Showing posts with label Ludovico Santinelli. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ludovico Santinelli. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 14

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 80 to 83, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

Christina returned to Rome [sic]; but the remembrance of France, and the gaieties and festivities which had distinguished her reception there, the honours which had been paid to her, and the curiosity and admiration she had excited, had apparently left a strong impression on her fancy. Within a few months, she found some pretext for repeating her visit, and reached Fontainebleau on the 15th of October 1657; no longer conducted by the Duke de Guise, nor welcomed by royal pomp, nor followed by admiring or wondering crowds of the noble, the learned, or the gay [cheerful], but in "an old worn-out vehicle, an old yellow petticoat, an old red jacket, and a dirty hood." She was accompanied by the Chevalier Santinelli, who bore the title of Captain of her guards; and the Marquis Monaldeschi, her Grand Ecuyer or Chamberlain. She was lodged in the Palace of Fontainebleau; and here, about a fortnight after her arrival[,] she enacted that horrible tragedy, which, upon consideration of all the circumstances, seems to afford additional proof that this extraordinary woman was really disordered in her intellects.

It appears that she had reason to suspect Monaldeschi of having betrayed her interests, or at least her secrets; but her reasons for doubting him, and the nature of the trust reposed in him, have never been explained. Having satisfied herself of the justice of her suspicions, she resolved to put him to death, and executed her resolve with the most deliberate barbarity.

On the 6th of November she sent for Père le Bel, the Prior of a neighbouring convent, and placed in his hands a sealed packet of papers. They were standing together in an apartment called the Gallerie des Cerfs, and she desired him to note the day, the hour, and the place in which she had given him these papers. Four days after, the monk was again sent for, and in the same gallery found the queen, with Monaldeschi, Santinelli, and two others. She desired Père le Bel to produce the packet she had formerly given him, and unfolding the letters, turned to Monaldeschi and asked him whether he knew them? The letters were copies and he denied them, but with a faltering voice; she immediately produced the originals in his own hand-writing and held them up before him. The unfortunate man, who read his fate in her countenance, fell on his knees and entreated mercy; at the same moment Santinelli and the others drew their swords. Monaldeschi hung upon her dress, and shedding a flood of tears endeavoured to move her to compassion. The queen, without reply, turned quietly to the monk, "Father", said she, "bear witness that I give this man time and opportunity to justify himself, if possible." She then listened calmly to Monaldeschi for about an hour and a quarter, but neither his excuses nor his supplications for mercy appeared to make the slightest impression upon her. She desired Père le Bel to confess and absolve the unhappy culprit, and turned away: the monk ventured to implore her compassion, urging her by every motive of humanity, religion, and even policy, to change her fatal resolve; he represented that the French king would never forgive an act of such cruelty committed within the precincts of his own palace. The queen listened with the same cool self-possession, but remained inflexible, and retired to an adjoining room, while the three executioners, or rather assassins, fell upon Monaldeschi, and put him to death by repeated wounds. He wore a cuirass under his dress [outer clothing], and defended himself with the strength of despair, so that his death was not immediate; and the queen remained coolly listening to the fatal struggle, and to his cries and supplications for mercy, till all was over; she then desired the body to be interred in the convent of Père le Bel, to whom she gave two hundred franks to pray for the soul of Monaldeschi.

This terrible act of private vengeance, this violation of all law, all justice, all human pity, excited the utmost astonishment and horror. Christina, insisting on her divine rights, and her exemption as a queen from all responsibility and all human control, did not even condescend to justify what she had done. The king merely requested that she would not for the present leave Fontainebleau to proceed to Paris, but he did not order her to quit his kingdom, nor did he make any public complaint of her conduct. After remaining at Fontainebleau for about two months in a species of exile, she was at length invited to Paris to celebrate the Carnival, and again lodged in the Louvre; but the mania with which she had formerly inspired the Parisians was at an end; they criticised and ridiculed her dress and manners, and the murder of Monaldeschi was neither forgotten nor pardoned. After a stay at Paris of about six weeks, she was obliged to understand the various hints which were given for her speedy departure, and returned to Rome.


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Thursday, October 30, 2025

Corrado Ricci on Kristina's life in Italy, part 2

Sources:

Cristina di Svezia in Italia, article written by Corrado Ricci for Nuova antologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, volume 41 (125), pages 25 to 29, published by the Direction of Nuova antologia, 1892; original at the Bavarian State Library


Roma, visioni e figure: con 29 illustrazioni, pages 137 to 142, by Corrado Ricci, 1925; original at Cornell University


The article:

I preparativi in Roma erano proceduti con sollecitudine, essendosi lo stesso pontefice adoperato perchè tutto procedesse con attività ed ordine. Compiuta era la carrozza adorna di pitture e di statue dorate, secondo il disegno del Bernini.

Che importava se le spese crescevano e l'erario si esauriva e la peste tornava a serpeggiare? Cristina entrò in Roma per Porta Portese la sera del 20 dicembre, e, seguita da una lunga fiaccolata, andò nel quartiere d'Innocenzo VIII, alla Torre dei Venti. Infinita era la gente accorsa per assistere a quel modo veramente nuovo d'entrare in incognito!

Un agente di Savoia scriveva a Torino che dopo la visita al papa, Cristina si sarebbe ritirata al palazzo Farnese «dove sarà spesata con tutta la famiglia dalla Camera Apostolica per lo spazio di tre mesi che dice volersi trattenere in questa città, se però non le assegnerà a tale effetto, per detto tempo, mille scudi il giorno, come più comunemente si crede oltre il donativo fattole dalla S. S. di una carrozza (quella disegnata dal Bernini) con sei bellissimi corsieri, di una lettiga e di una sedia di velluto turchino, coperta di trine d'argento, con tutti i finimenti compagni».

Finalmente si presentò al papa, al quale dopo tre inchini, baciò il piede e le mani. Egli la sollevò garbatamente e la fece sedere in una sedia reale di velluto cremisi. Tutto ciò, ripetiamo, sempre in incognito, chè l'ingresso solenne in Roma, il trionfo, lo spettacolo coreografico fu solo il 26.

Mentre, di buon mattino, la cavalcata cominciava a mettersi in ordine alla villa Giulia, una pioggia dirotta cadde su Roma. Si pensava già a rimettere la festa quando un bel raggio di sole illuminò la città, e il cielo a poco a poco si schiarì. In breve le strade furono piene d'una folla curiosa, fitta, rumorosa. Cristina non si fece aspettare. «Elle parut comme une Impératrice victorieuse et une conquerante, marchant en triomphe d'une manière glorieuse et superbe.» Il Claretta raccoglie che «aveva una sottana ed un giustacuore di colore sul bigio ricamato d'oro. Una mantelletta nera le copriva gli omeri, forse per celare il difetto di una spalla. Aveva in testa un cappello a larghe falde attorniato da un cordone d'oro». L'inviato di Savoia dice che Cristina cavalcò su sella da donna, mentre l'Arckenholtz trovò ch'era vestita da Amazzone con piume diffuse al cappello e montava su cavallo bianco come un uomo.

Questo il Lilliecorna [sic], al seguito della regina in Fiandra e in Italia, conferma nel suo rapporto a Carlo Gustavo, aggiungendo che le dame romane «étoient surprises de voir la Reine assise à cheval comme un cavalier, portant des culottes chamarées» e si persuasero solo quando seppero ch'ella avea cuore ed abitudini d'eroina, e che sparava cannoni senza batter palpebra. Del resto, quello di cavalcare maschilmente era l'uso costante di Cristina e ne fanno fede gli scritti dei signori di Limiers e di Meiern, il quale ultimo aggiunse anzi che non c'era ragione a maravigliarsi perchè, a' suoi tempi, anche le dame inglesi facevano lo stesso. E la regina per giunta, in molte altre cose metteva tratti virili, e nemmeno facea grande stima delle donne. A Roma, infatti, non dimostrò loro troppo buona accoglienza; le trattò freddamente rispondendo appena al saluto, e passando.

Eppure Girolamo Graziani, già noto per aver pubblicato da un lustro La conquista di Granata, induceva la sua Musa a falsare, in un ritratto di Cristina, i caratteri fisici e morali, lodandola per bellissima e per femminilmente delicata e sentimentale. Alberto Bally, che la vide a Parigi, dettò: «Est fort petite, un peu boiteuse, mal faite de corps, et de visage fort brun... Elle marche à grands pas, s'arrête peu et a la voix fort grosse.» Pareva un maschio, e sapeva di parerlo, e lo diceva. Quando le dame francesi le furono intorno con certa sollecitudine per baciarla, esclamò: «Quelle fureur ont ces Dames à me baiser? Est-ce à cause que je ressemble à un homme?» — Nullameno la carne bruna, anzi fosca di lei, coperta d'una lieve ma fitta lanugine, il profilo risoluto, aspro quasi, di quel volto singolare, dalle sopracciglia troppo arcuate, dal naso troppo lungo, alla bocca larga e al mento sottile ed arguto; in fine, la sua voce baritonale e certe angolosità e durezze di gesto non distoglievano il letterato adulatore dallo scrivere:

«Nevi di Svezia in paragon cedeste
de la mano e del seno al bel candore,
e in paragon de l'aureo crin perdeste
miniere d'India il prezioso onore.
Voi porpore a' suoi labbri e voi men belle
ai suoi begli occhi impallidite, o stelle.»

Superbo quell'aureo crine! Una parrucca gialla sopra il capo spelato ch'ella faceva radere grottescamente! — Vere ciurmerie poetiche compensate in qualche guisa dal celebre e tardo epigramma:

«À sa jupe courte et légère
à son pourpoint, à son collet,
au chapeau chargé d'un plumet,
au ruban ponceau, qui pendoit
et par devant et par derrière,
à sa mine galante et fière
d'Amazone et Avanturière:
à ce né de Consul Romain;
à cette fierté d'héroine,
à ce grand œil tendre et hautain:
soudain je reconnus Christine.
Christine des arts le maintien,
Christine qui céda pour rien
et son roïaume et votre Eglise:
qui connut tout et crut rien;
que le saint Père canonise,
que damnent les Luthérien,
que la gloire immortalise!»

Discesa presso la gradinata di San Pietro salì alla funzione.

L'indomani il papa la trattenne a desinare, in un tavolino poco distante dal suo e un po' più basso, servita da don Antonio della Cueva, dal marchese Bentivoglio e dal conte Francesco Santinelli. Calata nel pomeriggio a visitare le reliquie di San Pietro, passò sul tardi fra le torcie, dalla Torre dei Venti al palazzo Farnese, dove si mostrò ammirata dell'appartamento che le era destinato.

Il papa aveva fatto provvedere a tutto. La cantina era fornita di vini prelibati, e la dispensa, di prosciutti, di cera, di zucchero e cose simili. Ma con lei entrò il disordine, chè alcuni de' suoi servi rubarono sino dei mobili e tagliaron pezzi d'arazzo e fregi e levarono rami dal tetto.

Cristina vi ricevette presto la visita del papa e di molti cardinali con cerimoniale che sarebbe troppo lungo descrivere. Ella certamente si teneva in contegno per quanto poteva, ma la sua natura bizzarra ad ora ad ora prorompeva in atti che, se non indispettivano, imbarazzavano però Sua Santità. Com'era doloroso per lui dover rinunciare alla speranza, nutrita da principio, ch'ella avrebbe vissuta una vita di riserbo, quasi monacale, e sarebbe stata esempio di sobrietà e di virtù in quella Roma dove purtroppo i religiosi erano i primi a fomentare e a nutrire gli scandali!

Non tardava infatti Cristina, scrivendo alla contessa di Sparre, a far un ben triste ritratto della città eterna: «O bella contessa, ci sono statue, obelischi, palazzi sontuosi; ma non ci sono uomini!» [sic]

In una visita a Castel Sant'Angelo lasciò un fondo ai trombettieri perchè suonassero sinfonie all'aurora di ogni dì. Era un uso comune in altre città e da lei forse ammirato in Bologna, come anche era un uso del tempo quello di visitare monasteri ed ospedali. Assai più di queste bazzecole, doveva dunque seccare al nuovo pontefice veder come la nuova cattolica s'abbandonasse spietatamente ai divertimenti del carnevale, che per ciò appunto fu detto il carnevale della regina, e, durante il quale, si corsero undici pallii e si fecero infinite feste da ballo.

Ma l'atto di cui allora più si parlò, fu l'istituzione della sua Accademia Reale, che poi divenne l'Arcadia, nel palazzo Riario, dove più di due secoli e mezzo prima avea subito Caterina Sforza.

All'antica principessa austera, risoluta, dal forte senno politico, subentrava ora la donna del seicento, bizzarra, incostante, solo in una cosa paragonabile all'altra, nel coraggio. — La nuova Accademia surse per tutta iniziativa di Cristina, la quale diede subito norme sane come quelle di bandire la satira personale e i panegirici a lei. Anche dovevano entrarvi uomini ragguardevoli soltanto; ma ella stessa v'introdusse i Santinelli spadroneggianti oramai — in ispecie Francesco — nella sua corte. Essi però sapevano ballare e vestivano elegantemente, due cose che molta parte della nobiltà, anche oggi, apprezza più dell'ingegno.

English translation (my own):

The preparations in Rome had proceeded with solicitude, with the Pontiff himself ensuring that everything progressed efficiently and in an orderly manner. The carriage, adorned with paintings and gilded statues, had been completed according to Bernini's design.

What did it matter if expenses were rising, the treasury was depleted, and the plague was spreading again? Kristina entered Rome through Porta Portese on the evening of December 20, and, followed by a long torchlight procession, went to the district of Innocent VIII, to the Tower of the Winds. An immense crowd had gathered to witness this truly novel way of entering incognito!

An agent from Savoy wrote to Turin that after her visit to the Pope, Kristina would retire to the Palazzo Farnese, "where she and her entire family will be provided for by the Apostolic Chamber for the three months she intends to stay in this city, unless, however, she is assigned a sum of one thousand scudi a day for that period, as is more commonly believed, in addition to the gift given to her by His Holiness of a carriage (the one designed by Bernini) with six beautiful horses, a litter, and a chair of deep blue velvet, covered with silver lace, with all the matching furnishings."

Finally, she presented herself to the Pope, to whom, after three bows, she kissed his foot and hands. He graciously lifted her up and had her sit in a royal chair of crimson velvet. All this, we repeat, was done incognito, since the solemn entry into Rome, the triumph, and the choreographed spectacle only took place on the 26th.

While, early in the morning, the cavalcade was beginning to assemble at Villa Giulia, a torrential rain fell on Rome. They were already considering postponing the festivities when a beautiful ray of sunshine illuminated the city, and the sky gradually cleared. Soon the streets were filled with a curious, dense, and noisy crowd. Kristina did not keep them waiting. "Elle parut comme une Impératrice victorieuse et une conquerante, marchant en triomphe d'une manière glorieuse et superbe." ["She appeared like a victorious Empress and a conqueress, marching in triumph in a glorious and superb manner."] Claretta notes that "she wore a skirt and a bodice of a greyish colour embroidered with gold. A black cape covered her shoulders, perhaps to conceal a defect in one shoulder. On her head she wore a wide-brimmed hat surrounded by a gold cord." The envoy from Savoy says that Kristina rode on a woman's saddle, while Arckenholtz found that she was dressed like an Amazon, with feathers on her hat, and rode a white horse like a man.

This is confirmed by Lilliecrona, who accompanied the Queen to Flanders and Italy in her suite, in his report to Karl Gustav, adding that the Roman ladies "étoient surprises de voir la Reine assise à cheval comme un cavalier, portant des culottes chamarées" ["were surprised to see the Queen sitting on horseback like a cavalier, wearing richly brocaded breeches"], and were only persuaded when they learned that she had the heart and habits of a heroine, and that she fired cannons without batting an eyelid. Moreover, riding in a masculine style was Kristina's constant practice, as evidenced by the writings of Messieurs Limiers and Meiern, the latter of whom added that there was no reason to be surprised because, in his time, even English ladies did the same. And the Queen, furthermore, displayed virile traits in many other things and did not even hold women in high esteem. In Rome, in fact, she did not show them much good reception; she treated them coldly, barely responding to their greetings, and passing them by.

Yet Girolamo Graziani, already known for having published La conquista di Granata five years earlier, induced his Muse to distort, in a portrait of Kristina, her physical and moral characteristics, praising her as beautiful and femininely delicate and sentimental. Albert Bailly, who saw her in Paris, wrote: "Est fort petite, un peu boiteuse, mal faite de corps, et de visage fort brun... Elle marche à grands pas, s'arrête peu et a la voix fort grosse." ["She is very short, slightly lame, poorly built in her body, and has a very brown face... She walks with long strides, rarely stops, and has a very deep voice."]

She looked like a man, and she knew she looked like one, and she said so. When the French ladies surrounded her with a certain eagerness to kiss her, she exclaimed: "Quelle fureur ont ces Dames à me baiser? Est-ce à cause que je ressemble à un homme?" ["What fury these ladies have to kiss me! Is it because I look like a man?"] —

Nevertheless, her dark, even swarthy complexion, covered with a light but thick down, the resolute, almost harsh profile of that singular face, with its overly arched eyebrows, overly long nose, wide mouth and thin, sharp chin; finally, her baritone voice and certain angularities and harshness of gesture did not deter the flattering literatus from writing:

"Nevi di Svezia in paragon cedeste
de la mano e del seno al bel candore,
e in paragon de l'aureo crin perdeste
miniere d'India il prezioso onore.
Voi porpore a' suoi labbri e voi men belle
ai suoi begli occhi impallidite, o stelle."

["Snows of Sweden, you yield in comparison
to the beautiful whiteness of her hand and breast,
and in comparison to her golden hair,
mines of India, you lose your precious honour.
You purples, pale before her lips, and you,
less beautiful stars, grow dim before her lovely eyes."]

That golden hair was superb! A yellow wig on her bald head, which she had grotesquely shaved! — True poetic trickery, compensated in some way by the famous and belated epigram:

"À sa jupe courte et légère
à son pourpoint, à son collet,
au chapeau chargé d'un plumet,
au ruban ponceau, qui pendoit
et par devant et par derrière,
à sa mine galante et fière
d'Amazone et Avanturière:
à ce né de Consul Romain;
à cette fierté d'héroine,
à ce grand œil tendre et hautain:
soudain je reconnus Christine.
Christine des arts le maintien,
Christine qui céda pour rien
et son roïaume et votre Eglise:
qui connut tout et crut rien;
que le saint Père canonise,
que damnent les Luthérien,
que la gloire immortalise!"

["By her short, light skirt,
by her pourpoint, by her collar,
by the hat adorned with a feather,
by the poppy-red ribbon that hung
both in front and behind,
by her gallant and proud bearing
of an Amazon and Adventuress;
by that face of a Roman Consul;
by that heroic pride,
by that large, tender, and haughty eye;
suddenly I recognised Kristina.
Kristina, the embodiment of the arts,
Kristina, who gave away for nothing
both her kingdom and your Church:
who knew everything and believed nothing;
whom the Holy Father canonises,
whom the Lutherans condemn,
whom glory immortalises!"]

She descended the steps of St. Peter's and proceeded to the function.

The next day, the Pope invited her to dine at a little table not far from his own and slightly lower, served by Don Antonio de la Cueva, the Marquis Bentivoglio, and Count Francesco Santinelli. In the afternoon, she went to visit the relics of Saint Peter, and later, by torchlight, she went from the Tower of the Winds to the Palazzo Farnese, where she showed her admiration for the apartment that had been destined for her.

The Pope had made sure everything was provided for. The cellar was stocked with fine wines, and the pantry with prosciutto hams, wax, sugar, and similar provisions. But with her arrival came disorder, as some of her servants stole even furniture, cut pieces from tapestries and friezes, and removed beams from the roof.

Kristina soon received a visit from the Pope and many cardinals, with a ceremonial that would be too long to describe. She certainly contained herself as best she could, but her bizarre nature occasionally burst forth in actions that, if not offended, at least embarrassed His Holiness. How painful it was for him to have to abandon the hope, which he had initially cherished, that she would live a life of restraint, almost monastic, and would be an example of sobriety and virtue in that Rome where, unfortunately, the religious were the first to foment and encourage scandals!

Indeed, Kristina did not hesitate to paint a very sad portrait of the Eternal City when writing to the Countess Sparre: "Oh, beautiful Countess, there are statues, obelisks, magnificent palazzi; but there are no men!" [sic]

During a visit to Castel Sant'Angelo, she left a sum of money for the trumpeters to play symphonies at dawn every day. This was a common custom in other cities and perhaps one she admired in Bologna, just as it was also customary at the time to visit monasteries and hospitals. Much more than these trifles, however, what must have annoyed the new Pope was seeing how the new Catholic convert ruthlessly indulged in the revelries of Carnevale, which for this very reason was called the Queen's Carnevale, and during which eleven horse races were held and countless balls took place.

But the act that was most talked about at the time was the establishment of her Royal Academy, which later became the Arcadia, in the Palazzo Riario, where Caterina Sforza had resided more than two and a half centuries earlier.

The austere, resolute, and politically astute princess of old was now replaced by the woman of the seventeenth century, bizarre and inconstant, comparable to the former only in her courage. — The new Academy arose entirely through Kristina's initiative, and she immediately established sound rules, such as banning personal satire and panegyrics addressed to herself. Only distinguished men were to be admitted; but she herself introduced the Santinelli brothers, who by then held sway in her court — especially Francesco. However, they knew how to dance and dressed elegantly, two things that a large part of the nobility, even today, values more than intelligence.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Corrado Ricci, painted by Ettore Tito in 1913.

Note: Palazzo Riario is the old name for the Palazzo Corsini alla Lungara.

Corrado Ricci on Kristina's life in Italy, part 1

Sources:

Cristina di Svezia in Italia, article written by Corrado Ricci for Nuova antologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, volume 41 (125), pages 22 to 25, published by the Direction of Nuova antologia, 1892; original at the Bavarian State Library


Roma, visioni e figure: con 29 illustrazioni, pages 133 to 137, by Corrado Ricci, 1925; original at Cornell University


The article:

CRISTINA DI SVEZIA IN ITALIA
La pelle bianchissima, l'occhio azzuro e grande, la barba d'un color biondo chiaro, quasi cinereo, procurarono a Gustavo Adolfo re di Svezia, ultimo dei Vasa, il sopranomme di Gigante di neve. Eppure l'unica figlia, che ebbe da Maria Eleonora di Brandeburgo, nacque e crebbe con la pelle fosca e pelosa, con voce dura e grossa, quasi di maschio. Così tutti gli storici ci descrivono Cristina salita al trono di Svezia nel 1632, di poco più che sei anni. E ci fanno fede ch'era d'una bizzarria che talora rasentava la ferocia. La madre un giorno, rimproverandola, le disse che certe cose non le avrebbe fatte se fosse vissuto il padre. La giovinetta rispose crudelmente: «In tal caso ha fatto bene a morire!» — Ma come poteva Maria Eleonora accusarla di stramberie, s'ella medesima le era maestra? Non paga di chiudere le finestre al giorno e rischiarare appena con languidi ceri la sua camera tutta parata di nero, non paga di curvarsi in preghiera innanzi una teca in cui era riposto il cuore di suo marito (come già il cuore d'Arrigo d'Inghiltera che si venerava in sul Tamigi), non paga d'abbandonarsi a clamorose disperazioni, obbligava anche la figlia ad assistere alle sue follie macabre. Cristina per sei lunghi anni n'ebbe lo spirito conturbato. Di poi s'affaticò nello studio delle lingue, delle scienze e delle diverse letterature, giungendo a un grado di coltura rarissimo nelle donne d'ogni tempo, unico a' suoi giorni.

Era così spendereccia che non si arrischiò una volta di convocare il Consiglio, temendo che la notizia de' suoi debiti lo scandalizzasse. D'altra parte avea profondamente, sinceramente a noia le cure dello Stato, agitata dal desiderio di godere tutte le comodità e i diletti di una condizione libera e indipendente. Sopportò più che potè; poi una mattina del giugno 1654 depose scettro e corona.

All'abdicazione tenne dietro l'abiura del luteranismo, atto magnificato, gonfiato anzi dai cattolici apostolici romani come un avvenimento mondiale. Sull'abiura si fecero diverse ipotesi; chi la disse per conversione schietta, come Gregorio Leto; chi per capriccio di femmina; chi per dispetto; chi per disillusione sofferta non avendo ottenuto l'amore del conte Magnus de la Gardie; chi pel desiderio di procurarsi l'affetto dei principi italiani decisa com'era di stabilirsi in Italia; chi per la fede sicura che grandi, festose accoglienze l'avrebbero accolta; chi per altre ragioni ancora. Ma perchè cercare la vera causa della conversione in uno solo dei supposti fatti? Tutti insieme dovettero contribuire alla decisione di Cristina, come le acque di molti ruscelli concorrono a una fiumana.

I gesuiti le si misero subito attorno, e la cosa fu fatta. Partita dalla sua patria, or con veste di donna, or con veste di uomo, or con un misto dell'una e dell'altra, giunge a Bruxelles, dove, una delle ultime notti del 1654, abiura nelle mani di Gian Battista Gomez, domenicano e suo confidente.

Nell'aspettazione, molte città italiane e in ispecie Roma si preparavano a farle entusiastiche accoglienze, mentr'ella faceva spedire a Roma le sue magnifiche collezioni di libri, di monete e di gioie. Si diceva che nessuna biblioteca privata potesse eguagliare la sua: che enorme era il numero e il valore della sua raccolta numismatica e delle pietre preziose: che, infine, tra i suoi quadri si trovavano opere di Raffaello e del Correggio.

L'otto aprile 1655 diveniva papa, col nome di Alessandro VII, Fabio Chigi. Quale avvenimento più fausto della conversione di Cristina poteva iniziare il suo pontificato? Si preparò ad accoglierla con tutto lo splendore degno d'una regina che per Roma abbandonava la patria, la religione degli avi e il trono. Nel settembre i preparativi erano cominciati, e già si costruivano carrozze e si adornavano appartamenti.

Ma nemmeno durante le prime feste Cristina seppe nascondere l'indole sua. Il residente di Toscana in Roma avvertiva subito: «Ella è piena di ottima volontà, un poco vana e gran servigio poteva fare alla cristianità restando in casa sua regina.»

Cristina stessa confessava senza scrupoli: «Mes occupations sont de bien manger et de bien dormir, étudier un peu, causer, rire et voir les comédies françaises, italiennes et espagnoles, et passer le temps agréablement.»

Pratica sempre, la Signoria Veneta non credette opportuno sciupar tempo e denari in un vano ricevimento. Fece perciò deviare la regina, dicendole che le condizioni sanitarie del paese erano pessime e costituivano un pericolo per lei e pel suo seguito. Le mandò qualche bel pesce in regalo, mentre passava da Dolo, e le fece fare tanti complimenti ed auguri di viaggio.

Cristina capisce, dissimula, ringrazia e prosegue. Passato il Po, a Cento visita il Guercino; poi si prepara alle solennità bolognesi.

Bologna era infatti la prima grande città dello Stato pontifico in cui la regina entrava. Le accoglienze furono quindi splendide e cordiali, e le cronache abbondano di particolari e si dilungano in enfatiche descrizioni. Ma più delle parole giovano, questa volta, alcune miniature conservate nell'archivio di Stato di quella città: la prima delle quali rappresenta appunto l'ingresso di Cristina in Bologna. Apre il corteo una schiera di moschettieri, cui tengono dietro gli alabardieri con, in cima all'aste, vaghe banderuole rosse filettate d'oro. I corazzieri con le armature coperte in parte da una sopravveste scarlatta, sono seguìti da diversi militi che reggono lunghissime spade. Ed ecco la carrozza di Cristina, tutta, fuori e dentro, coperta di stoffa rossa, ricamata in oro, come il trono che sta in mezzo. La tirano tre coppie di cavalli bianchi. Vicino si addensano trombettieri, mazzieri, gentiluomini a cavallo e tamburini. In fondo sorge il Palazzo Pubblico, alle cui finestre, adorne di tappeti rossi e turchini, s'affolla un pubblico numeroso. Più in là vediamo una scenetta del cerimoniale allora seguìto. La carrozza reale è ferma. Cristina n'è discesa e sta inginocchiata sopra un cuscino innanzi all'arcivescovo che le fa baciare una croce. L'arcivescovo è sotto un baldacchino bianco sorretto da otto cavalieri dal mantello nero guernito d'armellino. Dietro assistono i canonici, mentre intorno gli alabardieri trattengono la folle che tenta irrompere d'ogni lato.

Le cronache aggiungono altre manifestezioni di gioia, come spari d'artiglieri, fuochi d'artifizio, funzioni in duomo e in San Petronio, un ballo nella sala d'Ercole, una visita al Santuario di San Luca ed ai musei d'Ulisse Aldrovandi, un pranzo con dame in maschera ed una giostra riprodotta anche questa dai miniatori ufficiali. Al ballo, Cristina portava la parrucca bionda riccia, spalmata di manteca e cosparsa di cipria, un fazzoletto al collo di punto genovese con nastro arancio, come il giubbetto giambellotto guernito d'oro e d'argento. Uguale ricchezza di guarnizione copriva quasi interamente la sottana bigia.

Passiamo oltre; il viaggio in Romagna e nelle Marche non è meno solenne. A Cattolica conosce i Santinelli, di cui dovremo riparlare; poi, per Fano ad Ancona, recasi al santuario di Loreto. Appena, da lontano, ne scorge la cupola, discende dalla carrozza e s'inginocchia devotamente. Giunta all'immagine della Madonna fa dono d'una corona e d'uno scettro tempestati di gemme, e finalmente piega alla volta di Roma.

English translation (my own):

KRISTINA OF SWEDEN IN ITALY
His very white skin, his large blue eyes, his light blond, almost ashen beard, earned Gustav Adolf, King of Sweden, the last of the Vasas, the nickname the Snow Giant. Yet his only daughter, whom he had with Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg, was born and grew up with dark, hairy skin and a harsh, thick voice, almost that of a man. This is how all historians describe Kristina, who ascended to the throne of Sweden in 1632, at just over six years old.

And they attest to the fact that she was so eccentric that at times she bordered on ferocity. Her mother, one day, scolding her, told her that she would not have done certain things if her father had lived. The young girl cruelly replied: "In that case, he did well to die!" — But how could Maria Eleonora accuse her of being eccentric if she herself was her teacher?

Not content with closing the windows during the day and barely lighting up her room, all hung in black, with languid candles; not content with bending in prayer before a shrine in which her husband's heart was placed (like the heart of Henry of England, which was venerated on the Thames); not content with abandoning herself to clamorous despair, she also forced her daughter to witness her macabre follies. For six long years, Kristina's spirit was disturbed by it. Afterwards she toiled in the study of languages, sciences and various literatures, reaching a level of culture very rare in women of all times, unique in her day.

She was so extravagant that she never dared to convene the Council, fearing that the news of her debts would scandalise them. On the other hand, she was deeply and sincerely weary of the cares of State, driven by the desire to enjoy all the comforts and pleasures of a free and independent condition. She endured as long as she could; then, one morning in June 1654, she abdicated her scepter and crown.

The abdication was followed by the abjuration of Lutheranism, an act magnified, even inflated, by the Roman Catholic Church as a world-changing event. Several hypotheses were put forward regarding the abjuration; some attributed it to a genuine conversion, like Gregorio Leti; others to a woman's whim; others to spite; others to disillusionment after failing to win the love of Count Magnus de la Gardie; others to the desire to gain the affection of the Italian princes, as she was determined to settle in Italy; others to the firm belief that she would be received with great and festive welcomes; and still others to other reasons. But why seek the true cause of the conversion in only one of these supposed facts? All of them together must have contributed to Kristina's decision, just as the waters of many streams contribute to a river.

The Jesuits immediately rallied around her, and the matter was settled. Leaving her fatherland, sometimes dressed as a woman, sometimes as a man, sometimes in a mixture of both, she arrived in Brussels, where, on one of the last nights of 1654, she abjured in the hands of Juan Bautista Güemes, a Dominican and her confidant.

In anticipation of her arrival, many Italian cities, and Rome in particular, were preparing to give her an enthusiastic welcome, while she had her magnificent collections of books, coins and jewels shipped to Rome. It was said that no private library could equal hers; that the number and value of her numismatic collection and precious stones were enormous; and that, finally, among her paintings were works by Raphael and Correggio.

On April 8, 1655, Fabio Chigi became pope, taking the name Alexander VII. What more auspicious event than Kristina's conversion could mark the beginning of his pontificate? He prepared to welcome her with all the splendour befitting a queen who, for the sake of Rome, was abandoning her fatherland, the religion of her forefathers, and her throne. Preparations began in September, and carriages were already being built and apartments decorated.

But even during the first celebrations, Kristina could not hide her true nature. The resident of Tuscany in Rome immediately observed: "She is full of the best will, a little vain, and could have rendered great service to Christianity by remaining queen in her own house."

Kristina herself confessed without scruples: "Mes occupations sont de bien manger et de bien dormir, étudier un peu, causer, rire et voir les comédies françaises, italiennes et espagnoles, et passer le temps agréablement." ["My occupations are to eat and sleep well, study a little, chat, laugh, see French, Italian and Spanish comedies, and pass the time agreeably."]

As was always their custom, the Venetian Government did not deem it appropriate to waste time and money on a pointless reception. They therefore diverted the Queen, telling her that the sanitary conditions in the land were terrible and posed a danger to her and her suite. They sent her some fine fish as a gift as she passed through Dolo, and offered her many compliments and good wishes for her journey.

Kristina understands, dissimulates, expresses her gratitude, and moves on. After crossing the Po River, she visits Guercino in Cento; then she prepares for the festivities in Bologna.

Bologna was, in fact, the first large city of the Pontifical States that the Queen entered. The receptions were therefore splendid and cordial, and the chronicles abound with particulars and lengthy, emphatic descriptions. But more than words, this time, some miniatures preserved in the State Archive of that city are more revealing: the first of which depicts Kristina's entry into Bologna. The procession is led by a troop of musketeers, followed by halberdiers with small red banners edged in gold at the top of their pikes. The cuirassiers, with their armor partly covered by a scarlet surcoat, are followed by several soldiers carrying very long swords. And here is Kristina's carriage, entirely covered, inside and out, with red fabric embroidered in gold, like the throne in the middle. It is pulled by three pairs of white horses. Nearby, trumpeters, mace-bearers, gentlemen on horseback, and drummers are gathered. In the background stands the Palazzo Pubblico, at whose windows, adorned with red and blue carpets, a large crowd is gathered. Further on, we see a scene of the ceremony that was then followed. The royal carriage is stopped. Kristina has dismounted and is kneeling on a cushion before the Archbishop, who is having her kiss a Cross. The Archbishop is under a white canopy supported by eight cavaliers with black cloaks trimmed with ermine. Behind them the canons are present, while around them the halberdiers restrain the crowd trying to break through from all sides.

The chronicles add other manifestations of joy, such as artillery salutes, fireworks, services in the cathedral and in San Petronio, a ball in the Hall of Hercules, a visit to the Sanctuary of San Luca and the museums of Ulisse Aldrovandi, a dinner with masked ladies, and a joust, also depicted by the official miniaturists. At the ball, Kristina wore a curly blonde wig, smeared with pomade and sprinkled with powder of Cyprus, a handkerchief around her neck made of Genoa point with an orange ribbon, like the camlet doublet trimmed with gold and silver. Similar richness of ornamentation almost entirely covered her grey skirt.

Let us move on; the journey to Romagna and the Marche region was no less solemn. In Cattolica, she met the Santinellis, of whom we will speak again later; then, via Fano and Ancona, she travelled to the sanctuary of Loreto. As soon as she spotted the cupola from afar, she alighted from her carriage and knelt devoutly. Upon reaching the image of the Madonna, she presented a crown and a scepter studded with jewels and finally set off for Rome.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Corrado Ricci, painted by Ettore Tito in 1913.

Notes: The anecdote of Kristina telling Maria Eleonora that it was better that Gustav Adolf was dead did not happen during her childhood, but during her young adulthood in late May 1654, just days before her abdication and departure from Sweden.

powder of Cyprus = face powder.

giambellotto (ciambellotto) = cammellotto.

camlet = a fine fabric made from wool (originally camel wool, but later goat wool) and silk.

Saturday, September 27, 2025

Excerpt from Jacob Jonas Björnståhl's letter to Carl Christoffer Gjörwell, dated August 28, 1773

Source:

Resa til Frankrike, Italien, Sweitz, Tyskland, Holland, Ängland, Turkiet, och Grekeland, page 500; page 503, by Jacob Jonas Björnståhl, 1780; courtesy of Lund University Library (Universitetsbiblioteket, Lunds universitet) via Litteraturbanken.se


The letter excerpt:

Turin, d. 28 Aug. 1773.
... Vi foro åter genom Nove, därpå in uti Sardinske Konungens Länder, och kommo til Staden Alessandria: där äro hvarjehanda Saker at se; ibland annat har Marquisinnan Theresia Orsini, gift med Marquis Cesine, gjort en stor Samling af antique och moderne Medailler, Statuer, Idoler af bronze, Marmor, ädle Stenar, Snäckor, Mineralier, Målningar, Kopparstycken; där finnas Buster af Titien, Vandyk, Rubens, Palma, Albani, som var Raphaëls Disciple, Correge, m. fl. ... Ännu mera, hon har et vackert Bibliotheque, och samlar alle Auctorer som trycktes på 1500-talet, som var Guld-tiden för Litteraturen i Italien. Denna Fru är ganska lärd; det var roligt, at höra henne tala om Auctorerne, de bästa Editionerne, m. m. Ibland nya Medailler såg jag Drotning Christinas MAKELOS. ...

... När Drotning Christina var här i Turin, och såg den 23 Oct. 1656 desse Ligorii Handskrifter med des Ritningar på Medailler, har hon sagt: »Detta kan kallas en Polyanthea af de curieusaste Antiquiteter i verlden.« Drotning Christina blef här i Turin emottagen med mycken ståt, uppehöll sig här ifrån den 16 Oct. til den 24 år 1656, då hon reste från Frankrike til Rom; och det är rätta epoquen af hennes vistande härstädes: de som utsatt en annan hafva felat, ty jag har härstädes råkat på en Relation och Journal öfver hennes occupationer härstädes, gjord af Castiglione och tryckt i Turin samma år; den är dedicerad til Marquis Johan Rinald Monaldesco, och däraf ser jag at han var född i Rom, har varit därstädes Conservator, var Fältmarskalk hos Konungen i Frankrike och Öfver-Stallmästare hos Drotning Christina, som är en stor sysla vid desse Hof; jag ser ock, at Sartinelli [sic] var hennes Öfver-Kammarherre: det var han, som var i oenighet med Monaldesco, hvaraf fölgde sedan dennes tragiske ändelykt; jag ser ock af samma Relation, at Jesuiten P. Franciscus Malines ifrån Piemont har varit 14 månader hemligen i Stockholm, och at Drotningen har sjelf skrifvit efter honom; men detta vare sagt in parenthesi. ...

With modernised spelling:

Turin, den 28 augusti 1773.
... Vi foro åter genom Nove, därpå in uti sardinske konungens länder, och kommo till staden Alessandria, där äro varjehanda saker att se; ibland annat har markisinnan Teresia Orsini, gift med markis Cesine, gjort en stor samling av antika och moderna medaljer, statyer, idoler av brons, marmor, ädla stenar, snäckor, mineralier, målningar, kopparstycken; där finnas buster av Tizian, van Dyck, Rubens, Palma, Albani, som var Rafaels discipel, Corrège, m. fl. ... Ännu mera, hon har ett vackert bibliotek och samlar alla auktorer som trycktes på 1500-talet, som var guldtiden för litteraturen i Italien. Denna fru är ganska lärd; det var roligt att höra henne tala om auktorerna, de bästa editionerna, m. m. Ibland nya medaljer såg jag drottning Kristinas Makelös. ...

... När drottning Kristina var här i Turin och såg den 23 oktober 1656 dessa Ligorii handskrifter med dess ritningar på medaljer, har hon sagt: »Detta kan kallas en polyantea av de kuriösaste antikviteter i världen.«

Drottning Kristina blev här i Turin emottagen med mycken ståt, uppehöll sig här ifrån den 16 oktober till den 24, år 1656, då hon reste från Frankrike till Rom; och det är rätta epoken av hennes vistande härstädes.

De som utsatt en annan hava felat, ty jag har härstädes råkat på en relation och journal över hennes ockupationer härstädes, gjord av Castiglione och tryckt i Turin samma år. Den är dedicerad till markis Johan Rinald Monaldesco, och därav ser jag att han var född i Rom, har varit därstädes konservator, var fältmarskalk hos konungen i Frankrike och överstallmästare hos drottning Kristina, som är en stor syssla vid dessa hov.

Jag ser ock att Santinelli var hennes öfverkammarherre; det var han som var i oenighet med Monaldesco, varav följde sedan dennes tragiska ändalykt. Jag ser ock av samma relation att jesuiten pater Franciscus Malines ifrån Piémont har varit 14 månader hemligen i Stockholm och att drottningen har själv skrivit efter honom, men detta vare sagt in parenthesi. ...

French translation (my own):

Turin, le 28 août 1773.
... Nous avons traversé de nouveau Nove, puis nous sommes entrés sur les terres du roi de Sardaigne et sommes arrivés à la ville d'Alexandrie, où il y a toutes sortes de choses à voir; entre autres, la marquise Thérèse Orsini, épouse du marquis Césine, a constitué une vaste collection de médailles anciennes et modernes, de statues, d'idoles en bronze, en marbre, de pierres précieuses, de coquillages, de minéraux, de peintures, de pièces de cuivre; on y trouve des bustes de Titien, Van Dyck, Rubens, Palma, Albani, disciple de Raphaël, Corrège, etc. ... De plus, elle possède une magnifique bibliothèque et collectionne tous les auteurs imprimés au XVIe siècle, l'âge d'or de la littérature italienne. Cette dame est très érudite; c'était un plaisir de l'entendre parler des auteurs, des meilleures éditions, etc. Parmi les nouvelles médailles, j'ai vu la «Makelös» de la reine Christine. ...

... Lorsque la reine Christine se trouvait à Turin et qu'elle vit ces manuscrits de Ligorio, avec leurs dessins de médailles, le 23 octobre 1656, elle déclara: «On peut appeler cela une polyanthée des antiquités les plus curieuses du monde.»

La reine Christine fut accueillie ici à Turin avec beaucoup de faste, et elle y séjourna du 16 au 24 octobre 1656, lors de son voyage de France à Rome; et c'est bien la période exacte de son séjour ici.

Ceux qui ont indiqué une autre période se sont trompés, car j'ai trouvé ici un récit et un journal de ses activités, rédigés par Castiglione et imprimés à Turin la même année. L'ouvrage est dédié au marquis Jean-Renaud Monaldesco, et j'y apprends qu'il est né à Rome, qu'il y était conservateur, feldmaréchal chez le roi de France et grand écuyer chez la reine Christine, une fonction très importante à ces cours.

Je constate également que Santinelli était son grand chambellan; c'est lui qui était en désaccord avec Monaldesco, ce qui a conduit à la fin tragique de ce dernier. Je vois aussi, d'après le même récit, que le père jésuite François Malines, originaire du Piémont, a séjourné secrètement à Stockholm pendant 14 mois et que la reine elle-même a écrit à son sujet, mais cela mérite d'être mentionné entre parenthèses. ...

Italian translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Torino, 28 agosto 1773.
... Abbiamo attraversato di nuovo Nove, poi siamo entrati nei territori del re di Sardegna e siamo giunti alla città di Alessandria, dove ci sono moltissime cose da vedere; tra le altre, la marchesa Teresa Orsini, sposata con il marchese Cesine, ha raccolto una vasta collezione di medaglie antiche e moderne, statue, idoli di bronzo, marmo, pietre preziose, conchiglie, minerali, dipinti, incisioni su rame; ci sono busti di Tiziano, van Dyck, Rubens, Palma il Vecchio, Albani, discepolo di Raffaello, Correggio, ecc. ... Inoltre, possiede una bellissima biblioteca e colleziona tutte le opere stampate nel XVI secolo, che fu l'età d'oro della letteratura in Italia. Questa signora è molto colta; è stato piacevole sentirla parlare degli autori, delle migliori edizioni, ecc. Tra le medaglie moderne ho visto quella di Cristina di Svezia, la «Makelös». ...

... Quando la regina Cristina si trovava a Torino e vide questi manoscritti di Ligorio con i disegni di medaglie, il 23 ottobre 1656, disse: «Questa si può definire una poliantea delle antichità più curiose del mondo.»

La regina Cristina fu accolta qui a Torino con grande sfarzo e vi soggiornò dal 16 al 24 ottobre 1656, durante il suo viaggio dalla Francia a Roma; e questo è il periodo esatto del suo soggiorno in città.

Coloro che hanno indicato un periodo diverso si sono sbagliati, poiché ho trovato un resoconto e un diario delle sue attività qui, redatto da Castiglione e stampato a Torino nello stesso anno. È dedicato al marchese Gian Rinaldo Monaldesco, e da questo apprendo che questi era nato a Roma, vi ricopriva la carica di conservatore, era maresciallo di campo del re di Francia e gran scudiero della regina Cristina, un incarico di grande prestigio presso queste corti.

Vedo anche che Santinelli era il suo gran ciambellano; fu lui a essere in disaccordo con Monaldesco, da cui scaturì la tragica fine di quest'ultimo. Dalla stessa relazione apprendo inoltre che il padre gesuita Francesco Malines, piemontese, si trovava segretamente a Stoccolma per 14 mesi e che la regina stessa gli scrisse, ma questo va detto tra parentesi. ...

English translation (my own):

Turin, August 28, 1773.
... We passed again through Nove, then into the lands of the Sardinian King, and came to the city of Alessandria, where there are all sorts of things to see; among other things, the Marquise Teresa Orsini, married to the Marquis Cesine, has made a large collection of ancient and modern medals, statues, idols of bronze, marble, precious stones, shells, minerals, paintings, copper pieces; there are busts by Titian, van Dyck, Rubens, Palma, Albani, who was Raphael's disciple, Correggio, etc. ... What's more, she has a beautiful library and collects all the authors that were printed in the 16th century, which was the golden age of literature in Italy. This lady is quite learned; it was amusing to hear her talk about the authors, the best editions, etc. Among the new medals I saw Queen Kristina's Makelös. ...

... When Queen Kristina was here in Turin and saw these Ligorio's manuscripts with their drawings on medals on October 23, 1656, she said: "This can be called a polyanthea of the most curious antiquities in the world."

Queen Kristina was received here in Turin with great pomp, and she stayed here from October 16 to the 24th, 1656, when she travelled from France to Rome; and that is the correct period of her stay here.

Those who have pointed out another period have erred, for I have here come across a relation and journal of her occupations here, made by Castiglione and printed in Turin the same year. It is dedicated to Marquis Gian Rinaldo Monaldesco, and from this I see that he was born in Rome, was a conservator there, was field marshal to the King of France, and grand equerry to Queen Kristina, which is a great occupation at these courts.

I also see that Santinelli was her grand chamberlain; it was he who was in disagreement with Monaldesco, from which the latter's tragic end followed. I also see from the same relation that the Jesuit Father Francesco Malines, from Piedmont, was secretly in Stockholm for 14 months and that the Queen herself wrote after him, but this should be said in parenthesis. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Carl Christoffer Gjörwell.


Above: Jacob Jonas Björnståhl.

Notes: Castiglione = likely Giovanni Benedetto Castiglione (1609-1664), an Italian Baroque painter, printmaker and draftsman.

Gian Rinaldo Monaldeschi was not born in Rome, but in Torre Alfina, in Acquapendente, in 1626 — the same year as Kristina.

Monday, June 30, 2025

Lyndon Orr on Kristina and Monaldeschi, year 1914, part 3

Source:

Famous Affinities of History, pages 82 to 88, by Lyndon Orr, 1914; original at the University of Virginia


The account:

The Swedes remembered that Christina was the daughter of their greatest king, and that, apart from personal scandals, she had ruled them well; and so they let her go regretfully and accepted her cousin as their king. Christina, on her side, went joyfully and in the spirit of a grand adventuress. With a numerous suite she entered Germany, and then stayed for a year at Brussels [sic], where she renounced Lutheranism. After this she traveled slowly into Italy, where she entered Rome on horseback, and was received by the Pope, Alexander VII., who lodged her in a magnificent palace, accepted her conversion, and baptized her, giving her a new name, Alexandra.

In Rome she was a brilliant but erratic personage, living sumptuously, even though her revenues from Sweden came in slowly, partly because the Swedes disliked her change of religion. She was surrounded by men of letters, with whom she amused herself, and she took to herself a lover, the Marquis Monaldeschi. She thought that at last she had really found her true affinity, while Monaldeschi believed that he could count on the queen's fidelity.

He was in attendance upon her daily, and they were almost inseparable. He swore allegiance to her and thereby made himself one of the subjects over whom she had absolute power. For a time he was the master of those intense emotions which, in her, alternated with moods of coldness and even cruelty.

Monaldeschi was a handsome Italian, who bore himself with a fine air of breeding. He understood the art of charming, but he did not know that beyond a certain time no one could hold the affections of Christina.

However, after she had quarreled with various cardinals and decided to leave Rome for a while, Monaldeschi accompanied her to France, where she had an immense vogue at the court of Louis XIV. She attracted wide attention because of her eccentricity and utter lack of manners. It gave her the greatest delight to criticize the ladies of the French court — their looks, their gowns, and their jewels. They, in return, would speak of Christina's deformed shoulder and skinny frame; but the king was very gracious to her and invited her to his hunting-palace at Fontainebleau.

While she had been winning triumphs of sarcasm[,] the infatuated Monaldeschi had gradually come to suspect, and then to know, that his royal mistress was no longer true to him. He had been supplanted in her favor by another Italian, one Sentanelli [sic], who was the captain of her guard.

Monaldeschi took a tortuous and roundabout revenge. He did not let the queen know of his discovery; nor did he, like a man, send a challenge to Sentanelli. Instead he began by betraying her secrets to Oliver Cromwell, with whom she had tried to establish a correspondence. Again, imitating the hand and seal of Sentanelli, he set in circulation a series of the most scandalous and insulting letters about Christina. By this treacherous trick he hoped to end the relations between his rival and the queen; but when the letters were carried to Christina[,] she instantly recognized their true source. She saw that she was betrayed by her former favorite and that he had taken a revenge which might seriously compromise her.

This led to a tragedy, of which the facts were long obscure. They were carefully recorded, however, by the queen's household chaplain, Father Le Bel; and there is also a narrative written by one Marco Antonio Conti, which confirms the story. Both were published privately in 1865, with notes by Louis Lacour.

The narration of the priest is dreadful in its simplicity and minuteness of detail. It may be summed up briefly here, because it is the testimony of an eye-witness who knew Christina and understood her enigmatic character.

Christina, with the marquis and a large retinue, was at Fontainebleau in November, 1657. A little after midnight, when all was still, the priest, Father Le Bel, was aroused [woken up] and ordered to go at once to the Galerie des Cerfs, or Hall of Stags, in another part of the palace. When he asked why, he was told:

"It is by the order of her majesty the Swedish queen."

The priest, wondering, hurried on his garments. On reaching the gloomy hall he saw the Marquis Monaldeschi, evidently in great agitation, and at the end of the corridor the queen in somber robes. Beside the queen, as if awaiting orders, stood three figures, who could with some difficulty be made out as three soldiers of her guard, wearing corselets under their cloaks and swords buckled to their belts.

The queen motioned to Father Le Bel and asked him for a packet which she had given him for safekeeping some little time before. He gave it to her, and she opened it. In it were letters and other documents, which, with a steely glance, she displayed to Monaldeschi. He was confused by the sight of them and by the incisive words in which Christina showed how he had both insulted her and had tried to shift the blame upon Sentanelli.

Monaldeschi broke down completely. He fell at the queen's feet and wept piteously, begging for pardon, only to be met by the cold answer:

"You are my subject and a traitor to me. Marquis, you must prepare to die!"

Then she turned away and left the hall, in spite of the cries of Monaldeschi, to whom she merely added the advice that he should make his peace with God by confessing to Father Le Bel.

After she had gone[,] the marquis fell into a torrent of self-exculpation and cried for mercy. The three armed men drew near and urged him to confess for the good of his soul. They seemed to have no malice against him, but to feel that they must obey the orders given them. At the frantic urging of the marquis[,] their leader even went to the queen to ask whether she would relent; but he returned shaking his head, and said:

"Marquis, you must die."

Father Le Bel undertook a like mission, but returned with the message that there was no hope. So the marquis made his confession in French and Latin and Italian, but even then he hoped; for he did not wait to receive absolution, but begged still further for delay or pardon.

Then the three armed men approached, having drawn their swords. The absolution was pronounced; and, following it, one of the guards slashed the marquis across the forehead. He stumbled and fell forward, making signs as if to ask that he might have his throat cut. But his throat was partly protected by a coat of mail, so that three or four strokes delivered there had slight effect. Finally, however, a long, narrow sword was thrust into his side, after which the marquis made no sound.

Father Le Bel at once left the Galerie des Cerfs and went into the queen's apartment, with the smell of blood in his nostrils. He found her calm and ready to justify himself. Was she not still queen over all who had voluntarily become members of her suite? This had been agreed to in her act of abdication. Wherever she set her foot, there, over her own, she was still a monarch, with full power to punish traitors at her will. This power she had exercised, and with justice. What mattered it that she was in France?

The story was not long in getting out, but the truth was not wholly known until a much later day. It was said that Sentanelli had stabbed the marquis in a fit of jealousy, though some added that it was done with the connivance of the queen. King Louis, the incarnation of absolutism, knew the truth, but he was slow to act. He sympathized with the theory of Christina's sovereignty. It was only after a time that word was sent to Christina that she must leave Fontainebleau. She took no notice of the order until it suited her convenience, and then she went forth with all the honors of a reigning monarch.

This was the most striking episode in all the strange story of her private life. When her cousin Charles, whom she had made king, died without an heir [sic][,] she sought to recover her crown; but the estates of the realm refused her claim, reduced her income, and imposed restraints upon her power. She then sought the vacant throne of Poland; but the Polish nobles, who desired a weak ruler for their own purposes, made another choice. So at last she returned to Rome, where the Pope received her with a splendid procession and granted twelve her [sic] thousand crowns a year to make up for her lessened Swedish revenue.

From this time she lived a life which she made interesting by her patronage of learning and exciting by her rather unseemly quarrels with cardinals and even with the Pope. Her armed retinue marched through the streets with drawn swords and gave open protection to criminals who had taken refuge with her. She dared to criticize the pontiff, who merely smiled and said:

"She is a woman!"

On the whole, the end of her life was pleasant. She was much admired for her sagacity in politics. Her words were listened to at every court in Europe. She annotated the classics, she made beautiful collections, and she was regarded as a privileged person whose acts no one took amiss. She died at fifty-three [sic], and was buried in St. Peter's.

She was bred a man, she was almost a son to her great father; and yet, instead of the sonorous epitaph that is inscribed beside her tomb, perhaps a truer one would be the words of the vexed Pope:

"É donna!"


Above: Kristina.


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Notes: Kristina and Monaldeschi were never lovers.

Kristina was 62 at the time of her death.

Sunday, June 29, 2025

Biography of Kristina, by Edgar Sanderson et al., year 1900, part 5

Source:

Six Thousand Years of History, volume 5 (Famous Women), pages 238 to 239, by Edgar Sanderson et al., 1900; original at Pennsylvania State University


The biography:

In the autumn of 1657 she returned to France, establishing her sorry court at Fontainebleau. Her arrival aroused no attention, as her affair was no longer a novelty. She wrote with eagerness to the heads of the Fronde faction, offering to arbitrate on the differences of princes who had been at war a hundred years. She began a course of political intrigue which warned the cabinets that she was likely to become a dangerous visitor in any land. She learned that Louis XIV, then very young, was in love with Mademoiselle de Mancini, niece of Cardinal Mazarin. She encouraged the affair of the lovers, and offered her services. "I would fain be your confidante", said she, "if you love, you must marry." While she was rude to the court ladies, and gave trouble to the ministry, she was oblivious of public opinion, and still often wore men's clothes. She seemed to the French like a Russian or barbarian potentate, and soon, to the horror of the court, performed an act of absolute sovereignty at Fontainebleau worthy of the son of Catherine de' Medici. She had always, when angry, threatened death to her offenders. When she sent her secretary to Stockholm to see about her delayed annuity payment, she said: "If you fail in your duty, not all the power of the King of Sweden shall save your life, though you take shelter in his very arms." A musician left her to perform for the Duke of Savoy. She wrote, in a high rage, "If he do not sing for me, he shall not sing long for anybody." Thus she was likely to gather about her people of unbridled passions and loose manners, and the quarrels of her household became the talk of Rome. When she established herself at Fontainebleau she learned that the Master of her Horse, the Marquis Monaldeschi, her favorite, had been guilty of a breech [sic] of trust. This charge was made by Ludovico [Santinelli], on letters from his brother in Rome. Ludovico was a rival lover of Christina. The accused man was brought before the Queen, and confessed his deeds. She chose to interpret his act as high treason, sentenced him to death, appointed his rival as his executioner, told him to confess his soul to Father Lebel, and, in the presence of that terrified priest, the equerry was slain, his blood staining the walls and floor of the gallery. In one of the rooms of the palace to-day is an inscription pointing out the place where Monaldeschi fell. She held that it was beneath her dignity to place him before any tribunal, however high it might be. "To acknowledge no superior", she exclaimed, "is worth more than to govern the whole world." The French Government, while it made no inquiry into the murder, ordered her out of France, but she did not at once obey even this order, returning to Rome in the spring of 1658.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Friday, September 6, 2024

Lucas Holstenius's diary entry, dated November 23/December 3 (New Style), 1655

Source:

Revue des langues romanes: quatrième série, tome cinquième, page 544, published by the Society for the Study of the Romance Languages, 1891
The diary entry:

3. Cœlo pluvio profecti ad Catholicam raptim pransi sumus, Regina Card. legatum et Nuntios atque D:rem Hispanium mensæ adhibuit. Inde, valida jam et profusa pluvia, Pisaurum circa 22:dam pervenimus. Reginæ in interiori cubiculo elegantissima saltatio exhibita; choreas duxerunt comites Santinelli fratres; inde gigantea acrobatia introducta cum summa reginæ admiratione simul et oblectatione. Cœnavi cum card. Homodei et nuntiis.

French translation (my own):

3. Nous partîmes avec la pluie pour Cattolica et dînâmes à la hâte; de là, sous une pluie battante, nous sommes arrivés à Pise à 22h00. Les danses des plus élégantes fut montrée à la reine dans la chambre intérieure; les comtes Santinelli, qui sont frères, menaient les danses; puis de gigantesques acrobaties furent introduites, au grand étonnement et amusement de la reine. J'ai dîné avec le cardinal Omodei et les nonces.

Swedish translation (my own):

3. Vi begav oss med regnet till Cattolica och åt hastigt; därifrån, i kraftigt regn, anlände vi till Pisa vid 22:00. En högst elegant dans visades för drottningen i den inre kammaren; grevarna Santinelli, som är bröder, ledde danserna; och sedan introducerades gigantisk akrobatik, till drottningens stora förvåning och nöje. Jag åt med kardinal Omodei och nuntierna.

English translation (my own):

3. We set out with the rain to Cattolica and dined hastily; from there, in heavy rain, we arrived at Pisa at 22:00. A most elegant dance was shown to the Queen in the inner chamber; the Counts Santinelli, who are brothers, led the dances; and then gigantic acrobatics were introduced, to the great astonishment and amusement of the Queen. I dined with Cardinal Omodei and the nuncios.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Lucas Holstenius.

Monday, July 29, 2024

Baron Carl Bildt on Kristina's travels from 1654 to 1658, part 2

Source:

Christine de Suède et le cardinal Azzolino: Lettres inédites (1666-1668), pages 39 to 41, by Baron Carl Bildt, 1899


The account:

La ville d'Innsbruck avait été désignée d'un commun accord comme le lieu où se ferait la cérémonie de la profession de foi. Christine s'y arrêta quelques jours auprès de l'archiduc Ferdinand-Charles, qui gouvernait alors le Tyrol, et qui la reçut avec toute la pompe et la magnificence possibles. — Ce fut là, dans cette belle et sympathique église de la «Hofburg», au milieu des colosses de bronze qui entourent le tombeau de l'empereur Maximilien, le «dernier chevalier», que Christine s'agenouilla le mercredi 3 novembre 1655, devant le légat du pape, et prononça à haute voix les paroles prescrites par le concile de Trente pour la profession de foi catholique. Le légat Lucas Holstenius, le célèbre bibliothécaire du Vatican, était lui-même un luthérien converti. Il avait avec lui le même P. Malines qui, trois ans auparavant, avait été auprès de la Reine en Suède. Christine se trouvait ainsi, en ce moment solennel, au milieu de gens qui pouvaient la comprendre. C'était là une des nombreuses preuves de bienveillance pleine de tact dont Alexandre VII s'ingéniait à l'entourer. — Un exemplaire de la profession de foi signé par Christine fut expédié deux jours après à Rome.

Christine quitta Innsbruck le 8 novembre, après une semaine passée en banquets, représentations théâtrales et réjouissances de toute espèce. Tout son voyage par le nord de l'Italie ne fut plus qu'une série de fêtes. Elle passa par Trente, Mantoue, Ferrare, Bologne, Rimini, Pesaro, Ancône, Lorette, Macerata, Foligno, Assise, et arriva le 18 décembre à Caprarola, où le duc de Parme avait mis à sa disposition son magnifique château, le chef-d'œuvre de Vignola. Partout elle avait été reçue en triomphatrice. Princes, prélats et gentilshommes s'étaient empressés autour de cette reine qui n'avait pas hésité à sacrifier une couronne à la foi. Te Deum, actions de grâces et prières, toutes les splendeurs du culte d'un côté, tournois, banquets, bals, mascarades, concerts et académies de l'autre, rien n'avait été épargné pour donner à Christine une bienvenue plus que royale. Son cortège grossissait à mesure qu'il avançait. C'étaient d'abord les quatre nonces que le pape avait envoyés pour la saluer, à la frontière des États de l'Église, puis pendant le voyage quelques gentilhommes désireux d'attacher leur fortune à celle du nouvel astre.

Ce fut ainsi que Christine connut à Pesaro les comtes Francesco Maria et Lodovico Santinelli. Ces deux frères, d'une famille noble, mais pauvre, avaient su attirer l'attention de la Reine par la grâce avec laquelle ils avaient dansé dans un ballet, le canario, la danse à la mode d'alors. Elle se les fit présenter, prit goût à la conversation de Francesco Maria, qui se piquait de littérature, et leur proposa de la suivre à Rome. Elle se doutait peu de tout le désagrément qu'allait lui attirer par la suite cette connaissance faite à la légère.

Swedish translation (my own):

Staden Innsbruck hade i samförstånd utsetts till den plats där ceremonin av trosbekännelsen skulle äga rum. Kristina stannade där några dagar med ärkehertig Ferdinand Karl, som då styrde Tyrolen, och som tog emot henne med all pompa och prakt. — Det var där, i denna vackra och sympatiska kyrka i »Hofburg«, mitt i de bronskolosser, som omgärda kejsar Maximilians, »siste riddarens« grav, som Kristina knäböjde onsdagen den 3 november 1655 inför den påvliga legaten och uttalade högt de ord som föreskrivits av konciliet i Trent för den katolska trosbekännelsen. Legaten Lucas Holstenius, den berömde bibliotekarien i Vatikanen, var själv en omvänd lutheran. Han hade med sig samma fader Malines som tre år tidigare varit hos drottningen i Sverige. Kristina befann sig alltså, i detta högtidliga ögonblick, mitt bland människor som kunde förstå henne. Detta var ett av de många bevisen på taktfull välvilja som Alexander VII försökte omge henne med. — En kopia av trosbekännelsen undertecknad av Kristina sändes två dagar senare till Rom.

Kristina lämnade Innsbruck den 8 november, efter en vecka tillbringat i banketter, teaterföreställningar och fester av alla slag. Hela hennes resa genom norra Italien var inget annat än en serie festligheter. Hon passerade genom Trento, Mantua, Ferrara, Bologna, Rimini, Pesaro, Ancona, Loreto, Macerata, Foligno, Assisi och anlände den 18 december till Caprarola, där hertigen av Parma hade ställt till hennes förfogande sitt magnifika slott, Vignolas mästerverk. Överallt hade hon tagits emot som en triumferande. Prinsar, prelater och herrar hade flockats runt denna drottning som inte hade tvekat att offra en krona till tron. Te Deum, tacksägelser och böner, all gudstjänstprakt på ena sidan, turneringar, banketter, baler, maskerader, konserter och akademier på den andra, inget hade sparats för att ge Kristina ett mer än kungligt välkomnande. Hennes procession växte allteftersom den gick framåt. Först var det de fyra nuncierna som påven hade skickat för att hälsa på henne, vid gränsen till Kyrkans Stater, sedan under resan några herrar som var ivriga att fästa sin lycka vid den nya stjärnans.

Det var alltså som Kristina träffade grevarna Francesco Maria och Lodovico Santinelli i Pesaro. Dessa två bröder, från en ädel men fattig familj, hade lyckats dra till sig drottningens uppmärksamhet genom den grace med vilken de hade dansat i en balett, canario, den tidens modedans. Hon lät presentera dem för sig, gillade samtalet med Francesco Maria, som var intresserad av litteratur, och föreslog att de skulle följa henne till Rom. Föga anade hon allt det obehag som denna lättförstådda bekantskap senare skulle medföra över henne.

English translation (my own):

The city of Innsbruck had been designated by common consent as the place where the ceremony of the profession of faith would take place. Kristina stopped there for a few days with Archduke Ferdinand Karl, who then governed the Tyrol, and who received her with all possible pomp and magnificence. — It was there, in this beautiful and sympathetic church of the "Hofburg", in the midst of the bronze colossi which surround the tomb of the Emperor Maximilian, the "last knight", that Kristina knelt on Wednesday, November 3, 1655, before the papal legate, and pronounced aloud the words prescribed by the Council of Trent for the Catholic profession of faith. The legate Lucas Holstenius, the famous librarian of the Vatican, was himself a converted Lutheran. He had with him the same Father Malines who, three years before, had been with the Queen in Sweden. Kristina thus found herself, at this solemn moment, in the midst of people who could understand her. This was one of the many proofs of tactful benevolence with which Alexander VII endeavoured to surround her. — A copy of the profession of faith signed by Kristina was sent two days later to Rome.

Kristina left Innsbruck on November 8, after a week spent in banquets, theatrical performances and revelry of all kinds. Her entire journey through the north of Italy was nothing more than a series of festivities. She passed through Trento, Mantua, Ferrara, Bologna, Rimini, Pesaro, Ancona, Loreto, Macerata, Foligno, Assisi, and arrived on December 18 at Caprarola, where the Duke of Parma had placed at her disposal his magnificent castle, Vignola's masterpiece. Everywhere she had been received as a triumphant. Princes, prelates and gentlemen had flocked around this queen who had not hesitated to sacrifice a crown to the faith. Te Deum, thanksgivings and prayers, all the splendours of worship on one side, tournaments, banquets, balls, masquerades, concerts and academies on the other, nothing had been spared to give Kristina a more than royal welcome. Her procession grew as it advanced. First there were the four nuncios that the Pope had sent to greet her, at the border of the States of the Church, then during the journey some gentlemen eager to attach their fortune to that of the new star.

It was thus that Kristina met the Counts Francesco Maria and Lodovico Santinelli in Pesaro. These two brothers, from a noble but poor family, had managed to attract the Queen's attention by the grace with which they had danced in a ballet, the canario, the fashionable dance of the time. She had them introduced to her, took a liking to the conversation of Francesco Maria, who was interested in literature, and suggested that they follow her to Rome. Little did she suspect all the unpleasantness that this lightly made acquaintance would bring upon her later.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Baron Carl Bildt.