Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 11

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, page 69, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015012302041&seq=75

The essay:

Christina remained about a year at Hamburg, and returned to Rome in 1662. Always restless and ambitious, she was at one time trying to induce the great powers to make common cause against the Turks, on behalf of the Republic of Venice; at another, she was engaged in mixing herself up in the quarrel which had arisen between the courts of Rome and France, in consequence of the attack made on the French ambassador, the Duc de Créqui, by the Pope's Corsican guards. But she found that her good offices were despised by those to whom they were offered. Louis XIV. replied that he regretted her having taken the trouble to send her envoy, Alibert, on a mission which did not deserve her attention; and, without paying the least regard to her appeals on behalf of the Pope, occupied Avignon and compelled the Court of Rome to send two Cardinals to apologise at Paris, and to erect a monument commemorating the expulsion of the Corsican guard, the disbanding of which was insisted on by the French.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Pope Alexander VII.

Above: King Louis XIV of France.

Faith Compton Mackenzie on Kristina congratulating King Jan III Sobieski of Poland on his victory over the Ottoman Turks at Vienna (1683)

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, page 250, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library

https://archive.org/details/sibylofthenortht008021mbp/page/n265/mode/2up

Kristina's letter of October 13/23 (New Style), 1683 to King Jan III Sobieski of Poland is here (please excuse the addressee error in the permalink, I had misread the address when I first transcribed and posted it from Arckenholtz's publication):

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/01/kristinas-letter-to-king-karl-xi-dated.html

The account:

One of the greatest moments of those twenty years in Rome came when she heard the news of Sobieski's victory over the Turks at Vienna in 1683. She wrote to him: "... Your deed shows you to be worthy not only of the crown of Poland, but of the monarchy of the whole world. ... I feel envious, a sentiment which until now was a stranger to me. I do not envy you your kingdom, nor your treasures and spoils, but your title of Liberator of Christianity."

Above: Kristina.

Above: King Jan III Sobieski of Poland.

Above: Faith Compton Mackenzie.

Note: The Battle of Vienna took place at Kahlenberg Mountain near Vienna, Austria on September 12, 1683 after the city had been besieged by the Ottoman Empire. The battle was fought by the combined forces of Holy Roman Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, under the command of King Jan III Sobieski of Poland, and the opposing military forces of the Ottoman Empire and its vassal states (the Crimean Khanate, Moldavia, Transylvania, Upper Hungary and Wallachia), under the command of Grand Vizier Merzifonlu Kara Mustafa Paşa. The Ottoman army numbered approximately 90,000 to 300,000 men.

The siege had begun on July 14. Among other units, the Ottoman forces consisted of 60 ortas of 12,000 janissaries — an elite infantry unit whose members were taken as children from Christian families in Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Romania, Serbia and the Ukraine through the devşirme (child levy or blood tax) system — with an observation army of some 70,000 men watching the countryside, hence Kristina's terror that Vienna might as well have already been lost.

The Christian Coalition won the battle, the siege was lifted, the Ottomans of course failed to take Vienna, suffered heavy losses and were severely weakened, and the Coalition established the Holy League under Pope Innocent XI to further push back the Ottomans. The Coalition forces also invaded the Ottoman-occupied territories of Morea (the Peloponnese peninsula in southern Greece), Dalmatia (a historical region of Croatia) and Danubia in Hungary and the Balkans.

Faith Compton Mackenzie on Kristina's return to Rome and on the conclave that ultimately elected Cardinal Emilio Bonaventura Altieri as Pope Clement X

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 233 to 244, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library

https://archive.org/details/sibylofthenortht008021mbp/page/n247/mode/2up

The account:

CHAPTER XVI

THE CONCLAVE

THERE was ample consolation for the barren Hamburg years awaiting Christina in Rome. At Narni Azzolino met her, and she had evidently taken more trouble about her appearance than on her last entry into the city. She wore an innocente, a long, excessively feminine garment, of purple velvet embroidered with gold, a yellow wig, a huge black feather in her hat, and a cape trimmed with point de Venise. The Pope's state coach with an escort of Swiss and other Guards conveyed her to the Quirinal, where she was received by His Holiness in an hour's audience. And again she was accorded that signal honour which marked her first arrival in Rome thirteen years ago. She dined with the Pope. That no woman was ever permitted to eat in the presence of His Holiness, whether she were empress, queen or relation of the Sovereign Pontiff, was one of the rules most strictly observed by the Vatican.

One does not hear of a sermon being preached at this repast as at the other. It was the meeting of old friends, and there were so many matters which both had at heart that conversation must have flowed easily. That Ottoman problem which was always at the back of Christina's mind — here at last was a Pope who was passionately interested in it. A union of Christian Europe against the Turk! Had not Christina aimed at that when she sent Gualdo forth on his fruitless eighteen months' tour seven years ago?

And now it seemed that Clement IX was actually accomplishing it, inspiring harmony in the jangling nations under his authority. Morosini of Venice, who had for two years been valiantly defending the last outpost of Christianity, Candia, against the invader, was being supported now by the Duke of Beaufort from France, by Vivonne and his galleys, by the ships of the Holy See and the Knights of Malta under the Pope's brother, Vincenzo Rospigliosi, and by an army of seven thousand men of France. This was the news which Clement had for Christina as they dined together that November day.

A grant of twelve thousand crowns a year from the Pope was only one among many blessings that came to Christina in the waning of 1669. Palazzo Riario greeted her as one is greeted by a home that has shared vividly in great happiness. As she entered the Palace her countenance was alight; she looked "plump, pink and white, and enchanted with her return". Perhaps those dead years in Hamburg were worth while after all, to contrast with the glowing autumnal garden which had so fantastically grown up in these two years. The Vigna Farnese terrace no longer intruded, and the lemon trees still carried their shapely fruit.

Best of all her blessings was the honour done to the beloved Azzolino. He was the most powerful man in Rome — the trusted servant of His Holiness. He had arrived; one day, she dreamed, he would be Pope, but not too soon.

Meanwhile, life was splendid in the Golden Age of Rome. Noble diversions filled the days and nights. The ugly shadow of nepotism which had hung so blackly over the pontificate of Alexander VII was gone. There were certain offices which went by tradition to the Pope's relations, but there was no enriching of the Rospigliosi family at the expense of the Holy See. Clement IX combined the best kind of worldliness with a generous integrity probably unique in his day. The social life of Rome had never been more brilliant. One day there was the magnificent entry of an ambassador, another a pageant or the promotion of a cardinal, among the public festivals, while the private entertainments were on a scale never surpassed. Every night there was the opera, at which Christina was constantly seen in her gorgeous box. She was responsible for the introduction of female sopranos, who enchanted Rome with their singing and beautiful clothes. In her box a constant visitor was Cardinal Odescalchi, who, when he came into power some years later, changed his ideas and dealt severely with the theatre, and female singers were heard no more at the opera.

Every evening the bells of Rome rang, reminding the faithful to pray for the gallant defenders of Candia. The Pope himself never ceased to pray for the cause which meant, literally, life itself to him.

Alas, for the human element which defies Divine interference! The foolish Duke of Beaufort had no sooner arrived on the scene than he rushed his troops into action, in spite of the entreaties of Morosini, with disastrous results. A concerted attack a month later ended in tragedy, and two hundred heads of French leaders, including Beaufort's, were paraded before the Grand Vizier. The French, discouraged, and impatient of the prudent Venetians, deserted their allies and set sail for home. Vincenzo Rospigliosi, helpless without the French, was also obliged to retire. The news was slow in reaching Rome. It was six weeks before, on October 13, Clement IX heard of the tragedy. The deep anxiety he had been suffering all through the summer was now made manifest. At the shock of the news he collapsed, and less than a fortnight later he was seized by apoplexy.

He lingered through November, and[,] well aware that his end was approaching, he held a convocation in his room, with thirty-six cardinals round his bed, gave the purple to half a dozen prelates, and finally spoke a Latin discourse in which he begged them to elect his successor without discord or self-interest, to the glory of God. He deplored his own failure, and it was clear that his mind was unceasingly occupied with the tragedy of Candia. He sent for Christina a few days before he died and bade her a tender farewell. She left his presence in tears, and indeed the death of this good man was a most bitter blow for the Church, and for Christina and Azzolino a misfortune incalculable.

No time was wasted by the factions at the Vatican as soon as the illness of the Pope was known to be fatal. The most active of all was Azzolino. His manœuvres at the last Conclave had been astonishingly successful. He had managed so skillfully that both the French and Spanish parties had given him the credit of having worked for the election of Rospigliosi in their favour. Both factions were, for once, entirely satisfied, and the escadron had issued from the Conclave with its colours flying.

The coming Conclave was of enormous importance to Azzolino. He had immediately selected Cardinal Vidoni as the desirable successor to Clement IX. Vidoni came from a noble but not princely house in Cremona, and had been nuncio to John Casimir in Poland. He was acknowledged to be just and honourable and a man learned in affairs. There were those who feared his justice might degenerate into severity, the last quality to be tolerated in a Pope, but there was a strong general feeling in his favour.

As soon as the funeral ceremonies of Clement IX were over, the Vatican was invaded by Bernini's workmen, who transformed the whole of the first floor into a network of little cells in which the cardinals should be immured until the Pope be elected. The distribution of cells, like the entire business of the Conclave, was supposed to be under Divine guidance, but we find Azzolino conveniently placed in cell 18, which looked out on the Borgo Nuovo, where Christina was eagerly working for him in Palazzo d'Inghilterra, which she had taken in order to be within the precincts of the Vatican and so free to exchange notes without interference. In cell 19 was Ottoboni, Azzolino's principal friend and one of the live wires of the escadron, and in No. 20, singularly enough, was Vidoni himself. Cardinal Flavio Chigi was also indulged, for he was in No. 59, which not only faced south-west, but looked out on the piazza of St. Peter's[,] where he could watch his horses at their daily exercise. He had been made cardinal when he was twenty-one by his uncle, Alexander VII, and was remarkable for his equipages, his kennels, and his peculiar tastes.

Chigi was now thirty-four, and leader of a powerful faction which included Vidoni, Azzolino's choice for the Papacy. Christina said of this faction that it contained twenty-two men and twenty-five Popes. Of the twenty-five members of it, all coveted the tiara, but three of them were not, she considered, men. These three were Flavio, his cousin Sigismondo, and a Tuscan cardinal, Nini.

The two Crown factions were led by d'Este, Barberini and de Retz for France, and by the de Medicis for the Spaniards. Then there was the Rospigliosi faction, and finally the escadron volant, also called the Pamphili, of which Azzolino was the acknowledged leader. Pamphili was no longer cardinal, being married to the famous and beautiful Princess Rossano, but he and his wife were active in the work of the escadron. Much too active, Christina thought. This princess had known Azzolino before he met Christina, and rumour said it was not only poetry that he had dedicated to her in the past. However this might be, an annoying incident occurred when Clement IX lay dying. Some of the escadron cardinals paid a call on Vidoni, who was spending a little leisure at Frascati, and afterwards took him to visit the Princess Rossano. When he was presented to her, someone said:

"This is the future Pope."

When Christina heard of this[,] she was justly annoyed. The first principle of making a Pope was that no one should know whom anyone else was backing. That someone should have announced Vidoni as the coming Pope before the escadron had begun its stealthy campaign on his behalf, was exasperating. It did not, however, prevent Christina from throwing herself with more than her usual zest into the novel excitement of a conclave. Because Azzolino had, temporarily, it was to be hoped, lost his official quarters in the Vatican, she took the house on the Borgo Nuovo for him for three years. It eventually became his permanent residence until he died. Here she set up her work-room, from which she was in constant communication with Azzolino, sometimes writing as many as four long notes a day, and sometimes, when there was a lull in the correspondence, walking in the little garden of the new house, whence she could see the barred window of cell No. 18, where the beloved was weaving his invisible threads so cautiously — so dexterously, she fondly thought.

She had been among the friends who visited the cells on the last day before the Conclave, on the 20th of December[,] when the gates were to clang on the outer world until the Pope was chosen. An excellent law of the Middle Ages to guard against abuses was no longer in force. By this the members of the Conclave, strictly secluded as now, were given their food through a carefully guarded window, and, if the Pope were not elected in three days, only one course was allowed. After five days bread and water was the only fare, with a little wine. Things were not so severe now, but they were bad enough. Clement IX had chosen an unseasonable time to die. The Vatican was never comfortable in winter, and the cells, inadequately warmed with unwholesome braziers, were not at all to the taste of the cardinals, accustomed as most of them were to luxurious living. Food, too, if it was not actually handed through a window, was, however, richly and pompously presented, generally half cold. One cardinal quite definitely refused to occupy his cell, and that was Ludovisi, a member of the escadron, to whom laziness was a point of honour. This was so well known that his cell, No. 60, had not even been furnished.

Under the somewhat meagre circumstances it was natural that a half-bottle of wine or a few dozen oysters might well turn the scale in a delicate manœuvre. An excellent claret played a lively part in the Conclave. Cardinal Medici writes to the head of his family:

"Bouillon and Retz tell me that they have gained new life from Your Highness's claret. Please send me some more. I will distribute it by the bottle, for unless I give it to them decanted the conclavists will take to tippling."

Vidoni was one of the first to be tempted with oysters and claret. He was genuinely shocked by this, especially as it was Lent, and immediately went to Azzolino for advice. This was, that to keep on good terms with the tempter, it would be best to accept a half-bottle of claret a day. "With these people, it's the only thing to do", he said.

One does not hear what Vidoni did about it, but he is scandalized by the eating and drinking that goes on. "Think what the Protestants will say", he writes.

When Christina said good-bye to Azzolino on that last day[,] she also visited the cell, next door, of Vidoni, and inaugurated her career of duplicity with the remark, made in ringing tones to be heard by as many as possible:

"Here at any rate is one who will not be Pope!"

A trifle overdone this. Crude and Nordic. Later on, when she had had more experience of Latin diplomacy, she took to heart Azzolino's advice, which was to tell the truth in order not to be believed. "It is", he wrote to her, "the art of arts."

The problem of electing a new Pope was a hard one. To begin with, no one must have any ambition to be Pope. Everyone papable must, naturally, wait for Divine guidance to direct the Conclave. There were no candidates; there were "subjects". Then each faction must scrupulously conceal from the others the secret of its choice, but as soon as the Pope was elected it was absolutely essential to have been responsible for that election.

Azzolino, though he was next door to Vidoni, never entered his cell, and was never seen speaking to him. They exchanged notes at night, and Azzolino took the trouble to translate Christina's long notes from French into Italian for the benefit of his subject. Christina, on her side, when she was not in her work-room in Borgo Nuovo, was giving audiences to the French and Spanish Ambassadors, the Duc de Chaulnes and the Marquis d'Astorga, and most of the notable people interested in the Conclave. The Riario became the centre of intrigue, and her business was, with as much mystery as possible, to convince all her visitors, whatever faction they favoured, that Azzolino was Pope-maker, and to him alone would be the credit, whoever was elected. The atmosphere inside and outside the Vatican was indeed so heavily charged with intrigue and mystery that it looked as though the cardinals would be immured for ever. The weeks went by, and one by one the subjects were juggled with and excluded by vote. If Vidoni were elected[,] there was no doubt that Azzolino would be re-established and more powerful than ever, therefore Chigi, who had favoured Vidoni until he suspected that Azzolino did too, looked round for another subject for his party. Already D'Elci, the most papable of his own faction, had been excluded, and he at last confided in his own people that he would seek a subject elsewhere. When Azzolino heard this[,] he decided upon a daring ruse which was, in fact, scarcely worthy of his intelligence nor a good example of the "art of arts".

He wrote a note to Christina saying that, for all he had apparently been working in favour of Vidoni, the very opposite was the case. Vidoni, he wrote, was the strongest of Chigi's candidates, and for that reason most to be feared. As to whom the *escadron* was truly favouring — ah! that would be known to all in good time. Meanwhile, Christina would please go on giving the impression that Vidoni was his favourite, which was the best way of getting him excluded.

This note, written on the 25th of February, he carefully dropped so that a servant of Chigi should pick it up, and it was, as he had hoped, taken straight to the Cardinal. But Chigi was not at all taken in by it, and the only result of the trick was to prejudice him still more against Vidoni. There was another unfortunate incident of the same kind. When D'Elci and Bonvisi had been excluded after an enormous amount of intrigue and disappointment, there was a strong move in favour of Odescalchi, so strong that by the 16th of March there was little doubt that he would be elected; so little that the luxurious Ludovisi actually visited his cell, in spite of the cold, which was regarded as a sure sign that the end was near.

Now Odescalchi was one of the papables whom Azzolino had completely neglected throughout the Conclave. Not a word or sign to him of favour or friendship. This must be remedied at once. An inspiration came indirectly from Cardinal de Retz, who was said to have congratulated Odescalchi upon his approaching election. A note should be written to Odescalchi in the same tone, and what could be more effective than the statement that he, Azzolino, had advised de Retz to pay that little compliment, thereby convincing Odescalchi that the leader of the escadron had been working secretly for him all the time, and that his apparent indifference was but a mask to hide the truth?

An excellent idea, but unfortunately, as this was the first note Azzolino had written to Odescalchi, the servant of that cardinal, suspecting a mistake, as of course it had no direction on the outside, handed it to the servant of Cardinal Bouillon in the cell next door, with whom Azzolino was in constant communication. Bouillon read it and passed it on to de Retz, and the result was not pleasant for Azzolino. Apart from the de Retz invention, which was trivial and foolish, the impression made on these two friends of his was that he had been working against them secretly in favour of Odescalchi. Azzolino was decidedly losing ground in Vatican politics. And in the end Odescalchi had only seven votes in the scrutiny of March 20.

The discomfort of the Bernini cells and the intense cold soon began to tell upon the immured cardinals. Fever and bronchitis laid many of them low, and even Azzolino, one of the youngest and strongest, was shut in his cell for several days with a violent cold. When he was better he sent a note to Christina telling her so, and her joy at hearing it was surpassed by the fact that he had written the two letters "S. M." at the head of it. S. M. — Sua Maesta? It meant more than that, and no one but themselves will ever know what it did mean, but on Christina those two initials had a magical effect:

"But under what happy influence did you give me that glorious reminder of my past felicity? Am I mistaken, and do the letters 'S. M.' no longer mean what they used to mean? If I could describe to you the joy the sight of them gave me, you would think me somehow worthy of that title, which is dearer to me than Queen of the Universe. But I cannot be worthy of it, since you have deprived me of it. Do what you please; I am yours so absolutely that you cannot without injustice and horrible cruelty doubt that I deserve 'S. M.'".

In his answer he gave her "S. M." again, but for the rest of the Conclave he was discreet, and begged her to be the same. Business and sentiment were so carelessly interwoven that it became impossible to show her letters to his friends. He asks her to separate from "other things" the affairs of the Conclave.

These affairs went on all through Lent. Easter came, and Christina retired for a week to the Carmelite convent in Lungara[,] as was her habit. This time she said she would not have objected to a slightly deaf confessor. The cardinals, still imprisoned, were engaged solely in their religious observances. But soon they were busy again, with their secret votes and daily scrutinies, and now it was spring in Rome, and the cells were warmer, and everyone hoped the end would soon come.

It came in the last days of April, and a shattering end it was for Azzolino. It was incredible! De Retz had been plotting with Chigi and Rospigliosi to such purpose that the future Pope was already decided upon without the slightest reference to Azzolino. A very old gentleman, Cardinal Altieri, had been chosen. His principal recommendation was that he was eighty years of age. The news was brought to him in his cell, and he broke down and begged with tears to be allowed to die in peace, crying that he was too old and not capable of what would be expected of him. He clung to the bed he was sitting on when the conclavists came to carry out the custom of pillaging his cell. He was then seized and led kindly but forcibly to the Sistine Chapel, where the vote was made. Still the old man protested, and only after an hour's persuasion would he consent to wear the Papal insignia.

The election was announced to the waiting crowd, the smoke from the voting papers rose to the skies, the barriers that had shut out the world for over four months fell, and the first to kiss the Pope's toe was Christina herself. Her bearing, of course, was brave, but her heart was sore for the man she loved.

Reams of paper and gallons of ink! The usual reckless expenditure of energy and enthusiasm, and, as always, disillusion at the end.

"Mon Dieu", she had written to Azzolino when the cabals were at their thickest, "si vous pouviez profiter de tout ce desordre pour vous même!"

But he had failed. Flavio Chigi had beaten him in the "art of arts".

Above: Kristina.

Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Above: Pope Clement IX.

Above: Pope Clement X.

Above: Faith Compton Mackenzie.

Note: Candia is the old name for the Greek island of Crete.

Bildt edition: "L'Ouvrage du Loisir", part 9

Source:

Pensées de Christine, reine de Suède, pages 122 to 135, edited and published by Baron Carl Bildt, 1906; original at Harvard University

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hnnd3d&seq=126

Compare this with the edition published by Arckenholtz (1751):

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2024/02/kristinas-maxims-ouvrage-de-loisir-part_1.html

The "Pensées":

801.

Le grand Sésostris, qui attacha sept rois malheureux à son char, eût été plus grand, s'il eût usé de sa fortune avec moins de faste.

802.

L'insolence sied mal à la bonne et à la mauvaise fortune.

803.

Il y a quelque chose d'ennemi dans la nature qui s'oppose à la parfaite gloire et félicité des hommes.

804.

La fortune fournit rarement des occasions de se signaler. Il faut être fort alerte à la première, et n'espérer pas la seconde.

805.

On n'a rien à pardonner au grand Cyrus. C'est le seul des hommes extraordinaires sur lequel il n'y a pas de prise.

806.

Alexandre et César étaient grands et incomparables, mais ils avaient de grands défauts qu'il faut pardonner à leur mérite extraordinaire.

807.

Il ne faut compter que sur soi-même et sur ses propres forces; quand elles ne suffisent pas, rien ne suffit.

808.

Un conquérant doit agir d'une manière si honnête avec ses sujets, qu'il leur persuade, que c'est être heureux que de lui être soumis.

809.

Le Turc ne veut que l'obéissance et le tribut de ses sujets. Il ne contraint pas leurs consciences.

810.

Le Turc ne s'informe, ni des sentiments, ni des forces des autres princes; il marche quand la fantaisie le prend, et on ne lui résiste pas sans miracle.

811.

Par bonheur, les Turcs sont un peu plus barbares et cruels que nous.

812.

Ceux qui forment tant d'intrigues et s'amusent à tant de négociations, persuadent moins (de) leur habileté que (de) leur faiblesse.

813.

On doit ni mépriser ni craindre l'ennemi, quelque faible ou fort qu'il soit.

814.

Il y a longtemps qu'on nous prône la décadence de l'empire Ottoman.

815.

Alexandre est aussi grand et aussi glorieux par les royaumes qu'il a donnés, que par ceux qu'il a conquis.

816.

Un conquérant ne doit prétendre de tous les travaux et dangers où il s'expose, que la gloire. Encore faut-il la partager avec ses amis et avec ses ennemis.

817.

Punir et récompenser ceux qui le méritent, sont les parties essentielles de la justice et de la politique.

818.

La religion et la politique du Turc sont faites pour la conquête du monde.

819.

On blâme la manière de combattre des Turcs et leur discipline militaire; mais puisqu'elles leur ont soumis une si grande partie du monde, on peut assurer qu'elles sont les meilleures.

820.

Pyrrhus, qui réduisit les Romains à l'extrémité, dit avec esprit: «J'étais perdu si j'eusse encore obtenu une autre victoire.» C'est justement ce qui nous arrive avec le Turc.

821.

Quand on fait réflexion sur la dernière conduite des Turcs devant Vienne [1683], on voit visiblement que Dieu les aveugla.

822.

Les Turcs n'ont ni gazettes ni almanachs; il n'en vient pas de Constantinople.

823.

Il n'y a pas de sujets plus heureux que ceux du Turc, à la religion près, dans laquelle il ne violente personne.

824.

Le grand avantage du Turc est d'être seul. Il a des esclaves, mais point d'alliés.

825.

Quand on fait réflexion sur l'état présent de notre Europe, on ne comprend pas sur quoi se fondent les belles espérances que l'on a conçues de la totale ruine de l'empire Ottoman.

826.

Pour faire quelque chose de grand, il ne faut qu'une seule tête qui ordonne tout, et une seule bourse qui exécute tout.

827.

Les confédérations et les ligues, qui forment ces armées à la mosaïque, ne font jamais rien.

828.

La magnificence et la libéralité sont les vertus des conquérants. Elles charment tout le monde.

829.

Les abjections et les bassesses servent quelquefois à parvenir à la grandeur; mais elles ne servent jamais ni à l'accroître, ni à la conserver.

830.

Les grands princes sont bons maîtres.

831.

Les petits princes chicanent tous ceux qui ont le malheur de leur être sujets.

832.

On ne trouve jamais le repos, quand on le cherche.

833.

Rien n'est plus incommode qu'un homme qui veut paraître plus grand qu'il n'est.

834.

Un philosophe fit connaître à Pyrrhus la vanité de ses vastes projets en lui disant: «Puisque tu ne veux enfin que te reposer, demeure en repos!»

835.

Bien des choses méritent d'être ménagés autant que l'argent.

836.

L'économie des princes est bien différente de celle des particuliers.

837.

En matière d'armes, la pensée de Friedland fut celle d'un grand homme.

[Var.: L'on ne se trompe pas dans l'opinion commune que l'argent soit le nerf de la guerre. La pensée de Friedland était celle d'un grand homme.]

838.

La guerre fait subsister la guerre.

839.

Les reproches que fit Crésus à Cyrus sur ses grandes profusions, n'empêchèrent pas le vainqueur de l'Asie d'être libéral; mais c'est se tromper que de compter, comme il fit, sur la reconnaissance des hommes.

840.

Alexandre, après avoir tout donné, ne se réserva que l'espérance, qui est aussi trompeuse que la reconnaissance.

841.

Celui qui sentit au dernier moment de la vie le plaisir de ses bienfaits, mérita la fortune.

842.

Tout ce que l'on donne, est un gain, et tout ce que l'on ne donne pas, est une perte.

[Var.[:] Il faut compter pour perdu tout ce que l'on donne et tout ce que l'on ne donne pas.]

843.

Quand on manque de forces pour soutenir ses droits, ils sont perdus.

844.

La force rend justes toutes les prétentions.

845.

Tout est pardonnable, excepté la désobéissance et l'infidélité.

846.

Il y a des maîtres auxquels il ne faut pas obéir pour les bien servir.

847.

Il ne faut pas craindre de rendre de mauvais offices à ceux qui les méritent.

848.

Les vols des serviteurs sont d'épargne aux bons maîtres. Ils leur donneraient plus, s'ils ne volaient pas.

849.

C'est par la faute des princes qu'ils sont ma[l] servis, s'ils ont de quoi récompenser et punir.

850.

Il ne faut souffrir, si l'on peut, ni un sot pour maître, ni un sot pour valet.

851.

Un sot ne sait ni obéir, ni commander.

852.

Il faut empêcher les serviteurs de se croire nécessaires; quelque important et agréable que soit leur service, il faut les désabuser de la vanité de cette confiance.

853.

L'argent s'attache aux mains de ceux qui le manient, comme la poix.

854.

Tous les grands hommes ont souffert l'ingratitude et l'injustice.

855.

Les grands hommes dans les siècles héroïques ont donné des exemples de probité, qui leur ont été plus glorieux que leurs triomphes.

856.

Le grand Scipion, après ses triomphes, mourut si pauvre, qu'on ne lui trouva pas de quoi l'enterrer.

857.

Les plus honnêtes gens s'appauvrissent rarement en maniant de l'argent.

858.

Espérer plus de fidélité des autres que de soi-même, n'est plus sagesse.

859.

Il y a des pédants d'honneur comme des pédants d'école.

860.

Il faut être homme d'honneur sans être incommode.

861.

Il y a des gens qui sont nés pour dire et faire des sottises.

862.

Tous les hommes flattent la fortune et le pouvoir.

863.

La fortune attire un grand nombre de faux amis qui disparaissent avec elle.

[Var.[:] Il y a peu de véritables amis, mais la fortune en attire un grand nombre de faux.]

864.

La flatterie et l'envie sont inséparables de la grande fortune.

865.

Quelque élevé que soit un mérite, il n'échappe pas aux atteintes de l'envie.

866.

Il faut tâcher de savoir tout, mais il ne faut pas témoigner toujours de le savoir.

867.

Quand les habiles gens publient quelque secret, cela ne se fait jamais sans mystères.

868.

Il est permis de tromper les gens pour leur faire du bien, mais non pas pour leur faire du mal.

869.

La vérité n'offense que les faibles et les sots[.]

870.

On est obligé de dire la vérité, mais on n'est pas obligé de dire toutes les vérités.

871.

Les hommes sont prêts à démentir leurs sens, leur raison et la vérité connue, pour flatter ceux qui commandent.

872.

L'ignorance et l'intérêt rendent les hommes injustes.

873.

Les préjugés empêchent de voir clair.

874.

Il faut être toujours du parti de la vérité et de la justice.

875.

Plus un homme est sot, plus il est opiniâtre et inflexible.

876.

Il n'y a pas de plus grands menteurs, que ceux qui font profession de ne mentir jamais.

877.

La bienséance est un tyran duquel on ne s'affranchit pas impunément.

878.

Il y a des gens auxquels tout est permis, et auxquels tout sied bien.

879.

C'est avoir peu de cœur que de n'oser pas en certaines occasions s'exposer au blâme.

880.

La bonne et mauvaise fortune ont leurs talents et leurs vertus différentes.

881.

Il y a une fierté de courage, et il y en a une de faiblesse.

882.

Il y a deux sortes de faiblesses: l'une est dans l'âme, qui est incorrigible, et l'autre est de la fortune, qui change avec elle.

883.

Ceux qui sont insolents et fiers dans la bonne fortune, sont bas et faibles dans la mauvaise.

884.

Peu de gens ont assez de courage pour confesser leurs fautes.

885.

Confesser ses fautes n'est pas l'effet de la sincérité, c'est l'effet du courage.

886.

Les gens doubles ne sont pas si habiles qu'on pense.

887.

En matière d'élection, la fortune a plus de part que le discernement.

888.

On ne saurait répondre de quelle manière un homme s'acquittera d'un emploi jusqu'à ce qu'il s'en soit acquitté.

889.

Le passé ne répond de l'avenir, ni en bien, ni en mal.

890.

Si les hommes osaient trouver le ridicule en ceux qu'ils doivent respecter, la plupart des princes passeraient mal leur temps.

891.

Les avares rendent leur argent inutile.

892.

Les avares sont les voleurs du public.

893.

L'abstinence du vin est une grande politique des Turcs.

894.

Ce n'est pas une grande vertu que d'être sobre, mais c'est un grand défaut que de ne l'être pas.

895.

Aimer les animaux, avoir de la charité pour eux, est la marque d'un bon naturel.

896.

Les animaux fournissent mille sujets de philosopher.

897.

L'humanité a de certains penchants, dont il ne faut pas la corriger.

898.

Si les animaux avaient l'usage de la parole, ils convaincraient les hommes qu'ils ne sont guère moins bêtes qu'eux.

899.

Il naît des bergers avec des âmes royales, et des rois avec celles de faquins.

900.

La véritable grandeur ne dépend que du cœur[;] quand il est grand, tout l'est.

Swedish translation (my own):

801.

Den store Sesostris, som band sju olyckliga konungar till sin vagn, skulle ha varit större om han hade använt sin lycka med mindre pompa och ståt.

802.

Insolens passar både god och dålig fortun.

803.

Det finns något fientligt i naturen som motsätter sig människornas fullkomliga ära och lycka.

804.

Lyckan ger sällan tillfällen att utmärka sig. Man måste vara mycket uppmärksam på det förra och inte hoppas på det senare.

805.

Man har inget att förlåta den store Kyros för. Han är den enda extraordinära mannen som det inte finns något grepp om.

806.

Alexander och Caesar var stora och ojämförliga, men de hade stora fel som måste förlåtas för deras extraordinära förtjänster.

807.

Man måste bara lita på sig själv och sin egen styrka; när dessa inte räcker till, räcker ingenting till.

808.

En erövrare måste agera på ett så ärligt sätt mot sina undersåtar att han övertygar dem om att det är lyckligt att vara undergiven honom.

809.

Turken vill bara ha lydnad och tribut från sina undersåtar. Han begränsar inte deras samveten.

810.

Turken informerar sig inte om andra furstars känslor eller styrka; han marscherar när han får lust, och man kan inte motstå honom utan ett mirakel.

811.

Lyckligtvis är turkarna lite mer barbariska och grymma än vi.

812.

De som skapar så många intriger och roar sig med så många förhandlingar övertygar en mindre om sin skicklighet än om sin svaghet.

813.

Man bör varken förakta eller frukta fienden, hur svag eller stark han än må vara.

814.

Man har länge predikat för oss det Osmanska rikets dekadens.

815.

Alexander är lika stor och lika ärorik för de konungadömen han gav som för dem han erövrade.

816.

En erövrare bör bara pretendera till härlighet från allt arbete och alla faror som han utsätter sig för. Ändå måste han dela den med sina vänner och med sina fiender.

817.

Att straffa och belöna dem som förtjänar det är viktiga delar av rättvisa och politik.

818.

Turkens religion och politik är gjorda för att erövra världen.

819.

Man skyller på turkarnas sätt att slåss och deras militära disciplin; men eftersom de har gjort så mycket av världen undergiven kan man säga att de är de bästa.

820.

Pyrrhus, som satte romarna i extremitet, sade kvickt: »Jag skulle ha varit förlorad om jag hade vunnit ännu en seger.« Det är just detta som händer oss med turken.

821.

När man gör reflektion över turkarnas senaste uppförande inför Wien [1683], ser man tydligt att Gud förblindade dem.

822.

Turkarna har varken tidningar eller almanackor; inga kommer från Konstantinopel.

823.

Det finns inga lyckligare undersåtar än turkens, förutom religionen, där han inte kränker någon.

824.

Turkens stora fördel är att han är ensam. Han har slavar, men inga allierade.

825.

När man gör reflektion över det nuvarande tillståndet i vårt Europa, begriper man inte grunden för de höga förhoppningar som finns om det osmanska rikets totala ruin.

826.

För att åstadkomma något stort behöver man bara ett huvud för att beordra allting och en enda börs för att utföra allting.

827.

De konfederationer och ligor som bildar dessa arméer i mosaikstil åstadkommer aldrig någonting.

828.

Storslagenhet och generositet är erövrarnas dygder. De charmerar alla.

829.

Förakt och låghet tjänar ibland till att uppnå storhet; men de tjänar aldrig till att öka eller bevara den.

830.

Stora furstar är goda herrar.

831.

Små furstar grälar med alla dem som har olyckan att vara deras undersåtar.

832.

Man finner aldrig ro när man söker den.

833.

Ingenting är mer obekvämt än en man som vill verka större än han är.

834.

En filosof gjorde Pyrrhus medveten om fåfängligheten i hans stora projekter genom att säga till honom: »Eftersom allt du vill är att vila, förbli i vila!«

835.

Många saker förtjänar att menageras lika noggrant som pengar.

836.

Furstars ekonomi skiljer sig mycket från privatpersoners.

837.

I vapenfrågor var Friedlands tänkande en stor mans.

[Variant: Det råder inget misstag i den allmänna uppfattningen att pengar är krigets nerv. Friedlands tänkande var en stor mans.]

838.

Krig får kriget att subsistera.

839.

De förebråelser som Kroesos riktade mot Kyros för hans stora extravagans hindrade inte Asiens erövrare från att vara liberal; men det var ett misstag att, som han gjorde, räkna med människors tacksamhet.

840.

Alexander, efter att ha givit allt, reserverade för sig själv endast hopp, vilket är lika bedrägligt som tacksamhet.

841.

Den som kände glädjen i sina goda gärningar i livets sista ögonblick förtjänade lycka.

842.

Allt man ger är en vinst, och allt man inte ger är en förlust.

[Variant: Man måste räkna som förlorat allt man ger och allt man inte ger.]

843.

När man saknar styrkan att upprätthålla sina rättigheter, så är de förlorade.

844.

Styrka gör alla anspråk rättfärdiga.

845.

Allt är förlåtligt, utom olydnad och otrohet.

846.

Det finns herrar som man inte får lyda för att tjäna dem väl.

847.

Man får inte frukta att utföra dåliga tjänster mot dem som förtjänar dem.

848.

Tjänarstölder skonar goda herrar. De skulle ge dem mer om de inte stal.

849.

Det är furstars fel att de blir dåligt betjänade, om de har möjlighet att belöna och straffa.

850.

Man får inte, om man kan, tåla en dåre som herre, inte heller en dåre som betjänt.

851.

En dåre vet varken hur man lyder eller hur man befaller.

852.

Tjänare måste hindras från att tro sig nödvändiga; hur viktig och angenäm deras tjänst än må vara, måste de befrias från fåfängligheten i detta förtroende.

853.

Pengar fastnar i händerna på dem som hanterar dem, som beck.

854.

Alla stora män har lidit otacksamhet och orättvisa.

855.

De stora männen under heroiska seklerna gav exempel på redbarhet, som var mer ärorika för dem än deras triumfer.

856.

Den store Scipio dog efter sina triumfer så fattig att ingen kunde finna någonstans att begrava honom.

857.

De ärligaste människorna utarmar sig sällan genom att hantera pengar.

858.

Att förvänta sig mer trohet från andra än från sig själv är inte längre visdom.

859.

Det finns hederspedanter såväl som skolpedanter.

860.

Man måste vara en hedersman utan att vara till besvär.

861.

Det finns människor som är födda att säga och göra dumheter.

862.

Alla människor smickrar lycka och makt.

863.

Lyckan lockar ett stort antal falska vänner som försvinner med den.

[Variant: Det finns få sanna vänner, men lyckan lockar ett stort antal falska.]

864.

Smicker och avund är oskiljaktiga från stor lycka.

865.

Hur hög en förtjänst än må vara, undgår den inte avundens attacker.

866.

Man måste sträva efter att veta allt, men man får inte alltid betyga kunskap om allt.

867.

När kloka människor publicerar någon hemlighet, sker det aldrig utan mysterier.

868.

Det är tillåtet att lura människor för att göra dem gott, men inte för att skada dem.

869.

Sanningen förolämpar bara de svaga och de dåraktiga.

870.

Man är skyldig att säga sanningen, men man är inte skyldig att säga alla sanningar.

871.

Människor är redo att förneka sina sinnen, sitt förnuft och den kända sanningen, för att smickra dem som befaller.

872.

Okunskap och intresse gör människor orättvisa.

873.

Fördomar hindrar oss från att se klart.

874.

Man måste alltid vara på sanningens och rättvisans sida.

875.

Ju dummare en man är, desto envisare och desto mer oflexibel är han.

876.

Det finns inga större lögnare än de som påstår sig aldrig ljuga.

877.

Anständighet är en tyrann från vilken man inte kan undkomma ostraffat.

878.

Det finns människor för vilka allt är tillåtet och för vilka allt passar.

879.

Det är ett tecken på svaghet i hjärtat att inte våga klandra sig själv vid vissa tillfällen.

880.

God och dålig lycka har sina olika talanger och dygder.

881.

Det finns en stolthet från mod, och det finns en från svaghet.

882.

Det finns två slags svaghet: en är i själen, som är oförbätterlig, och den andra är i lyckan, som förändras med den.

883.

De som är oförskämda och stolta i god tur är låga och svaga i otur.

884.

Få människor har tillräckligt mod för att erkänna sina fel.

885.

Att erkänna sina fel är inte effekten av uppriktighet, det är effekten av mod.

886.

Tvåsinnade människor är inte så kloka som man tror.

887.

I valfrågor har lyckan mer inflytande än urskiljningsförmågan.

888.

Man kan inte svara på hur en man kommer att fullgöra en plikt förrän han har fullgjort den.

889.

Det förflutna kan inte svara för framtiden, varken på gott eller ont.

890.

Om män vågade finna förlöjligande hos dem de borde respektera, skulle de flesta furstar spendera sin tid dåligt.

891.

Snåljåpar gör sina pengar värdelösa.

892.

Snåljåpar är allmänhetens tjuvar.

893.

Avhållsamhet från vin är en stor politik för turkarna.

894.

Det är inte en stor dygd att vara nykter, men det är en stor felaktighet att inte vara det.

895.

Att älska djur, att ha välgörenhet för dem, är kännetecknet för en god natur.

896.

Djur erbjuder tusen ämnen för filosoferande.

897.

Mänskligheten har vissa böjelser som den inte får korrigeras för.

898.

Om djuren kunde använda ord, skulle de övertyga människorna om att de knappast är mindre bestar än de själva.

899.

Herdar föds med kungliga själar, och konungar med skurkars själar.

900.

Sann storhet beror bara på hjärtat; när det är stort, är allting det.

English translation (my own):

801.

The great Sesostris, who tied seven unfortunate kings to his chariot, would have been greater if he had used his fortune with less pomp.

802.

Insolence ill-suits both good and bad fortune.

803.

There is something hostile in nature that opposes the perfect glory and felicity of men.

804.

Fortune rarely provides occasions to distinguish oneself. One must be very alert to the former, and not hope for the latter.

805.

One has nothing to forgive the great Cyrus for. He is the only extraordinary man over whom there is no hold.

806.

Alexander and Caesar were great and incomparable, but they had great faults that must be forgiven for their extraordinary merit.

807.

One must count only on oneself and one's own strength; when these do not suffice, nothing suffices.

808.

A conqueror must act in such an honest manner with his subjects that he persuades them that it is to be happy to be submissive to him.

809.

The Turk wants only obedience and tribute from his subjects. He does not constrain their consciences.

810.

The Turk does not inform himself of the feelings or strength of other princes; he marches when the fancy takes him, and one cannot resist him without a miracle.

811.

Fortunately, the Turks are a little more barbaric and cruel than we are.

812.

Those who form so many intrigues and amuse themselves with so many negotiations persuade one less of their skill than of their weakness.

813.

One should neither despise nor fear the enemy, however weak or strong he may be.

814.

One has been preaching to us the decadence of the Ottoman Empire for a long time.

815.

Alexander is as great and as glorious for the kingdoms he gave as for those he conquered.

816.

A conqueror should only pretend to glory from all the labours and dangers to which he exposes himself. Even so, he must share it with his friends and with his enemies.

817.

Punishing and rewarding those who deserve it are essential parts of justice and politics.

818.

The religion and politics of the Turk are made for the conquest of the world.

819.

One blames the Turks' manner of fighting and their military discipline; but because they have made so much of the world submissive, it can be said that they are the best.

820.

Pyrrhus, who reduced the Romans to extremity, said wittily: "I would have been lost if I had obtained yet another victory." This is precisely what is happening to us with the Turk.

821.

When one makes reflection on the Turks' recent conduct before Vienna [1683], one visibly sees that God blinded them.

822.

The Turks have neither gazettes nor almanacs; none come from Constantinople.

823.

There are no happier subjects than those of the Turk, excepting religion, in which he violates no one.

824.

The Turk's great advantage is that he is alone. He has slaves, but no allies.

825.

When one makes reflection on the current state of our Europe, one does not understand the basis for the lofty hopes conceived of the total ruin of the Ottoman Empire.

826.

To accomplish something great, one needs only one head to order everything, and one purse to execute everything.

827.

The confederations and leagues which form these armies in mosaic style never accomplish anything.

828.

Magnificence and liberality are the virtues of conquerors. They charm everyone.

829.

Abjections and baseness sometimes serve to achieve greatness; but they never serve to increase or preserve it.

830.

Great princes are good masters.

831.

Petty princes squabble with all those who have the misfortune to be their subjects.

832.

One never finds repose when one seeks it.

833.

Nothing is more inconvenient than a man who wants to appear greater than he is.

834.

A philosopher made Pyrrhus aware of the vanity of his vast projects by saying to him: "Since all thou wantest is to rest, stay at rest!"

835.

Many things deserve to be managed as carefully as money.

836.

The economy of princes is very different from that of private people.

837.

In matters of arms, Friedland's thinking was that of a great man.

[Variant: There is no mistake in the common opinion that money is the nerve of war. Friedland's thinking was that of a great man.]

838.

War makes war subsist.

839.

The reproaches Croesus leveled at Cyrus for his great extravagance did not prevent the conqueror of Asia from being liberal; but it was a mistake to count, as he did, on the gratitude of men.

840.

Alexander, after having given everything, reserved for himself only hope, which is as deceptive as gratitude.

841.

He who felt the pleasure of his good deeds at the last moment of life deserved fortune.

842.

Everything one gives is a gain, and everything one does not give is a loss.

[Variant: One must count as lost everything one gives and everything one does not give.]

843.

When one lacks the strength to uphold one's rights, they are lost.

844.

Strength makes all pretensions just.

845.

Everything is forgivable, except disobedience and infidelity.

846.

There are masters whom one must not obey, in order to serve them well.

847.

One must not fear rendering bad offices to those who deserve them.

848.

Servants' thefts spare good masters. They would give them more if they did not steal.

849.

It is the fault of princes that they are poorly served, if they have the means to reward and punish.

850.

One must not suffer, if one can, a fool as a master, nor a fool as a valet.

851.

A fool knows neither how to obey nor how to command.

852.

Servants must be prevented from believing themselves necessary; however important and agreeable their service may be, they must be disabused of the vanity of this confidence.

853.

Money sticks to the hands of those who handle it, like pitch.

854.

All great men have suffered ingratitude and injustice.

855.

The great men in heroic centuries gave examples of probity, which were more glorious to them than their triumphs.

856.

The great Scipio, after his triumphs, died so poor that no one could find place to bury him at.

857.

The most honest people rarely impoverish themselves by handling money.

858.

To expect more fidelity from others than from oneself is no more wisdom.

859.

There are pedants of honour as well as pedants of school.

860.

One must be a man of honour without being a nuisance.

861.

There are people who are born to say and do foolishnesses.

862.

All men flatter fortune and power.

863.

Fortune attracts a great number of false friends who disappear with it.

[Variant: There are few true friends, but fortune attracts a great number of false ones.]

864.

Flattery and envy are inseparable from great fortune.

865.

However high a merit may be, it does not escape the attacks of envy.

866.

One must strive to know everything, but one must not always testify knowledge of everything.

867.

When clever people publish some secret, it is never done without mysteries.

868.

It is permissible to deceive people to do them good, but not to do them harm.

869.

The truth only offends the weak and the foolish.

870.

One is obliged to tell the truth, but one is not obliged to tell all truths.

871.

Men are ready to deny their senses, their reason, and the known truth, to flatter those who command.

872.

Ignorance and interest make men unjust.

873.

Prejudices prevent us from seeing clearly.

874.

One must always be on the side of truth and justice.

875.

The more foolish a man is, the more stubborn and inflexible he is.

876.

There are no greater liars than those who profess never to lie.

877.

Propriety is a tyrant from which one cannot escape with impunity.

878.

There are people to whom everything is permitted, and whom everything suits.

879.

It is a sign of being weak of heart not to dare expose oneself to blame on certain occasions.

880.

Good and bad fortune have their different talents and virtues.

881.

There is a pride from courage, and there is one from weakness.

882.

There are two kinds of weakness: one is in the soul, which is incorrigible, and the other is in fortune, which changes with it.

883.

Those who are insolent and proud in good fortune are base and weak in bad fortune.

884.

Few people have enough courage to confess their faults.

885.

Confessing one's faults is not the effect of sincerity, it is the effect of courage.

886.

Double-minded people are not as clever as one thinks.

887.

In matters of election, fortune has more influence than discernment.

888.

One cannot answer in what way a man will acquit himself of a duty until he has acquitted himself of it.

889.

The past cannot answer for the future, neither for good nor for ill.

890.

If men dared to find ridicule in those whom they should respect, most princes would spend their time badly.

891.

Misers make their money useless.

892.

Misers are thieves of the public.

893.

Abstinence from wine is a great policy of the Turks.

894.

It is not a great virtue to be sober, but it is a great fault not to be sober.

895.

To love animals, to have charity for them, is the mark of a good nature.

896.

Animals provide a thousand subjects for philosophising.

897.

Humanity has certain inclinations which must it not be corrected of.

898.

If animals had the usage of words, they would convince men that they are hardly less beasts than themselves.

899.

Shepherds are born with royal souls, and kings with those of scoundrels.

900.

True greatness depends only on the heart; when it is great, everything is.

Above: Kristina.

Note: Constantinople is the old name for what is now the Turkish city of Istanbul.

Bildt edition: "L'Ouvrage du Loisir", part 8

Source:

Pensées de Christine, reine de Suède, pages 109 to 122, edited and published by Baron Carl Bildt, 1906; original at Harvard University

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=hvd.hnnd3d&seq=113

Compare this with the edition published by Arckenholtz (1751):

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2024/02/kristinas-maxims-ouvrage-de-loisir-part.html

The "Pensées":

701.

Tout ce qu'on dépense en armées et en troupes est économie.

702.

Il y a plus de sûreté à être brave que poltron.

703.

Il y a des braves par nature, il y en a par routine, il y en a par nécessité, par désespoir, et il y en a par honneur.

704.

Il faut ménager le peur de ses ennemis comme le reste.

705.

Il y a des poltrons qui se font vaillants à force de hasarder.

706.

L'injustice des ressentiments vengent ceux qui les souffrent.

707.

Le Ciel ôte et donne l'esprit et le courage quand il lui plaît.

708.

Peu de gens naissent intrépides. C'est le vrai caractère des héros.

709.

Il faut vaincre les ennemis non seulement par les armes, mais par l'honnêteté.

710.

Il faut épargner l'ennemi désarmé et l'embrasser.

711.

Tout ce qui se soumet, mérite d'être épargné.

712.

Un conquérant doit compter pour ennemi tout ce qui n'est pas encore soumis.

713.

Il faut ressentir presque autant de douleur de la mort d'un ennemi que de celle d'un ami.

714.

Perdre un ennemi est une grande perte.

715.

La cruauté est l'effet d'une âme basse et timide.

716.

Les braves sont humains, et les poltrons sont cruels.

717.

La plus dangereuse hypocrisie est celle des fanfarons qui font les braves.

718.

Les grandes armées ne sont qu'un grand amas de faiblesse.

719.

La grande quantité de places fortes consume l'argent et les hommes inutilement.

[Var.: Les forteresses ne servent qu'à rendre l'argent et les hommes inutiles.]

720.

Les petites armées sont de grande dépense, mais les grandes subsistent d'elles-mêmes.

721.

Quand on craint la guerre, l'on ne jouit pas longtemps de la paix.

722.

La faiblesse et la lâcheté passent pour habileté et prudence.

723.

On peut tout acheter, au mérite et à la gloire près.

724.

Le mérite est un certain assemblage de ces grands talents et de ces belles et grandes qualités qui se trouvent rarement.

[Var.: Le mérite est un assemblage de plusieurs grandes et belles qualités de l'âme et du corps qui se trouvent rarement en une seule personne.]

725.

Les princes ne sont puissants que par leurs troupes et leur argent.

726.

Les princes sont riches quand leurs sujets le sont.

727.

Quelque sot et vénal que soit un homme, il se vend rarement contre son intérêt.

728.

Tous les hommes connaissent leur intérêt, mais les uns le connaissent plus tôt et les autres plus tard.

729.

On ne persuade jamais les hommes contre leur intérêt; s'il y a des hommes qui agissent par des motifs plus sublimes, cette manière d'agir est inconnue et n'est qu'un intérêt plus noble et plus fin.

[Var.: Les hommes n'agissent contre leur intérêt que par nécessité, ou par force, ou par des motifs extraordinaires.]

730.

La plume ne persuade rien, mais l'épée persuade tout.

731.

La force se fait obéir et craindre.

732.

Les batailles donnent la gloire et l'empire.

733.

La gloire que les hommes tirent de la victoire, est moins juste qu'éclatante.

734.

Quand Dieu donne l'esprit, le courage, la force et la fortune à un homme, il lui donne aussi le droit sur l'univers à proportion de tous ses talents.

735.

Le monde est à ceux qui peuvent l'occuper et savent le conserver.

736.

Il faut prévoir l'avenir, s'y disposer et n'y mettre jamais d'obstacles.

737.

Il y a des artifices qui sont indignes, et d'autres qui sont permis.

738.

La ruse est d'un grand secours aux faibles, mais elle est indigne des puissants.

739.

On voit dans le siècle où nous sommes, tout le monde armé. L'on s'entregarde (sic), l'on se craint réciproquement, et l'on a de la peine à deviner qui des parties a la plus grande peur: il n'y a que faiblesse partout, personne ne sait ni ce qu'il voudrait, ni ce qu'il faudrait faire.

740.

Il faut prévenir toujours ceux qui menacent.

741.

Les gens heureux iraient trop loin, s'ils savaient profiter des occasions.

742.

Gagner le temps, c'est le perdre souvent.

743.

Il faut ni craindre ni mépriser les ennemis, quelque faibles ou quelque forts qu'ils soient.

744.

Quand on manque de courage, on ne fait jamais rien qui vaille.

745.

L'on n'est habile qu'à proportion qu'on a le courage grand.

746.

Les hommes ne trouvent point de défauts à ceux qu'ils craignent, mais ils en trouvent mille à ceux qu'ils méprisent.

747.

Employer plus de courage que de prudence, est une maxime dont tous les grands hommes se sont bien trouvés.

748.

Il y a des choses dans la vie qui sont plus terribles que la mort.

749.

On peut tout mépriser, hors le destin qui nous attend après la mort.

750.

Quelque occupé que l'on soit, il faut se ménager des heures de retraite, qui doivent être employées pour prendre des mesures avec soi-même, ou plutôt pour les prendre avec Dieu.

751.

On peut vivre dans le grand monde aussi solitaire que dans la Thébaïde.

752.

Les lettres ne gâtent pas les hommes; ce sont les hommes qui gâtent les lettres.

753.

Il n'est pas honteux de ne savoir que les devoirs de son état.

[Var.: Il n'est pas honteux à un honnête homme d'ignorer le grec, le latin et milles autres belles choses, mais il lui est honteux de ne savoir pas son devoir.]

754.

Tout homme qui s'acquitte bien de son devoir, de quelque profession qu'il soit, mérite de l'estime et de la récompense.

755.

Tous les arts et tous les métiers se méprisent et se persécutent.

756.

Le métier du prince est celui de faire fleurir les sciences et les arts sans en faire profession.

757.

Un prince doit favoriser toutes les sciences, tous les arts et tous les métiers, dans leur rang.

758.

On est toujours apprentif dans la science de la vie.

759.

Les sciences rendent les habiles gens plus habiles et les sots plus sots.

760.

Quand les hommes et les choses ne sont pas dans leur rang, c'est le malheur du monde.

761.

On peut convenir de ses propres avantages sans blesser le modestie; mais il ne faut s'attribuer rien de faux, et en renvoyer toute la gloire à Dieu.

762.

Les sots seraient trop heureux, s'ils pouvaient se déguiser à eux-mêmes.

763.

Quand Dieu veut punir, il ne fait que brouiller les rangs.

764.

Il y a des princes qui ne le seraient pas, s'ils méritaient de l'être.

765.

Les grands hommes seraient malheureux, s'ils ne se connaissaient pas.

766.

On ne doit jamais être satisfait de soi-même, quelque satisfaits qu'en paraissent les autres.

767.

Il faut compter pour rien toute la gloire qu'on s'est acquise.

768.

Il faut tâcher de se surpasser toujours; cette occupation doit durer autant que la vie.

769.

On dit souvent plus de bien et plus de mal des grands qu'ils ne méritent.

770.

Il y a des gens qu'on ne peut assez louer, et d'autres qu'on ne peut blâmer trop.

771.

L'unique secret pour empêcher qu'on ne dise du mal des hommes, est de n'en faire pas, mais ce secret n'est pas infaillible, quoiqu'il devrait l'être.

772.

Il y a peu de vanité à tirer de l'illustre naissance; elle impose de grandes obligations et ne contribue rien à s'en acquitter.

773.

Les Turcs estiment trop peu la naissance, et les autres nations l'estiment trop.

774.

La naissance, l'argent et le mérite des hommes doivent avoir leur rang et emploi dans l'État.

775.

Rendre heureux les peuples et les États, c'est se rendre glorieux.

[Var.: La félicité de l'État est la gloire du prince qui règne.]

776.

Alexandre, avec tous ses défauts, a été le plus grand des hommes.

777.

La terreur panique si universelle qui est répandue dans le monde, fait juger que l'univers attend encore un maître, mais je ne vois nul des vivants capable de le devenir.

778.

Les caractères d'Alexandre et de César sont différents, mais ils étaient tous deux admirables.

779.

Les hommes sont si sots, qu'entre les vertus ils ont donné la préférence à celle qui est la plus ennemie de leur repos. C'est la bravoure.

780.

C'est l'intrépidité qui fait les héros.

[Var.: L'intrépidité mérite néanmoins la préférence entre les vertus, puisque c'est elle qui fait les héros.]

781.

Gouverner sagement les États, les rendre heureux par la justice, par l'abondance et par la paix, est une gloire plus véritable que celle d'en conquérir; mais ceux qui ont fait l'un et l'autre méritent cette immortalité qui ne se trouve pas en ce monde.

782.

Tout ce qui finit, mérite le mépris.

783.

Quand Dieu a fait un homme roi, il devrait s'efforcer de mériter son sort.

784.

On ne saurait troubler le répos du monde qu'aux dépens du sien.

785.

On ne peut se rendre grand qu'aux dépens de quelqu'un.

786.

Il n'y a pas moins de peine, de gloire et de plaisir à bien gouverner les États, qu'à les conquérir.

787.

L'ingratitude d'Auguste envers Cicéron fut indigne de lui: on peut douter si l'empire du monde méritait d'être acheté à ce prix.

788.

Les ennemis haïssent toujours sincèrement; mais les amis n'aiment pas toujours de même.

789.

Les grands cœurs sont capables d'indignation, mais non pas de haine, ni d'envie.

790.

On peut se venger sans haine, mais non pas sans indignation.

791.

L'on hait ceux que l'on craint, et l'on a de l'indignation pour ceux qu'on méprise.

792.

Quand un prince est obligé de faire mourir quelqu'un, il faut que ce soit d'une manière si juste, que le criminel soit forcé d'avouer qu'il a mérité la mort.

793.

Quelquefois la clémence rend les princes aussi coupables que la cruauté.

794.

Les princes doivent aimer leur grandeur au-dessus de tout.

795.

Constantin le Grand eut tort d'immoler son fils innocent à la rage de sa femme.

796.

Que Philippe II ait fait mourir son fils unique, ou par jalousie d'amour, ou par jalousie d'État, cela est grand, s'il est vrai.

797.

Il faut compter pour rien les défauts et les crimes des grands hommes, comme les bonnes actions des sots.

798.

Les princes qui se laissent obséder et enfermer, cessent de l'être.

799.

Si Alexandre pouvait ressusciter, le surnom de Grand, qu'il avait si bien mérité, lui ferait honte.

[«Christine fait ici allusion au nom de Grand, récemment déféré à Louis XIV. On sait qu'elle n'avait qu'une mince estime pour ce monarque.»]

800.

Sylla, qui avait fait tant de malheureux, usurpa injustement le surnom d'heureux.

Swedish translation (my own):

701.

Allt som spenderas på arméer och trupper är ekonomiskt.

702.

Det finns mer säkerhet i att vara modig än feg.

703.

Det finns människor som är modiga av naturen, det finns människor som är det av rutin, det finns människor som är det av nödvändighet, av förtvivlan, och det finns människor som är det av heder.

704.

Man måste hantera rädslan för sina fiender som allt annat.

705.

Det finns fegisar som blir tappra av hasard.

706.

Orättvisan i förtrytelse hämnar dem som lider av den.

707.

Himlen tar bort och skänker kvickhet och mod när den behagar.

708.

Få människor föds orädda. Detta är hjältars sanna karaktär.

709.

Man måste besegra fiender inte bara med vapen, utan med ärlighet.

710.

Man måste skona den obeväpnade fienden och omfamna honom.

711.

Allt som underkastar sig förtjänar att skonas.

712.

En erövrare måste räkna allt som ännu inte har underkuvats som en fiende.

713.

Man bör känna nästan lika mycket smärta vid en fiendes död som vid en väns.

714.

Att förlora en fiende är en stor förlust.

715.

Grymhet är effekten av en låg och blyg själ.

716.

De modiga är humana, och de fega är grymma.

717.

Det farligaste hyckleriet är fanfaronernas som låtsas vara modiga.

718.

Stora arméer är inget annat än en stor massa svaghet.

719.

Den stora mängden fästen förbrukar pengar och människor onödigt.

[Variant: Fästningar tjänar bara till att göra pengar och människor onödiga.]

720.

Små arméer är mycket dyra, men stora subsisterar av sig själva.

721.

När man fruktar krig, njuter man inte av fred länge.

722.

Svaghet och feghet passerar för förmåga och försiktighet.

723.

Man kan köpa allt, utom förtjänst och ära.

724.

Förtjänst är en viss sammansättning av de stora talanger och de vackra och stora egenskaper som sällan finns.

[Variant: Förtjänst är en sammansättning av flera stora och vackra egenskaper hos själ och kropp som sällan finns hos en enda människa.]

725.

Furstar är mäktiga endast genom sina trupper och sina pengar.

726.

Furstar är rika när deras undersåtar är det.

727.

Hur dum och ödmjuk en man än må vara, säljer han sig sällan mot sitt eget intresse.

728.

Alla människor känner till sitt eget intresse, men vissa vet det förr och andra senare.

729.

Man övertalar aldrig människor mot sitt eget intresse; om det finns människor som agerar utifrån mer sublima motiv, är detta sätt att agera okänt och är bara ett ädlare och finare intresse.

[Variant: Människor agerar mot sitt intresse endast av nödvändighet, tvång eller extraordinära motiv.]

730.

Pennan övertalar ingenting, men svärdet övertalar allt.

731.

Styrka gör sig åtlydd och fruktad.

732.

Strid ger ära och imperium.

733.

Den ära människor får av seger är mindre rättvis än eklatant.

734.

När Gud ger en man förstånd, mod, styrka och lycka, ger han honom också rätten till universum i proportion till alla hans talanger.

735.

Världen tillhör dem som kan ockupera den och vet hur man bevarar den.

736.

Vi måste förutse framtiden, förbereda oss för den och aldrig lägga hinder i dess väg.

737.

Det finns knep som är ovärdiga och andra som är tillåtna.

738.

Knepet är till stor hjälp för de svaga, men det är ovärdigt de mäktiga.

739.

I det sekel vi är i ser vi alla beväpnade. Vi vakar över varandra, vi fruktar varandra ömsesidigt och vi kan knappast gissa vilken part som är mest rädd: det finns bara svaghet överallt, ingen vet vad han vill eller vad som bör göras.

740.

Vi måste alltid stoppa dem som hotar.

741.

Lyckliga människor skulle gå för långt om de visste hur man utnyttjar tillfällen.

742.

Att vinna tid är ofta att förlora den.

743.

Man bör varken frukta eller förakta fiender, hur svaga eller starka de än må vara.

744.

När man saknar mod gör man aldrig något värdefullt.

745.

Man är bara skicklig i proportion till sitt stora mod.

746.

Människor finner inga fel hos dem de fruktar, men de finner tusen hos dem de föraktar.

747.

Att använda mer mod än försiktighet är en maxim som alla stora män har funnit väl.

748.

Det finns saker i livet som är mer fruktansvärda än döden.

749.

Man kan förakta allt, utom det öde som väntar oss efter döden.

750.

Hur upptagen man än må vara, måste man avsätta timmar för reträtt, vilka måste användas för att vidta åtgärder med sig själv, eller snarare, att vidta dem med Gud.

751.

Man kan leva lika ensam i den stora världen som på Thebais.

752.

Litteraturen förstör inte människor; det är människor som förstör litteraturen.

753.

Det är inte skamligt att bara känna till sin stats plikter.

[Variant: Det är inte skamligt för en ärlig man att vara okunnig om grekiska, latin och tusen andra vackra saker, men det är skamligt för honom att inte känna till sin plikt.]

754.

Varje man som fullgör sin plikt väl, oavsett hans yrke, förtjänar aktning och belöning.

755.

Alla konstarter och yrken föraktar och förföljer varandra.

756.

Furstens yrke är att få vetenskaper och konster att blomstra utan att göra dem till sitt yrke.

757.

En furste måste främja alla vetenskaper, alla konster och alla yrken inom deras rätta rang.

758.

Man är alltid en lärling i livets vetenskap.

759.

Vetenskaperna gör de kloka klokare och de dumma dummare.

760.

När människor och ting inte är i sin rätta rang, är det världens olycka.

761.

Man kan erkänna sina egna fördelar utan att såra beskedligheten; men man får inte tillskriva sig själv något falskt och återsända Gud all äran.

762.

Dårar skulle vara mer än lyckliga om de kunde förkläda sig.

763.

När Gud vill straffa, förvirrar han bara rang.

764.

Det finns furstar som inte skulle vara det om de förtjänade det.

765.

Stora män skulle vara olyckliga om de inte kände sig själva.

766.

Man bör aldrig vara nöjd med sig själv, hur nöjd andra än må verka med en.

767.

Man bör räkna all den ära man har förvärvat för ingenting.

768.

Man måste alltid sträva efter att överträffa sig själv; denna sysselsättning bör vara lika lång som ens liv.

769.

Vi säger ofta fler goda och fler dåliga saker om de stora än de förtjänar.

770.

Det finns människor man inte kan berömma nog, och andra man inte kan klandra för mycket.

771.

Den enda hemligheten för att hindra människor från att tala illa om människor är att avstå från att göra det, men denna hemlighet är inte ofelbar, även om den borde vara det.

772.

Det finns föga fåfänga att hämta från lysande börd; den medför stora skyldigheter och bidrar inte till att ackvittera sig av dem.

773.

Turkarna värdesätter börd alltför lite, och andra nationer värdesätter den alltför högt.

774.

Börd, pengar och människors förtjänster måste ha sin rang och tjänst i Staten.

775.

Att göra folk och Stater lyckliga är att göra sig själv ärorik.

[Variant: Statens lycka är den regerande furstens ära.]

776.

Alexander, med alla sina fel, var den störste av män.

777.

Den universella panikslagen skräck som är utbredd i världen får en att bedöma att universum fortfarande väntar på en herre, men jag ser ingen levande som kan bli en.

778.

Alexanders och Caesars karaktärer är olika, men de var båda beundransvärda.

779.

Människor är så dåraktiga att de bland dygderna har givit företräde åt den som är mest fientlig mot deras vila. Det är mod.

780.

Det är oräddhet som gör hjältar.

[Variant: Oräddhet förtjänar ändå företräde bland dygderna, ty den är det som gör hjältar.]

781.

Att styra Stater klokt, att göra dem lyckliga genom rättvisa, överflöd och fred, är en större ära än att erövra dem; men de som har gjort båda förtjänar den odödlighet som inte finns i denna värld.

782.

Allt som ändar förtjänar förakt.

783.

När Gud har gjort en man till konung, bör han sträva efter att förtjäna sitt öde.

784.

Man kan bara störa världens lugn på bekostnad av sin egen.

785.

Man kan bara göra sig själv stor på någon annans bekostnad.

786.

Det finns inte mindre smärta, ära eller glädje i att styra Stater väl än i att erövra dem.

787.

Augustus otacksamhet mot Cicero var ovärdig honom: det är tveksamt om världens imperium var värt att köpa till det priset.

788.

Fiender hatar alltid uppriktigt; men vänner älskar inte alltid på samma sätt.

789.

Stora hjärtan är kapabla till indignation, men inte till hat eller avund.

790.

Man kan hämnas utan hat, men inte utan indignation.

791.

Vi hatar dem vi fruktar, och vi är indignerade mot dem vi föraktar.

792.

När en furste är förpliktad att döma någon till döds, måste det göras på ett sådant rättvist sätt att brottslingen tvingas erkänna att han har förtjänat döden.

793.

Ibland gör nåd furstar lika skyldiga som grymhet.

794.

Furstar måste älska sin storhet över allt annat.

795.

Konstantin den store gjorde fel när han offrade sin oskyldiga son till sin makas raseri.

796.

Att Filip II dödade sin ende son, antingen av kärleksfull svartsjuka eller av statens svartsjuka, är en stor sak, om det är sant.

797.

Stora mäns fel och brott bör räknas som ingenting, i likhet med dårars goda handlingar.

798.

Furstar som låter sig bli besatta och som låser in sig upphör att vara furstar.

799.

Om Alexander kunde återuppstå, skulle namnet »den store«, som han så väl förtjänat, skämma honom.

[»Kristina anspelar här på namnet »den store«, som nyligen tilldelades Ludvig XIV. Vi vet att hon bara hade en liten respekt för denna monark.«]

800.

Sulla, som hade gjort så många olyckliga, tillskansa sig orättvist namnet »den lycklige« [Felix].

English translation (my own):

701.

Everything spent on armies and troops is economical.

702.

There is more safety in being brave than cowardly.

703.

There are people who are brave by nature, there are people who are brave by routine, there are people who are brave by necessity, by despair, and there are people who are brave by honour.

704.

One must manage the fear of one's enemies like everything else.

705.

There are cowards who become valiant by dint of hazard.

706.

The injustice of resentments avenges those who suffer them.

707.

Heaven takes away and bestows wit and courage when it pleases.

708.

Few people are born intrepid. This is the true character of heroes.

709.

One must conquer enemies not only with arms, but with honesty.

710.

One must spare the unarmed enemy and embrace him.

711.

Everything that submits itself deserves to be spared.

712.

A conqueror must count everything which has not yet subdued for an enemy.

713.

One should feel almost as much pain at the death of an enemy as at that of a friend.

714.

Losing an enemy is a great loss.

715.

Cruelty is the effect of a base and timid soul.

716.

The brave are humane, and the cowardly are cruel.

717.

The most dangerous hypocrisy is that of fanfarons who pretend to be brave.

718.

Great armies are nothing but a great mass of weakness.

719.

The great quantity of strongholds consumes money and men uselessly.

[Variant: Fortresses only serve to make money and men useless.]

720.

Small armies are very expensive, but large ones subsist by themselves.

721.

When one fears war, one does not enjoy peace for long.

722.

Weakness and cowardice pass for ability and prudence.

723.

One can buy everything, except for merit and glory.

724.

Merit is a certain assemblage of those great talents and those beautiful and great qualities that are rarely found.

[Variant: Merit is an assemblage of several great and beautiful qualities of soul and body that are rarely found in a single person.]

725.

Princes are powerful only through their troops and their money.

726.

Princes are rich when their subjects are.

727.

However foolish and venal a man may be, he rarely sells himself against his own interest.

728.

All men know their own interest, but some know it sooner and others later.

729.

One never persuades men against their own interest; if there are men who act from more sublime motives, this way of acting is unknown and is only a nobler and finer interest.

[Variant: Men act against their interest only out of necessity, or force, or extraordinary motives.]

730.

The pen persuades nothing, but the sword persuades everything.

731.

Strength makes itself obeyed and feared.

732.

Battles give glory and empire.

733.

The glory men derive from victory is less just than resounding.

734.

When God gives a man mind, courage, strength and fortune, He also gives him the right to the universe in proportion to all his talents.

735.

The world belongs to those who can occupy it and know how to preserve it.

736.

We must foresee the future, prepare for it, and never put obstacles in its way.

737.

There are artifices that are unworthy, and others that are permissible.

738.

The ruse is of great help to the weak, but it is unworthy of the powerful.

739.

In the century we are in, we see everyone armed. We watch each other, we reciprocally fear each other, and we hardly divine which party is more afraid: there is only weakness everywhere, no one knows what he wants or what should be done.

740.

We must always stop those who threaten.

741.

Happy people would go too far if they knew how to take advantage of opportunities.

742.

To gain time is often to lose it.

743.

One should neither fear nor despise enemies, however weak or strong they may be.

744.

When one lacks courage, one never does anything worthwhile.

745.

One is only skillful in proportion to one's great courage.

746.

Men find no faults in those whom they fear, but they find a thousand in those whom they despise.

747.

To employ more courage than prudence is a maxim that all great men have found well.

748.

There are things in life that are more terrible than death.

749.

One can despise everything, except the destiny that awaits us after death.

750.

However busy one may be, one must set aside hours of retreat, which must be employed to take measures with oneself, or rather, to take them with God.

751.

One can live as solitary in the great world as in Thebaid.

752.

Letters do not spoil men; it is men who spoil letters.

753.

It is not shameful to know only the duties of one's state.

[Variant: It is not shameful for an honest man to be ignorant of Greek, Latin, and a thousand other beautiful things, but it is shameful for him not to know his duty.]

754.

Every man who fulfills his duty well, whatever his profession, deserves esteem and recompense.

755.

All arts and trades despise and persecute one another.

756.

The prince's trade is to make the sciences and arts flourish without making profession of them.

757.

A prince must promote all the sciences, all the arts, and all the trades, within their proper rank.

758.

One is always an apprentice in the science of life.

759.

The sciences make the clever more clever and the foolish more foolish.

760.

When men and things are not in their proper rank, it is the misfortune of the world.

761.

One can acknowledge one's own advantages without wounding modesty; but one must not attribute anything false to oneself, and resend all the glory to God.

762.

Fools would be only too happy if they could disguise themselves.

763.

When God wants to punish, He only confuses the ranks.

764.

There are princes who would not be so if they deserved to be.

765.

Great men would be unhappy if they did not know themselves.

766.

One should never be satisfied with oneself, however satisfied with one others may appear.

767.

One should count all the glory one has acquired for nothing.

768.

One must always strive to surpass oneself; this occupation should last as long as one's life.

769.

We often say more good and more bad things about the great than they deserve.

770.

There are people one cannot praise enough, and others one cannot blame too much.

771.

The only secret to preventing people from speaking ill of men is to refrain from doing so, but this secret is not infallible, although it should be.

772.

There is little vanity to be derived from illustrious birth; it imposes great obligations and contributes nothing to acquitting oneself of them.

773.

The Turks esteem birth too little, and other nations esteem it too much.

774.

Birth, money and the merit of men must have their rank and employ in the State.

775.

To make peoples and States happy is to make oneself glorious.

[Variant: The felicity of the State is the glory of the prince who reigns.]

776.

Alexander, with all his faults, was the greatest of men.

777.

The universal panicked terror that is widespread in the world makes one judge that the universe still awaits a master, but I see no one alive capable of becoming one.

778.

The characters of Alexander and Caesar are different, but they were both admirable.

779.

Men are so foolish that, among the virtues, they have given preference to the one that is the most hostile to their repose. It is bravery.

780.

It is intrepidity that makes heroes.

[Variant: Intrepidity nevertheless deserves preference among the virtues, as it is what makes heroes.]

781.

To govern States wisely, to make them happy through justice, abundance and peace, is a more veritable glory than to conquer them; but those who have done both deserve that immortality which is not found in this world.

782.

Everything that ends deserves contempt.

783.

When God has made a man king, he should strive to deserve his fate.

784.

One can only disturb the world's repose at the expense of one's own.

785.

One can only make oneself great at someone else's expense.

786.

There is no less pain, glory or pleasure in governing States well than in conquering them.

787.

Augustus' ingratitude toward Cicero was unworthy of him: it is doubtful whether the empire of the world was worth buying at that price.

788.

Enemies always hate sincerely; but friends do not always love in the same way.

789.

Great hearts are capable of indignation, but not of hatred or envy.

790.

One can avenge oneself without hatred, but not without indignation.

791.

We hate those whom we fear, and we are indignant toward those whom we despise.

792.

When a prince is obliged to put someone to death, it must be done in such a just manner that the criminal is forced to confess that he has deserved death.

793.

Sometimes clemency makes princes as culpable as cruelty.

794.

Princes must love their greatness above all else.

795.

Constantine the Great was wrong to sacrifice his innocent son to his wife's rage.

796.

That Philip II put his only son to death, either out of jealousy of love, or out of jealousy of State, is a great thing, if it is true.

797.

The faults and crimes of great men should be counted as nothing, like the good actions of fools.

798.

Princes who allow themselves to be obsessed and who lock themselves away cease to be princes.

799.

If Alexander could be resurrected, the name "the Great", which he had so well deserved, would shame him.

["Kristina here alludes to the name 'the Great', recently bestowed upon Louis XIV. We know that she had only a small regard for this monarch."]

800.

Sulla, who had made so many unhappy, unjustly usurped the name "the Happy" [Felix].

Above: Kristina.

Note: The Thebaid or Thebais (Ancient Greek: Θηβαΐς, Thēbaïs) was a region in ancient Egypt, comprising the 13 southernmost nomes of Upper Egypt, from Abydos to Aswan.