tänka genomgå en brunnskur. Vi anföra endast ett brottstycke af ett egendomligt samtal.

Drottningen: "Om Ni vill besöka mig i Pommern, är Ni så välkommen som någon lefvande människa, och vi skola roa oss tillsammans.«

Whitelocke: "Jag tackar ödmjukast Eders majestät för Eder stora ynnest mot Eder tjänare, som har en hustru och tillräckligt många barn till att befolka en provins i Pommern, och jag skall föra dem allihop till att tjäna Eders majestät."

Drottningen: "Om Ni vill medföra Eder hustru och alla Edra barn och hela familjen dit och bosätta Eder där, skall Ni inte sakna något, som står i min makt, och skall vara välkommen."

Detta var emellertid endast artighet, af mesta intresset därför att det visade, att såväl puritanen som drottningen vid tillfälle kunde skänka lifvet behag med angenäma talesätt. Kristinas mål var Rom, men alls icke Pommern, och Whitelocke hade alls icke för afsikt att besöka henne vare sig i Pommern eller annorstädes.

Han hade för öfrigt icke heller hennes förtroende i så hög grad som han själf smickrade sig med. Hans porträtt af henne är af värde såsom korrektiv af vissa andra porträtt; men den verkliga historien om hennes tronafsägelse och hennes bevekelsegrunder till densamma måste sökas från andra källor.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Bulstrode Whitelocke.


Above: Francis Henry Gribble.

Notes: literal = literary.

skittish = wanton; fickle.

secret de Polichinelle (secret of Polichinelle) = an open secret, a supposed secret known to everyone.

Saturday, November 15, 2025

Henry Woodhead on Kristina and Johan Adler Salvius vs. Johan Oxenstierna during the negotiations for the Peace of Westphalia

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 219 to 230, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of May 23/June 2 (Old Style), 1641 to Johan Kasimir is here:


Her letter of July 21/31 (Old Style), 1648 to Salvius is here:


Her letter of September 4/14 (Old Style), 1647 to him is here:


Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Oxenstierna and Salvius is here:


Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Salvius is here:


The account:

A princess of Christina's character could not be insensible to glory. The brilliant successes of the Swedish arms were calculated to gratify, and at the same time to excite her ambition.

Her most important public act, however, and the one for which she most deserves the admiration of posterity, was the personal and active part she took in bringing about the peace of Westphalia.

The Thirty Years' War now resembled a chronic malady, which no ordinary treatment could cure. The Swedish nobles were anxious to prolong a state from which they gained so much. The country had been so long at war that war appeared its natural condition. The internal administration was adapted to a state of hostility, and it was felt that a treaty of peace would be a sort of revolution. The aristocratic party had plausible reasons for the continuation of the war. Sweden was able[,] while it lasted[,] to keep a great army in a high state of efficiency, at the expense of other nations. This army was a protection against her jealous and threatening neighbours, Poland, Denmark, and Russia. The territory of Sweden was thus more secure than in time of peace. Her trade flourished to a certain degree by the depression of trade in other countries, and the Swedish statesmen were not enlightened enough to see that this prosperity was more apparent than real. The unavoidable expense was in a great measure defrayed by French subsidies, and much of the plunder of Germany passed directly into the hands of the Swedish nobles.

Although France gave substantial assistance to Sweden, the interests of the two countries were by no means identical. They were even in some points directly opposed. Oxenstiern had long foreseen that this would be the case, and he had refused to enter into a close alliance with France, until the first battle of Nördlingen convinced him that Sweden could not contend single-handed against Austria. Even after this he always remained very jealous of French influence.

Austria had been the chief sufferer in the war, but the people, by whom all the misery was endured, had no voice in the government. The Emperor and his Council did not wish to terminate the struggle before the wheel of fortune turned round and declared in their favour. They thought that in one fortunate campaign they might regain all they had lost. It is difficult to surmise how long the war might have lasted if it had not been for Christina.

Her exertions in bringing about a peace were becoming to a Christian woman, and deserved the gratitude of her contemporaries far more than the purest orthodoxy.

Her desire for peace was not confined to public professions. She wrote private letters to Salvius, her minister at the Congress, urging him again and again to turn all his thoughts towards peace. In one letter to him she said, "What I desire the most, and esteem above everything else, is the power of restoring peace to Christendom."

She was fully aware of the objections which were made to peace, and knew from whom the objections emanated. She hinted to Salvius that the Chancellor himself was one of her greatest opponents, but expressed her determination to carry her point.

Not the least of the obstacles to peace, was the rivalry and animosity which existed among the envoys themselves. The two Swedish plenipotentiaries were John Oxenstiern, a son of the Chancellor's, and Salvius. The latter owed his appointment only to his ability; he was the son of a citizen at Stre[n]gnäs, and for some time had studied medicine, but afterwards obtained a subordinate post under the government; his talent soon attracted the notice of Oxenstiern, and of Gustavus Adolphus, who entrusted him with important duties and raised him to the rank of a nobleman. Christina said he was so clever in diplomacy, that he made every one do just what he wanted. A less partial account said that[,] although slow, he possessed great knowledge of business, and knew well how to hide his own opinion whilst he found out the opinion of others. John Oxenstiern was also experienced in business, but had so little capacity that any one could see directly through his plans; he was, besides, both obstinate and vehement.

The sagacity of Christina easily told her what dissensions would ensue from the association of two men who possessed such different characters. Three years before she assumed the management of affairs, and when she was only fifteen years old, she wrote to the Prince Palatine that Salvius was labouring to bring about a peace, but that the Chancellor was not sincere in the same cause. She added, that "John Oxenstiern was about to proceed to the Congress, but that he was not likely to agree with Salvius."

The two ministers not only represented opposite opinions and interests, but they appear to have been animated by a mutual antipathy of old standing. When Salvius was minister at Hamburg, he told John Oxenstiern, then at Stralsund, that he ought not to address Grotius, the minister at Paris, without giving him the title of Excellency. This was probably an indirect way of reminding John Oxenstiern, that Salvius himself had a right to the title of Excellency. Instead of apologizing for his want of courtesy, Oxenstiern sent a rude answer, "that he did not want to receive any lessons."

The colleagues could hardly have worked well together, even if they had had the same objects. Notwithstanding his haughty and overbearing manner, John Oxenstiern was to a certain degree aware of his own incapacity to manage the weighty affairs which were entrusted to him. Soon after his arrival at Osnaburg, he wrote to his father, and begged that he might be removed to some less difficult post.

The old Chancellor's answer contained an expression which has often been quoted to reassure diffidence: "Are you ignorant, my son, of the small amount of ability with which this world is managed?"

The Chancellor at first reproved his son for his overbearing assumption of the title of "head of the legation", and told him that Salvius and himself were associates, with equal power and authority. "I am sorry, my son", he added, "that you do not show more greatness of mind than to be disturbed about such trifles. If every one would consider that other people's feelings are the same as his own, there would not be so many quarrels in the world."

John Oxenstiern at the same time received a reprimand from his father, "for writing such long letters to the Queen about nothing at all."

This lecture had the effect of suspending the quarrels of the two envoys for a little while, but they began again in 1646, and the decided preference which Christina showed for Salvius, increased still more the jealousy of Oxenstiern. Their differences were no longer confined to trifles, for they pursued different lines of policy, and the Chancellor now supported his son in the Council, although he still blamed his petulant expressions.

In 1647 he wrote, "Dear son, I am sorry to see you do not know how to manage your pen in corresponding with the Queen. You are not content to let things speak for themselves, but you show your ill-humour in vehement words, which prove that you have no control over yourself, although they do not injure your enemy."

No opposition could alter Christina's determination to make peace. This resolution appears in a letter of hers to Salvius, dated September, 1647, where she also proved that she was not so much the dupe of the French as some of her ministers supposed. "I perceive", she said, "that the treaty of peace is much in the same condition as if it was abandoned, and that every one is expecting the result of the campaign. Nevertheless, I trust that on your part you will use every possible effort to complete this work, which may the Almighty in His mercy prosper. I enclose a letter for Mr. Servian (the French envoy); send it him immediately. I should be very uncourteous not to respond to his civility, since he has offered to serve me. I must be polite to him, and assure him of my favour, because, as you know, he is the creature of the Cardinal. I am, however, well acquainted with French manners, and know that they consist chiefly in compliments — still one can lose nothing by civility, and it is best to pay them in their own coin. The compliments which they and others pay me, are mere flattery, which I do not deserve, but I think it best to return civility for civility. Express to them the affection I feel for the Queen and for the Cardinal. It is he who governs everything, and for that reason you must make much of his creatures."

Oxenstiern and his party demanded conditions which even France, the ally of Sweden, thought unreasonable. Among other things, they insisted that the whole of Pomerania should be ceded to Sweden. The Elector of Brandenburg would have suffered by this, but he was not at all inclined to submit. If the moderate counsels of Christina had not prevailed, France would have been alienated, and Brandenburg would soon have been on the side of Austria. Chanut, in obedience to his orders, made complaints of John Oxenstiern's impracticability, and it seemed likely the negotiations would be indefinitely prolonged. Christina wrote a sharp letter to her ministers in April, 1647, which was, however, really only intended for one of them. She said, "I add these few words to my official letter, only to express my fear that the much desired treaty, of which I have been expecting the happy conclusion, may be delayed for reasons which I do not understand. In order that you may be thoroughly informed of my will, be assured that I desire, above everything in the world, a safe and honourable peace. ..... If this is not settled, you must consider how you will answer for it before God, before the States of the kingdom, and before me. Do not be diverted from this object by the schemes of ambitious persons, unless you are prepared to suffer disgrace, and to encounter my indignation. You may depend upon it that no support of great families will prevent me from showing my displeasure before all the world. I am convinced that if the treaty is not concluded, I should be involved[,] by your fault[,] in a labyrinth from which you could never extricate me, and I therefore warn you to take care of yourselves."

She wrote at the same time a private letter to Salvius, in which she told him explicitly that the reprimand was not intended for him, but for John Oxenstiern. "She knew", she said, "that a certain party was trying to protract the negotiations indefinitely, but she would let the world see that the Chancellor was not able to overturn everything with his finger."

She expressed her confidence that Salvius would do everything in his power to promote the peace; and she added, "If God grants that you return home with the treaty, I will reward your services with the rank of senator; you know yourself that it is the highest dignity to which an honest man can aspire in our country; if there were any higher degrees of honour, I would raise you to them. You will have to encounter the malice of the envious, but you may say with Marius, 'Contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam: mihi fortuna, iis probra objectantur.'"

Notwithstanding the gravity of her style in this letter, she showed something of the fun and malice of a young lady of twenty in the postscript, where she particularly desired to be informed what grimaces young Oxenstiern made when he read her reprimand.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Monday, October 20, 2025

Francis William Bain on Kristina surviving the 1647 assassination attempt and the 1652 near-drowning incident, and on her calm, fearless, joking or trivialising reactions and strong presence of mind during them

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 209 to 210, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

On more than one occasion Christina's life was in danger, and in every case she displayed the same cool courage and presence of mind. In 1647, in the Castle Church, a lunatic seized the moment when the congregation was kneeling after the sermon was over, to rush into the elevated gallery, where she was, and got within two steps of her; quite unmoved, she rose, and pushed her Captain of the Guards, who seized him by the hair. It was doubtful what the man's intentions were; two knives were found on him; however that may be, the incident showed the steadiness of the Queen's nerves. In June, 1652, she went at four in the morning to inspect the fleet which was being fitted up at Stockholm. While Admiral Herman Fleming was showing her a new ship, they were standing together on a plank; it suddenly tilted up, and the Admiral fell into the sea, in very deep water, dragging the Queen after him; fortunately her Equerry, Steinberg, being close by, jumped in just in time to seize her by the skirt of her dress, only just visible, as the Admiral, who had sunk, was clutching hold of her petticoats. Several people hurried up, and succeeded in getting her on board. Though she had fallen in head first and swallowed a lot of water, she was no sooner pulled out than she bade them save the Admiral, who was still grasping her clothes. So far from blaming him for this, she praised him, as he would certainly have drowned if he had not. She was moreover, she said, used to drinking cold water, only not salt and dirty; but the Admiral, she maliciously added, must have found the change from beer and wine unpleasant. She made no fuss about it, and dined in public as if nothing had happened.


Above: Kristina.

Notes: The man who tried to assassinate Kristina was Christoffer Presbeckius.

The incident where Kristina and Herman Fleming almost drowned happened in May 1652, not June.

salt = salty.

Francis William Bain on Kristina's friendship with Bulstrode Whitelocke

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 191 to 195, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

... Christina was at no time more closely allied with Pimentelli than other ambassadors whom she thought it necessary to conciliate for political reasons. The insinuations against him are due to his country and his religion, and were never directed against another ambassador to whom she showed equal if not greater favour, Sir Bulstrode Whitelocke, who was sent by Cromwell to Sweden in 1653 to negotiate a commercial treaty with England and establish friendly relations between the two countries. His first interview with Christina took place on December 23, 1653:

"He perceived the Queen sitting, at the upper end of the room, upon her chair of state of crimson velvet... he put off his cap, and then the Queen put off her cap, after the fashion of men, and came two or three steps forward upon the foot carpet. This, and her being covered and rising from her seat, caused Whitelocke to know her to be the Queen, which otherwise had not been easy to be discerned, her habit being of plain grey stuff, her petticoat reaching to the ground, over that a jacket such as men wear, of the same stuff, reaching to her knees; on her left side, tied with crimson ribbons, she wore the jewel of the order of Amaranta; her cuffs ruffled à la mode, no gorget or band, but a black scarf about her neck, tied before with a black ribbon as soldiers and mariners sometimes use to wear; her hair was braided and hung loose upon her head: she wore a black velvet cap lined with sables and turned up after the fashion of the country, which she used to put on and off as men do their hats. Her countenance was sprightly, but somewhat pale; she has much of majesty in her demeanour, and though her person were of the smaller size, yet her mien and carriage were very noble."

Christina took great delight in Whitelocke's company and humour; she would frequently have him to her palace, and after "calling for stools" in deference to his lameness, she would sit hours at a time discussing English and foreign affairs, not unmixed with what he calls "drollery." The accounts he has left us show what tact she would bring to bear on her negotiations with foreign powers. To oblige him, she ceased to hold balls on Sunday, as was customary in Sweden, which he considered a profanation of the Sabbath. She always expressed a great admiration of Cromwell, whom she compared to Gustavus Vasa. She would sometimes ride with him, and on one such occasion tried his pistols and her own to see which were the best. On February 20th, Valentine's Eve according to the old style, she gave him leave to be her Valentine, and wear her name in his hat; he sent her as a present "a great looking-glass." It was just such instances of graceful humour that in cases other than Whitelocke's were twisted into scandals by malevolent calumniators.

He describes for us the balls and festivals given by the Queen: "The Queen and her ladies would first dance the brawls, then French dances; ... she took great delight in English country dances, and herself danced with more life and spirit than the rest of the ladies, or any he had seen;" as well as masquerades and ballets, such as that in January, 1651, called the "triumphant Parnassus;" sometimes the national costumes of Europe, past and present, would be represented, Christina appearing now as a Dutch maidservant, now a Moorish lady, or citizen's wife. At a "Banquet of the Gods" in 1651 [sic], in which Ulfeld, Radziejowski, Pimentelli, and Count Magnus appeared as Jupiter, Bacchus, Mars, and Apollo, she instituted her "Order of Amaranta." The origin of the name is obscure; perhaps from the Greek "never fading;" or a pastoral in which Christina was a shepherdess, Amarantha. The badge was a gold medal on which was engraved a double A, interlaced, with the motto "Dolce nella memoria." There were thirty members in addition to the Queen; they swore to follow Virtue and Honour, and had the privilege of feasting with her on Saturdays at a country house near Stockholm. One condition was that the candidate must be unmarried; this must have been abrogated in the case of Whitelocke, who was made a member; he had been married three times. "Pardieu, vous êtes incorrigible!" said the Queen, when he told her.

Her enemies fastened on this "Order", trying to connect it scandalously with Pimentelli, whose Christian name was Antonio; a thing refuted by the date, when he had not as yet come to Sweden [sic]. They saw further evidence in the diamond ring she gave him, at one of these masques, to hold for her till she asked for it, when she went to change her dress; when he offered it back to her, she said she had not asked for it yet, nor would; he was to keep it in memory of her. But Whitelocke, who relates it, speaks of the whole thing as taking place "genteelly, and without the least offence or scandal."

Not only are charges of this pitiful kind absolutely without foundation, but neither is there anything in the assertion that at this time she abandoned politics for frivolous amusements. A typical illustration is furnished by the innumerable discussions between Whitelocke and herself respecting his mission, in which her careful consideration of all details is obvious. Certainly, there was considerable delay in settling and concluding it, of which Whitelocke complains. But he does not notice the reason for this delay; his own pages furnish continual evidence that Christina and the Chancellor were waiting to see whether Cromwell could establish his power on a sure basis. In the meantime Balandine, Charles II.'s envoy, came to Sweden to ask assistance. Christina wrote an answer with her own hand, "regretting her inability to provide any remedy for the incurable evils of the age, and[,] hoping that time[,] which cures all things[,] might put an end to his evil fortune, and furnish her with opportunities to assist him without detriment to her own interests and obligations." But after Cromwell became Protector, in December, 1653, the treaty of commerce progressed better: it was finally signed in April, 1654. On his departure, Christina made Whitelocke a present of raw copper worth £2500.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Bulstrode Whitelocke.

Thursday, October 9, 2025

Philibert de la Mare's anecdote about Kristina making some young Swedish ladies sing dirty French songs for the French ambassador Gaspard Coignet de la Thuilerie, without the ladies understanding a word of what they were singing, undated

Sources:

Mélanges de M. Philibert Delamare, conseiller au parlement de Dijon, commencez en 1673 et copiez sur le ms. original; view 192, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits


Œuvres de Descartes, correspondance IV: juillet 1643-avril 1647, page 541, published by Charles Adam and Paul Tannery, 1901; original at the University of California


Queen of Caprice: A Biography of Kristina of Sweden, pages 72 to 73, by Paul Lewis, 1962

The anecdote:

1165.
J'ai oui dire à feu Mr. de Saumaise, qui auoit esté Enseigne des Gardes de la Reine Christine de Suede, que pendant que Mr. de la Tuillérie estoit Ambassadeur de france auprés d'elle, elle Faisoit apprendre à chanter a Ses Demoiselles Suedoises les plus dissolues Chansons qui Se chantassent en France, et quand elle estoit en ses humeurs gayes elle disoit à Mr. de la Tuillerie, «Monsieur l'Ambassadeur, je Vous veux faire entendre la musique de mes Filles», et le menant dans son Cabinet elle faisoit chanter ces Chansons là par Ses filles, lesquelles n'entendant pas le françois, les chantoient d'aussi bonne Foi que Si ç'eut esté quelques Chansons bien Serieuses.

With modernised spelling:

1165.
J'ai ouï dire à feu Monsieur de Saumaise, qui avait été enseigne des gardes de la reine Christine de Suède, que, pendant que Monsieur de la Thuilerie était ambassadeur de France auprès d'elle, elle faisait apprendre à chanter à ses demoiselles suédoises les plus dissolues chansons qui se chantassent en France, et quand elle était en ses humeurs gaies, elle disait à Monsieur de la Thuillerie: «Monsieur l'ambassadeur, je vous veux faire entendre la musique de mes filles»; et, le menant dans son cabinet, elle faisait chanter ces chansons-là par ses filles, lesquelles, n'entendant pas le français, les chantaient d'aussi bonne foi que si c'eût été quelques chansons bien sérieuses.

Adam's and Tannery's transcript of the anecdote:

J'ay ouy dire à feu M. de Saumaise, qui avoit esté enseigne des gardes de la Reyne Christine de Suéde, que, pendant que M. de la Tuillerie estoit ambassadeur de France aupres d'elle, elle faisoit apprendre à chanter à ses demoiselles suédoises les plus dissolues chansons qui se chantassent en France, et quand elle estoit en ses humeurs gaies, elle disoit à Mr de la Tuillerie: «M. l'ambassadeur, je vous veux faire entendre la musique de mes filles»; et le menant dans son cabinet, elle faisoit chanter ces chansons là par ses filles, lesquelles n'entendants pas le françois, les chantoient d'aussy bone foy que si c'eust esté quelques chansons bien sérieuses.

With modernised spelling:

J'ai ouï dire à feu M. de Saumaise, qui avait été enseigne des gardes de la reine Christine de Suède, que, pendant que M. de la Thuilerie était ambassadeur de France auprès d'elle, elle faisait apprendre à chanter à ses demoiselles suédoises les plus dissolues chansons qui se chantassent en France, et quand elle était en ses humeurs gaies, elle disait à Monsieur de la Thuilerie: «Monsieur l'ambassadeur, je vous veux faire entendre la musique de mes filles»; et, le menant dans son cabinet, elle faisait chanter ces chansons-là par ses filles, lesquelles, n'entendants pas le français, les chantaient d'aussi bonne foi que si c'eût été quelques chansons bien sérieuses.

Swedish translation (my own):

1165.
Jag hörde den salige monsieur de Saumaise, som varit fänrik för drottning Kristina av Sveriges vakter, säga att medan monsieur de la Thuilerie var fransk ambassadör hos henne, lärde hon unga svenska jungfrur att sjunga de mest lösaktiga sånger som sjöngs i Frankrike, och när hon var i sitt glada humör, sade hon till monsieur de la Thuilerie: »Monsieur l'ambassadeur, jag vill att Ni skall höra mina flickors musik«; och när hon ledde honom in i sitt kabinett fick hon sina flickor att sjunga dessa sånger, som, utan att förstå franska, sjöng dem i lika god tro som om de hade varit några mycket allvarliga sånger.

English translation (my own):

1165.
I heard the late Monsieur de Saumaise, who had been ensign of the guards of Queen Kristina of Sweden, say that, while Monsieur de la Thuilerie was French ambassador to her, she taught young Swedish ladies to sing the most dissolute songs that were sung in France, and when she was in her cheerful humours, she said to Monsieur de la Thuilerie: "Monsieur l'ambassadeur, I want you to hear the music of my girls"; and, leading him into her cabinet, she made her girls sing these songs, who, not understanding French, sang them in as good faith as if they had been some very serious songs.


Above: Kristina.

Philibert de la Mare's anecdote about Kristina joking to Gilles Ménage about their respective academies in Rome and Paris being held on Wednesdays and Thursdays

Source:

Mélanges de M. Philibert Delamare, conseiller au parlement de Dijon, commencez en 1673 et copiez sur le ms. original; view 126, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Département des Manuscrits


Ménage tells of the exact same joke in his own collection of anecdotes, although he mentions it taking place at the time of the academies Kristina held in Stockholm in the early 1650s:


The anecdote:

739.
La Reyne de Suede a une Accademie à Rome qui Se tient le Jeudy au Sujet de laquelle êcriuant a Mr. Menage qui en a vne à paris qui Se tient les Me[r]credy, elle lui mandoit ces mots: «Ma Jovialle est trés humble Servante de vostre Mercurialle.»

With modernised spelling:

739.
La reine de Suède a une académie à Rome qui se tient le jeudi, au sujet de laquelle, écrivant à Monsieur Ménage, qui en a une à Paris qui se tient les mercredis, elle lui mandait ces mots: «Ma Joviale est très humble servante de votre Mércuriale.»

Swedish translation (my own):

739.
Drottningen av Sverige har en akademi i Rom som hålls på torsdagar, om vilken hon, när hon skrev till monsieur Ménage, som har en i Paris som hålls på onsdagar, skickade honom dessa ord: »Min Joviale är en mycket ödmjuk tjänarinna till Er Mércuriale.«

English translation (my own):

739.
The Queen of Sweden has an academy in Rome which is held on Thursdays, concerning which, writing to Monsieur Ménage, who has one in Paris which is held on Wednesdays, she sent him these words: "My Joviale is a very humble servant of your Mércuriale."


Above: Kristina.


Above: Gilles Ménage.

Sunday, August 31, 2025

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 8

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 93 to 94, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... About this time [sic] an accident happened to Christina, which brought her into still greater danger, than that which has been related already. Having given orders for some ships of war to be built at the port of Stockholm, she went to see them when she heard they were finished; as she was going aboard of them, across a narrow plank, with admiral Fleming, his foot slipping, he fell, and drew the queen with him into the sea, which in that place was 90 feet deep. Anthony Steinberg, the queen's first equerry, instantly threw himself into the water, laid hold of her robe, and, with such assistance as was given him, got the queen safe on shore. During this accident, her recollection and presence of mind was such, that the moment her lips were above water, she cried out, 'Take care of the admiral.' When she was got out of the water, she discovered no emotion either by her gesture or countenance, and she dined the same day in public, where she gave a humorous account of her adventure. ...


Above: Kristina's accident in the harbour.

Notes: robe = dress.

discovered = revealed, showed.

Saturday, March 22, 2025

Faith Compton Mackenzie on Kristina's interest in philosophy and René Descartes in particular; his reluctant acceptance to come to Sweden; his and Kristina's ultimate impressions of each other; his sudden passing after a few months in Sweden; Kristina surrounding herself with scholars such as Isaac Vossius, Nicolaus Heinsius and Claude Saumaise; her constant collecting of books, manuscripts, and works of art; her own sense of humour; the rivalry between Saumaise and the English poet John Milton; and his resentment of all the philosophers and savants toadying around Kristina

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 47 to 59, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library


The account:

CHAPTER III
PHILOSOPHERS
CARTESIANISM was the fashion in Paris. All the leading lights in literature and society flocked to hear Descartes's new doctrines expounded. Philosophy became a more modish topic than clothes or alchemy. Automatism, geometry, medicine and morals — the dictum, "Je pense; donc, je suis" — were discussed in boudoirs and powder-closets, problems in the higher mathematics were handed round like billets-doux, and, though there was the usual display of brilliant reasoning among the real intellectuals, so much nonsense was talked elsewhere that Molière was driven to write "Les Précieuses Ridicules".

Descartes, "the true liberator of the spirit, the maître des maîtres", had himself abandoned Paris in 1629. City life was inimical to the development of his philosophical apprehension. He found seclusion necessary for the study of man's nature, the soul — and God. He did not so much live life as observe it, and that from a solitary peak. From her Northern eyrie Christina sent the philosopher a question: "When one makes a bad use of love or hate, which of these abuses is the worse?" There followed a lengthy correspondence on the subject of love, which subject she and Pierre Chanut had been fervently discussing. Descartes's contribution to the argument was mainly academic, his own experience of love having been limited to a mild passion for a little girl with a squint, in early childhood. His opinion was that love wrongly used was more dangerous than hate. After a further exchange of letters, the idea that had been at the back of Christina's mind from the first was mooted. Would Descartes visit the Swedish Court, and expound his doctrines to the eager Queen in person?

When the summons came, the philosopher was comfortably established at Edmond, in Holland. Here physics, music, mathematics and flowers occupied him to the almost total exclusion of human contacts. "I take my walk every day through the confusion of a great multitude with as much freedom and quiet as you could find in your rural avenues", he wrote to a friend from Amsterdam. The mass of correspondence that poured in from all Europe was conveyed to him by priests who acted as intermediaries. At Egmond he could practise his religion without interference; he was a Catholic. Here he could preserve his carefully guarded health, unhampered by social obligations. He ate no meat, drank little wine, and the greater part of his thinking was done in bed. His strength was never over-taxed, for he did not believe in laborious study; "a very few hours daily in thoughts which occupy the imagination, and a very few hours yearly in which occupy the understanding — all the rest of my time is given to the relaxation of the senses and the repose of the mind."

To control in peace and quiet the thought of Europe, to pursue unchecked his enthralling investigations, this was all he asked of life. His most interesting friendship was with Princess Elizabeth, daughter of the exiled Queen of Bohemia, who lived in semi-state and great melancholy at the Hague. He occupied her mind with delightful and scarcely soluble mathematical problems, and no doubt observed the reactions (though he did not call them that) of his royal pupil to the novelty of his doctrines as keenly as he watched the struggles of the unfortunate animals he vivisected to prove that "no matter thinks; every soul of beast is matter; therefore no beast thinks."

Descartes was not only unwilling to abandon his secret Dutch pleasaunce. He was also suspicious that this invitation might be a plot on the part of his enemies; as a Catholic and the author of a new philosophy he had reason for caution.

It was not until October, 1649, that he was persuaded to move, under the assurances of his friend Chanut and Freinsheim, the Queen's librarian. A ship was sent by Christina to convey him to Sweden, the pilot of which, when questioned by the Queen as to what manner of man he had brought with him, replied:

"Madam, I have not brought you a mere man, but a demigod."

Descartes's appearance was insignificant — he was short, his head was large and covered with untidy black hair, his voice weak, and his habit usually black and unobtrusive. For this journey he had decked himself out with unwonted care; a curled wig, elegant shoes and elaborate embroidered gloves were worn in honour of the Sibyl of the North, but this was not enough to provoke such enthusiasm. His personality must have been impressive indeed.

It was disconcerting to be asked to take part in a ballet on his arrival, but he evaded this by consenting to write some lyrics for it instead. He lodged, not in the Palace, but with his friend Chanut, where he imagined he would be the better able to pursue his own mode of life. After two interviews with Christina, he wrote to the Princess Elizabeth, who strongly disapproved of this visit:

"The generosity and majesty of the Queen in all her actions is combined with such sweetness and goodness as to make everyone her willing slave. She is extremely given to study, though I cannot say what she will think of my philosophy, as she knows nothing of it yet."

Descartes was not in favour of reading. Erudition was all very well for dilettanti and les précieuses, but for the true philosopher the study of nature and human life was what mattered. "These are my books", he once said to a visitor at Egmond, pointing to the bodies of animals he had dissected. The sight of Christina engrossed in the Classics depressed him. Of what use were these dead languages to a new philosophy?

Christina did not relax her studies on Descartes's account, but she showed him many marks of especial favour, even consulting him on matters of State, to the annoyance of her Swedish advisers and of the other philosophers and savants who were already gathering about her. Descartes enjoyed the company of the Queen, and so interesting did she find his philosophy that, though she exempted him from levées, which he disliked, she sought his company in tête-à-tête more and more. Unfortunately, the business of ruling occupied the better part of her day; she was never, even in ill-health, absent from the Senate. Then there were her studies, from which not even Descartes could lure her. So she fixed upon the uncomfortable hour of five in the morning for the exposition of Cartesianism. For any human being this would be a trial, but for Descartes it was a martyrdom. As he drove beside the river, buffeted by freezing Baltic winds in the bleak darkness long before dawn, he must have sighed for his Dutch retreat and the warm inviting bed from which he never stirred till midday. No wonder he wrote to the Princess Elizabeth, to her great delight:

"After all, in spite of my great veneration for Her Majesty, I do not think I am likely to be detained in this country after next summer."

He was not detained as long as that. His friend Chanut fell ill of inflammation of the lungs, and Descartes nursed him back to health, but himself developed the malady, and, weakened by unwonted exposure to the severe climate and the unnatural hours he had been obliged to keep, he died on February 1, 1650.

His death stirred Europe. Christina was blamed for it, and indeed by her lack of consideration for a delicate man, she could be called indirectly responsible. Madame de Motteville said: "Instead of making men die of love for her, she makes them die of shame and despair. She caused the death of Descartes by disapproving of his philosophy." This is only one of Madame's usual exaggerations. Descartes was not the kind of person to die either of shame or despair, though Christina may have hinted that all his theories were not original, and quoted Plato.

Mademoiselle Descartes, a noted précieuse, friend of Mademoiselle de Scudéry and Madame de Sevigné, was moved to write a long "Relation de la Morte de M. Descartes" in prose and verse, which ends with the appearance of the philosopher to Mademoiselle de la Vigne:

"Merveille de nos jours, jeune et sage Heroine,
Qui, sous les doux appas d'une beauté divine 
Cachez tant de vertu, d'esprit et de sçavoir,
Ne vous étonnez pas qu'un Mort vous vienne voir.
Si je pus autrefois, pour une jeune Reine
Dont je connoissais peu l'âme inégale et vaine,
Abandonner les lieux si fleuris et si verde,
Pour aller la chercher au pays des hivers;
Je devois bien pour vous quitter ces climats sombres
Où, loins de la lumière, errent les pales ombres."

Descartes was buried with great simplicity among the graves of children and orphans at Stockholm, and Christina erected a monument to his memory. The Abbé Huet wrote, that he visited the spot and found that the monument, instead of being of marble, as it appeared, was of painted wood. Someone had mockingly changed the inscription "Sub hoc lapide" to "Sub hoc ligneo". Seventeen years later the body of Descartes was moved to S. Genevieve, Paris.

Descartes may be said to have inaugurated the reign of philosophers and savants at the Swedish Court. Everyone who had the slightest pretension to learning was bidden by the Queen, "avide de sçavoir", as Mademoiselle Descartes describes her. From all parts they came, good and bad. Rewards were heaped upon them, gold chains, copper, and pensions without end. As a house with a chalked sign attracts tramps, so the Swedish Court became the Mecca for all sorts and conditions of scholars.

Among the really distinguished was Vossius, who came from Holland and was the greatest Greek scholar of his time. It was with him that Descartes sorrowfully observed Christina persisting in her daily classical studies. Vossius had an interesting career and was eventually made Canon of Windsor by Charles II, mainly, it was said, because he professed to believe in everything except the Bible. He was one of the worst thieves in the whole of Christina's entourage, and was believed to have stolen the priceless Codex Argenteus, a manuscript of the Gothic translation of the four Gospels made in the fourth century. This wonderful treasure was painted in silver or gold. It was originally found in the Benedictine abbey of Werden, Westphalia, and transferred to Prague, where it was seized by Königsmark and sent to Christina as a present. Vossius somehow got possessed of it, and at this death Magnus de la Gardie bought it and gave it to the University of Upsala, one of the few actions that can be recorded to his credit.

Nicholas Heinsius, who did not rob Christina's library, though he had ample opportunity, was sent to Italy in search of manuscripts and books. Christina urged him with encouraging letters. "You know I am curious. Satisfy my curiosity. You will be well rewarded."

Heinsius wrote from Italy: "The Italians are beginning to complain that ships are laden with the spoils of their libraries, and that all their best aids to learning are being carried away from them to the remotest North."

But Christina was insatiable. Vossius, scouring the Low Countries, France and Germany, bought on her behalf the Petau library, which Saumaise called the marrow of the manuscripts of France, for forty thousand livres. Cardinal Mazarin's library was for sale when Vossius was in Paris. He bought the best of this, and the pick of half a dozen others. The nucleus of Christina's library was a vast collection of treasures, the spoils of her father's conquests in Germany, and the final enrichment was Vossius's own library which he sold her for twenty thousand florins, on condition that he was made librarian at five thousand florins a year, with his board and lodging at Court. An admirable arrangement this, for him, of which he took full advantage, a vast quantity of Christina's books and manuscripts being found in his possession at his death.

"The royal library", wrote Huet in 1654, "is stuffed full. Four large rooms won't hold it." It was the most remarkable private library in the world. Christina's passion for owning books was matched by her love of collecting works of art of all kinds. Her taste was wide if not impeccable, and her emissaries were searching Europe for objets d'art of all descriptions: sculpture, pictures, engravings, medals of gold and silver, for which she had a special predilection, ivory, amber, clocks, mirrors and every possible kind of furniture came pouring in from all parts. All the noted craftsmen were bidden to the Palace; enamel-workers, engravers, wax-modellers and their like brought their wares, and went away handsomely rewarded. Dancers, singers, actors were engaged from the other end of Europe if Christina heard good reports of them. Such lavish and reckless expenditure had seldom been known, and as the Palace groaned under the cumbering masses of booty forever accumulating, Christina must have glanced apprehensively at the dwindling exchequer. How long would it last? She had enough sense to know that it could not last forever. A wild extravagance was upon her. For her honour she must spend — spend — more than any monarch had spent before her. To outshine Solomon in wisdom and glory, to have the world crying, "Great is Christina of the North!"

It was not enough to be a great ruler. That was born in her — a gift passed on from great Gustavus I, and handed on bright and shining through her father to herself. She had proved that, since at sixteen she had sat and directed her Ministers in the Senate. They listened to her, not from deference to her sex and youth, but because she was wise in statecraft and nearly always right.

The strangest and perhaps the most interesting among Christina's collection of savants was Saumaise (Salmatius), "a man of enormous reading and no judgment", who was lured away from the University of Leyden and lodged in the Palace. He was an exceedingly tiresome person among his fellows, domineering and arrogant. Bayle says of him, "He plunged his pen into bile of the bitterest." Maussac and Gaulmin (who presented Christina with his Oriental collection and received a gift of thirty thousand crowns in return) were once with him in the royal library in Paris, and Gaulmin said:

"I think we three could hold up our heads against all the learning in Europe", to which Saumaise replied:

"Add yourself and Maussac to the rest and I will hold my own with the lot of you."

This arrogant remark, however, may have been prompted by the extreme complacence of Gaulmin.

Christina had a genuine affection and admiration for Saumaise. She was perfectly aware that he was intolerable in his behaviour to her other guests.

"Monsieur Saumaise knows the word for 'chair' in every language, but he hasn't learnt how to sit down on one", she said.

Doubtless he was not alone among her guests in lack of social gifts, and his learning outweighed his other shortcomings. Besides, in spite of his overbearing ways, the other side of what might be called his dual existence roused, especially in Christina, a deep, if somewhat amused pity. For if in the library he was a bitterly hated tyrant, in his home he was the victim of a subjugation most humiliating. His wife, Anne Mercier, was a dragon, a shrew, a horrible ambitious creature who by sheer malignity reduced him to a state of wretched acquiescence. So outrageous was her conduct that the whole world knew of it. Huet writes of her thus:

"I should not tell you anything of the imperious temper of Madame Saumaise if it were not already well known, and if Milton had not already written about it. She was so afraid of people putting her husband against her that she could not bear to allow anyone to see him privately. In my own experience when I have been with him at some rendezvous fixed by him at a certain hour away from his home so that we could converse at our leisure, his wife has never failed to arrive and break up the conversation, haughtily carrying off to the common sitting-room her poor husband, who does not dare to say a word in his defence, and contents himself with shrugging his shoulders and lifting his eyes to heaven."

Time had taught him to shrug his shoulders, merely — to lift his eyes to heaven — for peace's sake — to shut himself secure within himself from the nagging of Anne and the noise of his children. He used to work in the little common sitting-room — himself the centre of a raging whirlpool. It was not surprising that bile gathered in his pen and that his outlook was jaundiced. Ménage says of him that he was the most sociable of men, and evidently found much to like in him, but this was in early days before the poison had done its work.

To stay with such a woman, to endure for a moment, much less a lifetime, the humiliation of her odious tyranny, would seem to argue weakness of character. Domestic storms that sweep beyond the doors and windows of what is called home are apt to interfere with financial security. Professors must at all costs guard their home-lives from open scandal, and the University of Leyden, which prized Saumaise so dearly that when he had been in Stockholm a year Christina was told that in depriving it of him she was depriving it of the sun, would have been shocked at any deliberate change in his condition. So it was just part of life, but a very big part. When he escaped from that part of it and took up his quarters in the Palace of Stockholm, he was not allowed to forget his Anne when he donned the dreadful scarlet trappings she had designed specially for his visit to royalty. Even this horrid humiliation he did not resist, to the amusement of his sober-suited colleagues.

The Queen betook herself to his quarters at all hours, and when he was ill she delighted to "nurse" him, which consisted chiefly, from all accounts, of warming his bed — presumably with a warming-pan. Her heart must have gone out to this victim of the marriage tie, who with all his wisdom could not smooth its painful knots.

Anne was soon to follow her husband to Sweden, but he did not waste the short emancipation he enjoyed before her arrival.

One evening during his illness he was lying in bed deep in a new book reputed to be by François Beroalde, Canon of Tours, "Le Moyen de Parvenir", a lively volume of which all Paris was talking. Whilst thus engaged he was surprised by a visit from the Queen, accompanied by Ebba Sparre. Hastily, but not hastily enough, he hid the book. Christina, ever alert, demanded its name.

"A book of somewhat risky tales, Your Majesty", he whispered, "which I was reading to while away the tedium of convalescence."

The Queen, delighted, seized the book and began reading it under her breath. Putting it into Ebba's hand, she said:

"Come, Sparre, here's a pretty book of devotions. Read this page aloud."

Ebba read a few words, then stopped short, confused.

"Go on, go on!" cried the Queen. "Read to the end!"

Ebba had to obey, while the Queen, holding her sides, watched the blushes of her favourite maid-of-honour. That much-discussed book had probably never been read under more piquant circumstances.

Christina enjoyed bizarre jokes. When she was entertaining her friends she would sometimes send for her little chorus of girls and make them sing French part-songs of outrageous impropriety, all given with artless innocence, because the singers were under the impression that they were singing devotional chants, Christina and her friends writhing with suppressed laughter.

While Saumaise was at Christina's Court his famous battle of Latin words with Milton was in full swing. The tightly-bound Saumaise must have contrasted his own lot with that of the poet, whose domestic situation, in spite of what the Italians considered his offensively strict morality, was not without inspiring variety. His wife was immediately bored by a dull home, and he discovered that she was stupid, so they separated for a time, during which Milton wrote a treatise on divorce and cast his eye over other possible helpmeets, at the end of which time his wife went on her knees and begged to be taken back. If only Anne could be brought to her knees even for a moment!

Saumaise wrote a defence of Charles I at the instance of Charles II, who was then at the Hague. Milton replied with a "Defence of the People of England", in which, by the way, he eulogized Christina, declaring her fit to govern not only Europe, but the whole world. Since the brochure appeared while Saumaise was at Stockholm, Christina read it and was naturally enchanted by this appreciation, as no doubt Milton meant she should be, and she did not fail to let Saumaise know her high opinion of the "Defence". Milton lost his sight after he had finished this work, and Saumaise died before he could publish his "Responsio". When Milton heard that his enemy had boasted of making him lose his sight, he said:

"And I have made him lose his life."

Which shows how vindictive even an academic quarrel can make the soberest of men.

Saumaise prepared unwillingly to return to Leyden and take up once more the drudgery of his home-life. He resented the continual arrival of philosophers and savants at the Palace. He knew how much most of them were worth. There was no end to them. They flocked like birds of prey round the throne of the Sibyl, hovering about her, fighting for her favours, pouring out panegyrics with sickening ease, croaking Latin and Greek. Christina was certainly too kind to these vultures, much too indiscriminate. There were only a few men in Europe worthy of her patronage, and he, Saumaise, was the most important of them, and he was forced to leave the scene of action. Something must be done to stop the too-generous a flow of her favours.

Nothing kills like ridicule, and Saumaise found a way.


Above: Kristina.


Above: René Descartes.

Note: It is likely that Descartes did not write the 1649 ballet "La Naissance de la Paix".