Showing posts with label 1863. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1863. Show all posts

Sunday, December 7, 2025

Henry Woodhead on the Battle of Prague and the Sack of Prague

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 241 to 242, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

By a curious coincidence, the first battle and the last operation of the Thirty Years' War took place at the same spot, — at Prague.

On the 15th of July, 1648, the Swedish general, Königsmark, took by surprise, and with the loss of only one man, the part which was called the Lesser Town of Prague, and which contained the royal palace, as well as the mansions of the principal nobility. The booty was immense, for many of the great Austrian families had taken refuge there. Thirty great chests of books were sent to Christina, besides a number of medals, pictures, and manuscripts. Few of the Swedes could appreciate these objects; and there is no doubt that a number of the enemy's guns and standards would have been more valued at Stockholm, and would have been more suitable trophies. The productions of thought have a kind of life of their own, which perishes or remains dormant when they are forcibly transplanted to a ruder people.

The total value of the spoil was estimated at 50 millions of French livres, and Königsmark did not omit to take care of himself. He left the books alone, but it was said that he appropriated five waggon-loads of gold and silver. The old town of Prague, situated on the opposite side of the river, continued to hold out, but Charles Gustavus, the new Generalissimo, arrived in September with four thousand fresh troops, and the place was then invested on all sides. The people, however, defended themselves so well, that peace was proclaimed, and the old town of Prague remained unconquered. The brave defence of the citizens furnished a contrast to the pusillanimous way in which the Protestants surrendered without a struggle after the battle of Prague, in 1620.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.

Henry Woodhead on Sweden demanding Pomerania

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 240 to 241, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

In 1645, when the Congress first began to sit, Sweden demanded Silesia, Pomerania, Wismar, Bremen, and Verden, and twenty millions of rix-dollars. In the autumn of 1646, Christina instructed her ministers to give up, if necessary, a part of Pomerania, but to keep this permission secret. It must be confessed that this permission transpired through her own indiscretion. She had not conquered the weakness of her sex with regard to keeping secrets [sic]. Chanut tried first to find out from Oxenstiern if Sweden would accept anything less than she demanded. The old statesman was impenetrable. He scouted the idea of being satisfied with part of Pomerania, and told Chanut that Upper Pomerania was nothing; that it was hardly worth the acceptance of a little German Duke. Sweden must have the whole of Pomerania. He would rather die than advise Her Majesty to be satisfied with such paltry acquisitions as Upper Pomerania, Wismar, and Bremen.

Chanut then went to the Queen, and after several interviews gathered from her that she would give up some part of her claims for the sake of peace. From this time the French plenipotentiaries gave only a languid support to the demand of Sweden for the whole of Pomerania.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina's fight to make Johan Adler Salvius a senator

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 237/238 to 240, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The council meeting of March 27/April 6 (Old Style), 1648 is here:


Salvius' letter of April 24/May 4 (Old Style), 1648 to Kristina is here:


The account:

[The Chancellor no longer tried to check his son's arrogance. He gave up the attempt to be the moderator of the aristocratic party, and he showed how far his sympathies were for the order which he had hitherto kept within bounds. He spoke vehemently against Salvius in the Council, in the Queen's presence. Christina interrupted him, and said "that she would not suffer an absent man, who could not defend himself, to be so attacked."]

In March, 1648, Christina proposed in the Council that Axel Lilje and Salvius should be made Senators. The votes were unanimous in favour of the former, who had been through all the campaigns in Germany, and was considered one of the Paladins of the Swedish army. An anecdote was told of his coolness and courage, which no doubt outweighed many services of Salvius. In one of the first actions fought in 1631, Lilje lost his leg by a cannon-shot. In a subsequent engagement another cannon-shot carried away his wooden leg. The veteran looked at it with perfect composure, and remarked, "Ah, it was the other leg you meant to hit!"

The election of Salvius was carried by the Queen with much difficulty. The proud nobles admitted his merit, but, to use a Swedish expression, it was a nail in their eyes to see a low-born man raised to such a dignity.

They attempted to raise a legal quibble quite unworthy of high-minded gentlemen. They said that, by the law of 1634, Salvius was not eligible to become a Senator, as that dignity was confined to native-born nobles. Salvius was native-born, and a noble; but he was created, and not born a noble. Brahe said that Salvius had done good services, but that he ought to have such a reward as was suitable to his station. Christina said, "When good advice is required, it is useless to ask whether a man can boast of sixteen quarterings. I require men of ability for my service; if you, my Lords, have sons who possess the requisite knowledge and capacity, they shall have their turn, but only their turn. The offices of the State are not heirlooms." Oxenstiern said — "Salvius has served well, and has also been well rewarded. The rank of senator is the highest reward your Majesty can give." Christina replied, "If my father had lived, Salvius would have been a senator long ago." Notwithstanding the opposition, Christina's influence prevailed. Seven of the Council voted for Salvius, and only four voted against him. He wrote to thank the Queen, and said that as he was an old man, and had no children, he hoped all reasonable people would allow him to enjoy for a little while the rank which would lapse at his death. "The right of ennobling", he added, "belongs as much to your Majesty, as it did to King Magnus Ladulås, in the thirteenth century; and why should your Majesty's servants be respected less than his?"


Above: Kristina.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina's political caution in the peace negotiations and on the support and opposition she faced

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 233 to 238, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Oxenstierna and Salvius is here:


Johan Oxenstierna's letter of June 28/July 8 (Old Style), 1647 to Kristina is here:


The account:

Christina had sound political reasons for her moderation. The troubles of the Fronde had begun in France, and it was therefore probable that the assistance she derived from that quarter would soon cease.

Almost all Europe was roused by the spirit which produced the revolution in England and the wars of the Fronde in France. Christina well knew that grievances were not wanting in Sweden to cause similar disturbances. She understood the threatening aspect of the political horizon, and she knew that peace abroad must precede reforms at home.

The Swedish Generals had shown an undoubted superiority over those of the Emperor, yet their successes could not be considered altogether independent of fortune. She had no allies in Germany, and the loss of a single battle would have risked all her advantages. The proud and overbearing Swedish nobles insisted on conditions which would have perpetuated a state of hostility with the greater part of Europe. They had most unwillingly consented to any compromise with Poland; the peace with Denmark had only been brought about by Christina's active interference. The aristocratic party preserved the same spirit, and now demanded terms which they could hardly expect to be conceded.

Oxenstiern and his party required the cession of the whole of Pomerania, although it belonged to Brandenburg, and not to Austria. The Imperial possessions were at an inconvenient distance, and it was therefore proposed to take the Elector of Brandenburg's territory in Pomerania, and to give him an indemnification from the Austrian dominions, although he never consented to any such scheme. Christina resisted this plan of spoliation, but it was renewed after her abdication, and the result was that the Swedish armies were defeated and driven with disgrace out of Pomerania.

Christina gained the support of the clergy, and of the peasants, who were led by them, by a manœuvre which was not so common in her time as it had since become. The Archbishop of Upsala happened to die whilst she was struggling to make the treaty of peace. Christina delayed filing his place for a considerable time, and as many of the clergy aspired to the great prize, they took care not to offend the Queen by thwarting her pacific policy.

She met, however, with the most determined opposition from the Chancellor and the nobles. Oxenstiern appears to have been sincere in his opinion that the terms he demanded were necessary for the honour of Sweden. His high character gave additional weight to his opinions. Christina herself never ceased to respect and esteem him; although his frequent opposition was mortifying to her. Chanut, the French minister at Stockholm, stimulated her exertions for peace; he told her that her own interest in the treaty was well known, and that if she allowed herself to be overruled, she would suffer in the estimation of the world.

Chanut's talents and character acquired him considerable influence with Christina.

He was an accomplished linguist and a good mathematician; his love of philosophy led to a close and intimate friendship with the great Descartes. His character was pure, honourable, and pious; his temper was mild, and he was a faithful friend. The Chancellor Leguier [sic] said that no one had more opportunities of enriching himself, and that no one disregarded them more nobly. Oxenstiern, who was his constant political opponent, bore testimony to his merits, and said, "that if Chanut had lived in Greece or Rome, his virtues would have been honoured with a statue." His manners were courtly, and in his first interview with Christina he gained her favourable opinion.

She requested him, in virtue of his rank as ambassador, to keep on his hat. Chanut replied, "that he would keep on his hat if it was necessary to prove that the King of France had an envoy of high rank at the Court of Sweden; but that he begged Her Majesty would allow him to remain uncovered, because he knew that the King his master would not wear his hat if he had the honour to be in the Queen's presence." Chanut made urgent remonstrances against the obstructions which the Oxenstierns raised to the treaty, and he was partly the cause of the reprimand which Christina addressed to her envoys.

The answer which John Oxenstiern sent to the Queen, will give some idea of the insolence which the nobles displayed even to their sovereign. He said, "that it was Salvius and the French who prevented the conclusion of the treaty, and that if he could find out who had advised Her Majesty to send him the reprimand, he would make him answer for it."

The Chancellor no longer tried to check his son's arrogance. He gave up the attempt to be the moderator of the aristocratic party, and he showed how far his sympathies were for the order which he had hitherto kept within bounds. He spoke vehemently against Salvius in the Council, in the Queen's presence. Christina interrupted him, and said "that she would not suffer an absent man, who could not defend himself, to be so attacked."


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Saturday, November 15, 2025

Henry Woodhead on France in the negotiations for the Peace of Westphalia

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 230 to 233, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

The two French Envoys, D'Avaux and Servien, were as quarrelsome as the Swedes. Their disputes were more violent, as might be expected from the more vehement character of their nation; and it required the presence of the Duke de Longueville to restore even common decorum between the rival ministers. Each of them had proved his abilities in former negotiations, and D'Avaux in particular had displayed both patience and judgment in some delicate affairs which had been entrusted to him. His first mission was to Venice in 1627, when he pacified the disputes between that Republic and Urban the Eighth.

Venice had for some time been uncertain in her allegiance to Rome, and had even threatened the total defection of her Church. A very little fanning of the flame would have raised a Protestant State south of the Alps, for several minor powers of Italy sent offers of assistance to the Queen of the Adriatic. The Dutch were ready to take advantage of the opportunity; the Turks also tendered their aid to their old enemies, and prayed and fasted for the continuance of the disunion among Christians. The Pope was reminded by his refractory children that St. Peter founded the Bishopric of Antioch before that of Rome, and that Christ himself had neither exercised nor transmitted any temporal power.

This was not the only occasion on which D'Avaux appeared as a pacificator; it was owing to him in a great measure, that the differences were made up between Sweden and Poland, and he negotiated the truce for twenty-six years between them.

If men of ability, ministers of the same State, who were working for the same objects, disputed in this way, it was not likely they would agree easily with other ministers who represented opposite interests.

The time of the Congress was occupied for two years by quarrels about precedence, before the real negotiations began. The miseries which the people of Germany suffered were almost unexampled; but Christina was the only person in authority who showed any earnest desire for peace.

Sweden had never altogether abandoned the cause of the German Protestants, although religion had long ceased to be her principal object. Religion was also a secondary consideration with France, especially under the government of Richelieu. He supported an heretical State for the avowed purpose of humbling Austria, and had no more sympathy with religious liberty than his antagonists. It was often made a matter of reproach to him that a Cardinal should support heretics against the Church. "This war must cause you great embarrassment", once said the Papal Nuncio to him. "Not at all", replied the Cardinal, "when I was made Secretary of State, his Holiness gave me a dispensation to do anything necessary for the good of France." "But if it concerned giving aid to heretics?" "I think the dispensation even provides for that", said Richelieu.

After his death, in 1642, his enemies complained loudly of the injury done to the Catholic religion by the alliance with Sweden. The French Court wished to depress rather than increase the power of the Protestants, and was very unwilling to sacrifice the Bishoprics of Pomerania to Sweden.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Claude de Mesmes, Count d'Avaux.


Above: Abel Servien.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina and Johan Adler Salvius vs. Johan Oxenstierna during the negotiations for the Peace of Westphalia

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 219 to 230, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of May 23/June 2 (Old Style), 1641 to Johan Kasimir is here:


Her letter of July 21/31 (Old Style), 1648 to Salvius is here:


Her letter of September 4/14 (Old Style), 1647 to him is here:


Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Oxenstierna and Salvius is here:


Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Salvius is here:


The account:

A princess of Christina's character could not be insensible to glory. The brilliant successes of the Swedish arms were calculated to gratify, and at the same time to excite her ambition.

Her most important public act, however, and the one for which she most deserves the admiration of posterity, was the personal and active part she took in bringing about the peace of Westphalia.

The Thirty Years' War now resembled a chronic malady, which no ordinary treatment could cure. The Swedish nobles were anxious to prolong a state from which they gained so much. The country had been so long at war that war appeared its natural condition. The internal administration was adapted to a state of hostility, and it was felt that a treaty of peace would be a sort of revolution. The aristocratic party had plausible reasons for the continuation of the war. Sweden was able[,] while it lasted[,] to keep a great army in a high state of efficiency, at the expense of other nations. This army was a protection against her jealous and threatening neighbours, Poland, Denmark, and Russia. The territory of Sweden was thus more secure than in time of peace. Her trade flourished to a certain degree by the depression of trade in other countries, and the Swedish statesmen were not enlightened enough to see that this prosperity was more apparent than real. The unavoidable expense was in a great measure defrayed by French subsidies, and much of the plunder of Germany passed directly into the hands of the Swedish nobles.

Although France gave substantial assistance to Sweden, the interests of the two countries were by no means identical. They were even in some points directly opposed. Oxenstiern had long foreseen that this would be the case, and he had refused to enter into a close alliance with France, until the first battle of Nördlingen convinced him that Sweden could not contend single-handed against Austria. Even after this he always remained very jealous of French influence.

Austria had been the chief sufferer in the war, but the people, by whom all the misery was endured, had no voice in the government. The Emperor and his Council did not wish to terminate the struggle before the wheel of fortune turned round and declared in their favour. They thought that in one fortunate campaign they might regain all they had lost. It is difficult to surmise how long the war might have lasted if it had not been for Christina.

Her exertions in bringing about a peace were becoming to a Christian woman, and deserved the gratitude of her contemporaries far more than the purest orthodoxy.

Her desire for peace was not confined to public professions. She wrote private letters to Salvius, her minister at the Congress, urging him again and again to turn all his thoughts towards peace. In one letter to him she said, "What I desire the most, and esteem above everything else, is the power of restoring peace to Christendom."

She was fully aware of the objections which were made to peace, and knew from whom the objections emanated. She hinted to Salvius that the Chancellor himself was one of her greatest opponents, but expressed her determination to carry her point.

Not the least of the obstacles to peace, was the rivalry and animosity which existed among the envoys themselves. The two Swedish plenipotentiaries were John Oxenstiern, a son of the Chancellor's, and Salvius. The latter owed his appointment only to his ability; he was the son of a citizen at Stre[n]gnäs, and for some time had studied medicine, but afterwards obtained a subordinate post under the government; his talent soon attracted the notice of Oxenstiern, and of Gustavus Adolphus, who entrusted him with important duties and raised him to the rank of a nobleman. Christina said he was so clever in diplomacy, that he made every one do just what he wanted. A less partial account said that[,] although slow, he possessed great knowledge of business, and knew well how to hide his own opinion whilst he found out the opinion of others. John Oxenstiern was also experienced in business, but had so little capacity that any one could see directly through his plans; he was, besides, both obstinate and vehement.

The sagacity of Christina easily told her what dissensions would ensue from the association of two men who possessed such different characters. Three years before she assumed the management of affairs, and when she was only fifteen years old, she wrote to the Prince Palatine that Salvius was labouring to bring about a peace, but that the Chancellor was not sincere in the same cause. She added, that "John Oxenstiern was about to proceed to the Congress, but that he was not likely to agree with Salvius."

The two ministers not only represented opposite opinions and interests, but they appear to have been animated by a mutual antipathy of old standing. When Salvius was minister at Hamburg, he told John Oxenstiern, then at Stralsund, that he ought not to address Grotius, the minister at Paris, without giving him the title of Excellency. This was probably an indirect way of reminding John Oxenstiern, that Salvius himself had a right to the title of Excellency. Instead of apologizing for his want of courtesy, Oxenstiern sent a rude answer, "that he did not want to receive any lessons."

The colleagues could hardly have worked well together, even if they had had the same objects. Notwithstanding his haughty and overbearing manner, John Oxenstiern was to a certain degree aware of his own incapacity to manage the weighty affairs which were entrusted to him. Soon after his arrival at Osnaburg, he wrote to his father, and begged that he might be removed to some less difficult post.

The old Chancellor's answer contained an expression which has often been quoted to reassure diffidence: "Are you ignorant, my son, of the small amount of ability with which this world is managed?"

The Chancellor at first reproved his son for his overbearing assumption of the title of "head of the legation", and told him that Salvius and himself were associates, with equal power and authority. "I am sorry, my son", he added, "that you do not show more greatness of mind than to be disturbed about such trifles. If every one would consider that other people's feelings are the same as his own, there would not be so many quarrels in the world."

John Oxenstiern at the same time received a reprimand from his father, "for writing such long letters to the Queen about nothing at all."

This lecture had the effect of suspending the quarrels of the two envoys for a little while, but they began again in 1646, and the decided preference which Christina showed for Salvius, increased still more the jealousy of Oxenstiern. Their differences were no longer confined to trifles, for they pursued different lines of policy, and the Chancellor now supported his son in the Council, although he still blamed his petulant expressions.

In 1647 he wrote, "Dear son, I am sorry to see you do not know how to manage your pen in corresponding with the Queen. You are not content to let things speak for themselves, but you show your ill-humour in vehement words, which prove that you have no control over yourself, although they do not injure your enemy."

No opposition could alter Christina's determination to make peace. This resolution appears in a letter of hers to Salvius, dated September, 1647, where she also proved that she was not so much the dupe of the French as some of her ministers supposed. "I perceive", she said, "that the treaty of peace is much in the same condition as if it was abandoned, and that every one is expecting the result of the campaign. Nevertheless, I trust that on your part you will use every possible effort to complete this work, which may the Almighty in His mercy prosper. I enclose a letter for Mr. Servian (the French envoy); send it him immediately. I should be very uncourteous not to respond to his civility, since he has offered to serve me. I must be polite to him, and assure him of my favour, because, as you know, he is the creature of the Cardinal. I am, however, well acquainted with French manners, and know that they consist chiefly in compliments — still one can lose nothing by civility, and it is best to pay them in their own coin. The compliments which they and others pay me, are mere flattery, which I do not deserve, but I think it best to return civility for civility. Express to them the affection I feel for the Queen and for the Cardinal. It is he who governs everything, and for that reason you must make much of his creatures."

Oxenstiern and his party demanded conditions which even France, the ally of Sweden, thought unreasonable. Among other things, they insisted that the whole of Pomerania should be ceded to Sweden. The Elector of Brandenburg would have suffered by this, but he was not at all inclined to submit. If the moderate counsels of Christina had not prevailed, France would have been alienated, and Brandenburg would soon have been on the side of Austria. Chanut, in obedience to his orders, made complaints of John Oxenstiern's impracticability, and it seemed likely the negotiations would be indefinitely prolonged. Christina wrote a sharp letter to her ministers in April, 1647, which was, however, really only intended for one of them. She said, "I add these few words to my official letter, only to express my fear that the much desired treaty, of which I have been expecting the happy conclusion, may be delayed for reasons which I do not understand. In order that you may be thoroughly informed of my will, be assured that I desire, above everything in the world, a safe and honourable peace. ..... If this is not settled, you must consider how you will answer for it before God, before the States of the kingdom, and before me. Do not be diverted from this object by the schemes of ambitious persons, unless you are prepared to suffer disgrace, and to encounter my indignation. You may depend upon it that no support of great families will prevent me from showing my displeasure before all the world. I am convinced that if the treaty is not concluded, I should be involved[,] by your fault[,] in a labyrinth from which you could never extricate me, and I therefore warn you to take care of yourselves."

She wrote at the same time a private letter to Salvius, in which she told him explicitly that the reprimand was not intended for him, but for John Oxenstiern. "She knew", she said, "that a certain party was trying to protract the negotiations indefinitely, but she would let the world see that the Chancellor was not able to overturn everything with his finger."

She expressed her confidence that Salvius would do everything in his power to promote the peace; and she added, "If God grants that you return home with the treaty, I will reward your services with the rank of senator; you know yourself that it is the highest dignity to which an honest man can aspire in our country; if there were any higher degrees of honour, I would raise you to them. You will have to encounter the malice of the envious, but you may say with Marius, 'Contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam: mihi fortuna, iis probra objectantur.'"

Notwithstanding the gravity of her style in this letter, she showed something of the fun and malice of a young lady of twenty in the postscript, where she particularly desired to be informed what grimaces young Oxenstiern made when he read her reprimand.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina and the Prince de Condé

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 216 to 219, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of June 30/July 10 (New Style), 1646 to the Prince de Condé is here:


His reply letter to her is here:


The account:

[... Torstenson belonged to an old West Gothland family, who continued longer than any other the ancient custom of being named only from their father's Christian name. They had no surname until they took one from the renowned Leonard Torstenson.]

His loss was less felt than it would otherwise have been, because the great Condé was now fighting on the side of the Swedes. He had lately established his fame by the destruction of the celebrated Spanish Infantry at Rocroi.

He took command of the French army in Germany in 1645, when even Turenne had not been able to hold his ground before the Imperial General Mercy.

Condé soon changed the face of affairs. He fought a battle at Nördlingen, the same place where the Swedes had sustained their memorable defeat.

The Imperialists were now completely routed, and Mercy himself was killed.

The generous victor erected a monument over his remains, with the epitaph, "Sta, viator: heroem calcas."

Christina wrote the following flattering letter to the young Conqueror: —

"My Cousin, — Fearing that my ambassador, the Count de la Gardie, will not have seen you, I do not think that the congratulations conveyed by the gentleman I have ordered him to send you will be sufficient, unless I record with my own hand the high esteem I feel for your extraordinary merit. I assure you that my own successes have never given me greater satisfaction than your splendid victories have done. If your only exploit had been to revenge the manes of my soldiers who fell at Nördlingen, I should take the warmest interest in your glory. I hoped that your services would have been continued in Germany, and my own interest made me wish you to pass the Rhine again, and complete the humiliation of our enemies; but wherever the King my brother is pleased to employ you, I will always show you, by the joy with which I receive the tidings of your successes, that I am your affectionate cousin,
"CHRISTINA."

Condé's answer was modest and graceful. He said: —

"I owe to your Majesty's goodness the high opinion that you have of me. My success in Germany is to be attributed rather to the fortune of the King's and of your Majesty's arms, than to my courage. It is your generosity, madam, which allows moderate successes to rank as illustrious victories. It is your Majesty's approbation only which makes me also esteem them so highly. The example of the great Gustavus might lead me to hope for success; but as he was born to be inimitable, and as it would be necessary to bring him back to finish those great actions worthily which he began, there is no cause for surprise that I have not been able to equal him. I content myself with having revenged, at Nördlingen, an injury which fortune did to his arms after his death, which she would not have dared to do during his life. To repair this injury, madam, I have fought for his glory, and for yours, that the enemies over whom he gained so many battles, might not boast of winning one from you. I should have been happy to spend my life in so glorious an employment, if the affairs of the King had permitted it; but on whichever side of the Rhine I may be ordered to serve, I shall always feel the most ardent desire to prove my devotion to your Majesty."

The mutual admiration of Christina and Condé lasted until they met, when the charm was broken.


Above: Kristina.


Above: The Prince de Condé.

Henry Woodhead on Lennart Torstensson in the Thirty Years' War

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 212 to 216, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of May 10/20 (Old Style), 1646, to General Lennart Torstensson is here:


The account:

The Swedish army had met with almost uninterrupted success since Torstenson took the command. After he had beaten Gallas, he marched into the Austrian hereditary States, where he was opposed by the Imperial General Hatzfeld. The battle of Jankowitz took place in February, 1645.

The Austrians met with the ill fortune to which they have so often been doomed; they fought well and obstinately, but they were totally defeated.

Charles Gustavus particularly distinguished himself on this occasion.

Nearly every officer in his regiment was killed, and he himself received a ball through his hat, one through the long hair which he wore according to the fashion of the time, and another through his coat.

The firing was heard at Prague, in which place the Emperor caused prayers to be offered for the success of his arms. He hastened to Vienna as soon as the result of the battle was known. The greatest confusion prevailed in the Imperial army. The Archduke was attacked and plundered by some of his own troops, to whom he was personally unknown, and Gallas nearly shared the same fate.

Torstenson continued his advance until he came opposite to Vienna, but he was unable to cross the river in the face of the enemy; and his illness, against which he had so long contended, increased to such a degree that he was obliged to resign the command. Christina wrote to him on the 10th of May, 1646, thanking him for his great services, and accepting his resignation on account of his increasing infirmities.

Among the able Generals who succeeded Gustavus Adolphus, no one equalled Torstenson in military genius, or in the magnitude of his successes. It is true that he did not show such resources as Banér did, when his cause appeared desperate; but Torstenson had no occasion to use his invention to save his army from imminent destruction, — he never placed it in situations which success alone redeemed from the stigma of rashness.

Yet Torstenson was by no means deficient in enterprise. Regardless of his own sufferings, and although often obliged to be carried in a litter, he was especially feared by the enemy for the celerity of his movements, and was called by his own soldiers "Blixten" (the lightning). His ill health was not caused, like that of Banér, by his own excesses, but by the fortune of war. He had been taken prisoner in 1632, at the battle of Nürnberg, and was treated with much harshness. He was confined in a damp and unwholesome dungeon, and from that time he was always the victim of gout or rheumatism.

Voltaire said he was the only general in that age whose genius supplied the place of experience. He served, when quite a boy, as the page of Gustavus Adolphus, during his campaign of 1624 in Livonia. In one of the battles which took place, the King had no staff officer near him, and consequently sent Torstenson with orders to a general to perform a certain movement. In the meantime the enemy changed his plan, and Gustavus was in despair at having given an order which might have led to a serious reverse.

He was reassured when Torstenson returned. "Sire", said the youth, "forgive me, but I saw the enemy had changed his plan, I therefore made a corresponding change in your Majesty's orders." The King did not answer, but in the evening[,] when the page was about to serve at table as usual, he made him sit by his side instead.

The next day Torstenson was appointed to an Ensigncy in the Guards, and fifteen days after he received a Company.

Torstenson was of a mild and generous disposition. He checked the excesses of the Swedish army, and restored something like their ancient discipline: this was very distasteful to the soldiers, and he never acquired the popularity of Banér.

His whole conduct, both public and private, was ruled by religion; he was a generous enemy as well as a faithful friend. He supported the widow and children of Seckendorf, who had attempted to assassinate him.

His great services were not forgotten in Sweden. His health did not permit him to attend the Court, but Christina visited the hero in his own apartments and conferred the dignity of Count upon him.

Neither his native air, nor the esteem of his countrymen, could restore his shattered constitution: he lingered a short time, and died in 1651, at the early age of 46.

Torstenson belonged to an old West Gothland family, who continued longer than any other the ancient custom of being named only from their father's Christian name. They had no surname until they took one from the renowned Leonard Torstenson. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Lennart Torstensson.

Notes: Jankowitz is the German name for the village of Jankov in the Benešov District in the Central Bohemian Region of what is now the Czech Republic.

Torstensson was 47, not 46 when he died (he was born on August 17/27 (Old Style), 1603 and died on April 7/17 (Old Style), 1651).

Sunday, October 19, 2025

Henry Woodhead on Kristina and Karl Gustav and his vain hopes of marrying her

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 199 to 212, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter to Karl Gustav, of January 5/15 (Old Style), 1644, is here:


Her letter to him, of October 13/23 (Old Style), 1646, is here:


Her letter to him, which is undated but probably written on January 25/February 4 (Old Style), 1647, is here:


Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie's letter to Karl Gustav, of July 24/August 3 (Old Style), 1647, is here:


Karl Gustav's diary entries of August 10 and 11/20 and 21 (Old Style), 1647 are here:


Karl Gustav's diary entry of June 15/25 (Old Style), 1648 is here:


The account:

The only one of her suitors who ever appeared to have had a chance of succeeding, was her cousin, Charles Gustavus. He, as well as Catharine's other children, was brought up with Christina, and he resembled her the most in talents and disposition. They continually talked, danced, and played together, and they were called, in joke, the little bride and bridegroom. The Princess Catharine naturally favoured an intercourse which might lead to her son becoming King of Sweden. Charles Gustavus was sent to the University of Upsala when he was fifteen years old, after which he travelled in Holland, Germany, France, and England. He returned to Sweden in 1640, and as the children grew up, play was changed to earnest, and for some time an engagement existed between them. The Prince joined the Swedish army in 1642, where he greatly distinguished himself. Christina wrote several letters to him in 1643 and 1644, which have only very lately been published. They all contain assurances of unchanging truth and affection.

One of them, of which the original is still preserved, is soiled and crumpled, and is supposed to have been carried in his bosom by the young lover. It is dated the 5th of January, 1644: —

"BELOVED COUSIN, —
"I see by your letter that you do not venture to trust your thoughts to the pen. We may, however, correspond with all freedom, if you send me the key to a cipher, and compose your letters according to it, and change the seals as I do with mine. Then the letters may be sent to your sister, the Princess Maria. You must take every precaution, for never were people here so much against us as now, but they shall never succeed, so long as you remain firm. They talk a great deal of the Elector of Brandenburg, but neither he, nor any one in the world, however rich they may be, shall ever alienate my heart from you. My love is so strong that it can only be overcome by death, and if, which God forbid, you should die before me, my heart shall remain dead for every other, my mind and affection shall follow you to eternity, there to dwell with you.

"Perhaps some will advise you to demand my hand openly, but I beseech you, by all that is holy, to have patience for some time, until you have acquired some reputation in the war, and until I have the crown on my head. I entreat you not to consider this time long, but to think of the old saying, 'He does not wait too long, who waits for something good.' I hope, by God's blessing, that it is a good we both wait for."

The opposition hinted at here arose from the clergy, who for some reasons of their own wished to prevent the match. They, of course, represented their own interests as the cause of Heaven, and grounded their opposition on the relationship between the royal personages. Their hypocrisy was proved by the fact that when an archbishop, who was devoted to Charles Gustavus, was installed at Upsala, the opposition of the clergy ceased at once. By that time it was too late, for it must be confessed that in the interval Christina had changed her mind. She assumed the Government in 1644, and for nearly two years few traces are discovered of her correspondence with the Prince. At the beginning of this interval Magnus de la Gardie came to court, at the end of it the Prince returned from Germany, and a great change then appeared in Christina's sentiments towards him.

She says to him, in October, 1646: — "Do not take it ill that I owe it to myself not to let anything in the world disturb my peace."

Another time she says: "Do not fear that the expression of your feelings will displease me: as a proof of your regard they are pleasing to me, so long as you keep them within the bounds which are prescribed by your cousin and friend, Christina."

The change in her feelings must have taken place about 1645. Was it caused by the development of her absolute, independent spirit; by a suspicion of the Prince's inconstancy; or by a stronger passion for Magnus de la Gardie?

Charles Gustavus professed to take his disappointment very much to heart. He expressed to Christina herself, and to his friends, his determination to leave Sweden for ever if she rejected him, yet it appears he was more comforted than he would allow, by her promise to get him nominated her successor if she did not marry him.

There is some evidence to show that, when only nineteen years old, she had already begun to consider the appointment of a successor, and her own abdication. Some documents lately published, however, give curious information on the matter, from which it would appear that the subject of a successor was urged upon her. One of these documents, which recommends that her successor should be of the royal family, is sealed with Gyllenhielm's seal, and has a memorandum upon it, that it was written for Prince Charles Gustavus's approval.

In 1647 Magnus de la Gardie was married to her cousin, and Christina then seemed a little more favourable to the Prince.

She invited him to Court to attend his sister's wedding. She told him, however, that she had no longer any attachment for him, and that, if she consented to the marriage, it would be for the sake of the country, not for his sake or her own. Lenœus, a warm partisan of the Prince's, became archbishop about this time, and the clergy were soon as much in favour of the union of the cousins as they had hitherto been opposed to it, but with Christina's ideas about marriage it was much easier to set her against such a step than it was to make her change her mind again. The States once more addressed her on the subject, and humbly prayed her to choose a husband.

She thanked them for their affection, and asked whether, if she chose the Prince, he would be acceptable to the representatives of the nation. The deputies answered, that if Her Majesty should be pleased to choose the Prince, Sweden would gladly accept him.

It was now believed by many that she was about to marry Charles Gustavus, but as Chanut sagaciously observed, "No one can give a decided opinion in these sort of affairs until the event has actually taken place." Christina had by this time determined not to marry, and probably only asked the opinion of the States about the Prince that she might shift the onus upon them, in case, as appeared very likely, they should object to him. Her behaviour to Charles Gustavus was now very uncertain. She made him large grants of the towns of Torshälla and Eskilstunda [sic], and the castles of Käfsnäs [sic] and Ulfsunda.

Oxenstiern's opinion was asked about these gifts. He remained a whole hour silent, and at the end of that time replied, "I wish my opinion had never been asked on so weighty a matter, for I do not know Her Majesty's intentions towards the Prince. If the Queen marries him, these grants are by no means too large; in any other case, I entirely dissent from so important an alienation of Crown property."

Magnus de la Gardie wrote to the Prince in July, 1647: "The opposer, Oxenstiern, is now absent; now or never push your courtship, for I perceive favourable sentiments in the Queen. Audaces fortuna juvat. You must drive away all fear and go to work boldly. There are hearts that will be won, but will not give themselves away. Many defend themselves valiantly who wish nothing better than to be conquered; in such an important affair everything is to be risked."

Charles Gustavus followed his brother-in-law's advice, and endeavoured to press his suit; but Christina told him she could give him no more hope than before; she endeavoured to console him, however, by telling him that she would make him Generalissimo of the army in Germany the following year. The Prince answered that it was herself he sought, and that, if she refused him, he should prefer to join the army at once. She took offence at this, and told him that, if he persisted in such a course, he would have nothing but his colonelcy, and that their engagement would be irretrievably broken off. The Prince was obstinate, and she ended by wishing him sharply a pleasant journey.

It was with difficulty that Brahe, De la Gardie, and Matthiæ persuaded her to receive his apologies, and to grant him another interview.

In the meeting which ensued, the Prince made a final attempt to urge her to consent, and reminded her of the engagement which had existed between them from childhood. The Queen refused to admit the plea, and said she would not be bound by a promise made when she was so young. She told him that she would not determine finally until she was 25 years of age, and until after her coronation, but that, if she did not marry him, she would never marry any other, and that she would endeavour to get him appointed her successor. The Prince replied that if he could not be her husband[,] he did not wish ever to return to Sweden. Christina told him that his ideas were too romantic, and so the interview ended, but the Prince was permitted to correspond with her through Matthiæ.

She hardly knew her own mind about him at this time, but everything shows that she felt an interest in him, bordering, at least, on affection. Her gifts to him were munificent; she was already taking measures to secure him the crown of Sweden, and she appointed him Generalissimo of her army. As the Prince sailed from Stockholm to take his command, she watched him from a terrace overlooking the sea, to the last moment.

It seems evident that Christina was, at one time, in love with Charles Gustavus, and it is, at least, probable, that she was afterwards attached to Magnus de la Gardie. So far from this justifying the attacks which have been made on her fame, it appears that she sacrificed her own inclinations with a degree of generosity and self-control very little in accordance with the opinions usually entertained of her. She could not help the change in her feelings. The Prince did not grow up an attractive man; his figure was short and thick-set, his features plain and rather coarse, so that Christina used, in joke, to call him the little Burgomaster; his talents, although considerable, were not of an elegant or interesting kind. His failure may be attributed, in a greater degree, to his own fault than to Christina's fickleness. His letters, which are preserved, speak of his duty and obedience, but not of his love.

During his courtship of Christina he did not even take the trouble to conceal his intrigues with other ladies. At the very time that he was presenting his suit the most urgently, he had a son by the daughter of a merchant at Stockholm.

It was natural that Christina should be disgusted with such a lover, and that she should be fascinated by the handsome and polished De la Gardie.

The great master of human nature has several times described a similar transition from love to indifference, and in each case the cause has been the same: —

"As one nail by strength drives out another,
So the remembrance of a former love
Is by a newer object quite forgotten."

Magnus possessed all the qualities in which Charles Gustavus was deficient. Gay [cheerful], handsome, and accomplished, he was just intellectual enough to make his conversation agreeable with the assistance of his other advantages.

Whatever preference she felt for him, Christina had too much regard for her own dignity to marry him.

Magnus was engaged to Charles Gustavus's sister. Christina had been warmly attached to their mother, and her marriage with the young Count would have inflicted a deep wound on both brother and sister. Christina behaved like a high-minded woman; she encouraged the marriage of De la Gardie with her cousin, and loaded him with benefits; but she gave him appointments which took him from Sweden.

She gave Charles Gustavus a solemn promise never to marry any other, to atone for the wrong she did when she withdrew her plighted faith from him. This promise had a more important object than merely to soothe his vanity or appease his jealousy; it was intended to show that his chance of succeeding to the throne would not be weakened by her marriage with another.

Her efforts to get him named her successor were not confined to negative acts. She used every exertion to gain this object, and only held her own authority until it was accomplished.

Charles Gustavus was much piqued at his rejection, and he probably preferred a divided crown at once, to the distant prospect of having it on his own head. He talked in the most romantic strain to his friend Lorenzo Linde [sic], of turning all his property into ready money, of assuming a feigned name, and of seeking his fortune in some foreign war.

Christina said at a later period that De la Gardie treacherously set her against the Prince, while pretending to advocate his cause; and Whitelock, when ambassador at Stockholm, heard a similar account from the senator Vandelin [sic].

According to De la Gardie's letters and those of his wife, it appears that he did his best to promote the marriage, and after his own union with Maria Euphrosyne, it is difficult to see what motive he could have had for betraying his friend and brother-in-law.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.


Above: Marie Euphrosyne.

Notes: truth = fidelity.

plighted = pledged, promised.

faith = faithfulness, fidelity.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina's hatred of marriage and refusal to marry, on her interest in celibacy, and on her many foreign suitors

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 192 to 199, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter to King Charles II of England, written sometime in the early 1650s, is here:


The account:

... She undoubtedly overrated De la Gardie's abilities, although they were by no means contemptible; and his descent from two of the greatest families in Sweden naturally gave him considerable importance. It was commonly believed that her judgment was blinded by love. However this might be, De la Gardie's marriage with her cousin took place when he returned to Sweden, after an absence of about a year.

Various stories were told which were more or less improbable, but they all hinted at love conquered by duty in the breast of Christina.

It was said that she would have married Magnus herself, if the Chancellor had not secretly traduced poor Ebba Brahe, and whispered that the young Count was really the son of Gustavus Adolphus. It is most unlikely that Oxenstiern should have told a dishonourable falsehood which cast a slur on his own order, and it is still more improbable that the report should have been true of the high-minded lady who refused to marry a king when she found that his moral conduct was not so spotless as the rest of his character. It was also reported that, at the celebration of the marriage, Christina said to her cousin, "I give you one I may not take myself."

There were[,] of course[,] numerous suitors who endeavoured to win the great heiress of the north, and her subjects were naturally anxious that she should marry to secure the succession.

In 1647, the order of ecclesiastics sent her an address, informing her that celibacy was an inconvenient and dangerous thing, and recommending her to marry.

Although at one time she appeared to waver, her disinclination for matrimony increased after she had begun to taste the sweets of undivided power.

When she was only nine years old, she heard for the first time the doctrine of the Catholic Church, that the unmarried state was the most meritorious. "Ah", remarked the child, "how fine that is! I will be of that religion."

When she was twenty-two years old, she performed in one of the masks which were then fashionable. She chose the part of Diana, and broke Cupid's bow and arrows to pieces. She continued proud of her independence, or affected to be so, to the end of her life, for one of her last medals, struck at Rome, represented a Phœnix, with the inscription, "I was born, lived, and died free."

In her life of herself, or, as it may rather be called, her confession, she says, "I was born in such a rank, that I might have chosen any man most to my taste, for there was no one in the world who would not have thought himself happy if I had chosen to give him my hand. If I had felt any weakness I should have married like so many others. I would not have had that invincible aversion to marriage, of which I have given such remarkable proofs, if it had been necessary for me."

When it was represented to her that it was dangerous for the kingdom to be left without a recognized successor after her death, and she was urged on that account to marry, she told her advisers that it was as likely she might be the mother of a Nero as of an Augustus.

Two of her suitors were the two sons of the King of Denmark. Ulrick was killed in the Thirty Years' War, and his brother Frederick succeeded to his pretensions. These pretensions were worth very little, as Christina did not listen to them, and the Swedish aristocracy would never have permitted such an alliance. In this case, as in several others, the hope of winning her hand was the means of deferring war.

The Danes did not wish to lose a chance of reuniting the Northern Crowns, and therefore refrained from joining the Imperialists at a critical time. The hope of obtaining the young heiress also made the policy of Frederick William of Brandenburg more favourable to Sweden.

He had been encouraged by Gustavus Adolphus to aspire to his daughter's hand, and he was formally proposed by the Council when she was fourteen years old. The Oxenstierns were not in favour of an alliance which might have revived the influence of the Queen Dowager, and they also feared that Christina might remain in Germany, and treat Sweden as an appendage. Many thought that the couple were too high-spirited to agree, but Frederick William cherished hopes until Christina attained her majority, when he was definitively refused, and an end thus put to the design of Gustavus Adolphus for the command of the Baltic.

Germany furnished several other visitors. The Archduke Leopold of Austria proposed to end the long strife between the two countries by a matrimonial alliance.

The Elector Palatine, Charles Louis, hoped that his house might regain by love what it had lost by war. A prince of Saxony wished to renew an alliance which his family had violated so treacherously, and to receive the hand of Christina as the reward. Ferdinand, King of Hungary, also tried his chance, but met with no encouragement. Her three Polish cousins all proposed for Christina, and although their father, Sigismund, still called himself King of Sweden, they were not the least ardent of her lovers. Their names were Uladislaus, John Casimir, and Casimir Sigismund. The second of these was a Jesuit and a Cardinal, but he undertook to get the necessary dispensation from Rome.

He afterwards became King of Poland, and his career, in one respect, resembled that of Christina, for he also abdicated his throne. Neither of them would probably have done so if they had been united, and the bloody war between Sweden and Poland, which occupied their successors, might have been averted.

Philip IV., of Spain, must be added to the list of wooers. Unlike his ancestor of the same name, he showed no jealousy of his son. He even offered the hand of Don John, in case Christina should prefer a younger man than himself. Such avowed indifference for her person, so long as her inheritance could be secured, was not a likely way to win the young Queen. It was suspected at the time that the Spanish proposals were not sincere, but were merely intended to raise some differences between Sweden and France. Rosenhaue [sic], the Swedish envoy at Madrid, viewed them in this light, and said, jocosely, the first condition was that the King of Spain must become a good Lutheran.

Charles II., at that time a fugitive, with little hope of mounting the English throne, was anxious to gain a share of the Northern crown. He sent the Chevalier Balandin to ascertain if his proposals would have any chance of success. By way of introducing the subject, and in the hope of captivating Christina, Charles sent her his portrait; but the result was so little satisfactory, that he wisely avoided the mortification of a direct refusal by abstaining from making a positive offer. Christina wrote a letter to Charles, in which she mentioned an application from him, which had been handed to her by Balandin, but it does not appear to refer to the offer of marriage. It mentions some request he had made, probably an application for assistance, which she politely declines to grant.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie and Marie Euphrosyne.


Above: Prince Ulrik of Denmark. Photo of portrait courtesy of Orf3us on Wikimedia Commons.


Above: Prince Frederik of Denmark, future King Frederik III.


Above: Friedrich Wilhelm, Elector of Brandenburg.


Above: Archduke Leopold of Austria, future Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I.


Above: Karl Ludwig, Elector of the Palatinate.


Above: Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Hungary.


Above: Władysław IV Waza, King of Poland.


Above: Prince Jan Kazimierz Waza of Poland, future King Jan II Kazimierz Waza.


Above: Prince Zygmunt Kazimierz Waza of Poland.


Above: King Felipe (Philip) IV of Spain.


Above: Don Juan of Austria.


Above: King Charles II of England.