Showing posts with label 1667 journey to Sweden. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1667 journey to Sweden. Show all posts

Saturday, August 30, 2025

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 12

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 69 to 71, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

Christina felt that, devoid as she was of all real power, her title of queen, and her personal merits, gave her no influence in the politics of Europe, and that her attempts at taking part in them only laid her open to rebuffs. She became more and more weary of her life at Rome; once more her thoughts turned back towards her former kingdom, and she set to work to negotiate with the Senate for her return to Sweden. It was to no purpose that Heinsius, her faithful correspondent at Stockholm, warned her that the government would make difficulties about her priests and Italian servants; she was received to make the attempt, and by the summer of 1666 she arrived at Hamburg. She remained there until the following spring, enjoying the society of the men of science who were to be found there, and taking part in balls, plays, and masques. In April, 1667, she started for Sweden; and[,] passing through Sleswig[,] Fyen and Sjæland, reached Helsingborg in May, and proceeded northward towards Stockholm. On arriving at Norköping, however, a courier met her from the Court, to inform her that no Catholic priest could be allowed to accompany her; and that if she persisted in keeping her chaplains with her, they would have to be proceeded against according to Swedish law, by which the punishment for nonconformity to the established Church was death. It was easy to imagine the effect of such a message on a woman of Christina's temper. Her first impulse was to return at once to Hamburg; but she was at length persuaded by Count Pontus de la Gardie, who had been sent by the king as her escort, to allow him to write in her name to the Court, and to try and obtain some concessions as to the priests, whilst she herself pushed on to await the answer in her own domain at Norköping. On arriving at that city, she received the reply of the Senate: it was short and harsh. Not only was the queen to be deprived of her own chaplains, but she was forbidden even to attend Mass at the chapels of the Roman Catholic embassies at Stockholm. No amount of Protestant zeal could justify an act like this: to prevent a princess, who was not a subject of Sweden, and who was a declared Catholic, from being present at Catholic services, which were themselves permitted by the government, was a proceeding which could only be looked upon as proving the determination of the oligarchical party to use every means in their power, down to the most wanton and deliberate insults, for the purpose of driving Christina from the country.

She now hastened back to Hamburg, in the hope that[,] at the approaching meeting of the Estates[,] the conditions imposed by the Senate would be revoked, and that some demands she had made on the subject of the management of her revenues, and for the exchange of Pomerania for Bremen, might meet with a favourable hearing. She was not altogether disappointed; for at the ensuing Diet the unnoble orders, and especially the clergy, were far more friendly to her than she had supposed would be the case. The general feeling seems to have been that the Senate had treated her badly, and that their conduct had been influenced, not by those religious considerations which they affected to rate so highly, but by mere political fears that Christina's presence in Sweden would, perhaps, endanger the present power and future schemes of the oligarchy. In truth, this appears to have been the main reason for the action of the Senate. The life of the young king was looked upon as very uncertain; and if he were to die without heirs, the aristocracy might at last do what they had hoped to have been able to do after the death of Christina, and what they actually did do after that of Charles XII.; they might make the monarchy elective, and reduce their elected king to the position of a puppet in the hands of the ruling families: on the other hand, if the king were to die while Christina was in the country, the presence of an heir with a claim to the crown would render their scheme more difficult; the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus would only require to embrace the Lutheran faith, to have the clergy, and peasants, and all the discontented democracy on her side; and who could be sure that an ambitious woman, weary of private life, and suspected of indifference to all religions, would not gladly seize the chance thus offered of regaining the crown. It was their suspicion that these were the real motives of the Senate, and their growing discontent with the rule of the nobles, which made the lower estates rather more favourable to her, and explains what some writers have regarded as the inconsistent attitude of the clergy. They readily agreed to her demands about the bishopric of Bremen, and inserted in the resolution, in which they granted them, a passage in which they spoke in terms of high praise of the personal merits of Christina, and of the glory and prosperity of her reign.

It was whilst residing at Hamburg at this time, that Christina learnt the news of the death of Pope Alexander VII., and the election of Cardinal Giulii Rospigliosi [sic] to the Papal throne. The new Pope, who took the name of Clement IX., was an intimate friend of the queen, and in his love for luxury and display presented a striking contrast to his predecessor. To celebrate his accession, Christina had her house at Hamburg illuminated, though dissuaded by her friends from thus provoking the strong Protestant feelings of the population. She further set up in the square opposite her house two fountains, made to run with wine, and thus attracted a large crowd to the place. When the evening came, the illuminations and fireworks took the form of a representation of the new Pope's arms, and of various figures symbolising Catholic doctrines, one of them of the Church trampling upon the monster, Heresy. This wanton exhibition of Popish emblems in a Lutheran town produced its natural effect. The mob, which had collected in the square, and which was mainly composed of Dutch, Danish, and English sailors, all zealous Protestants, and all more or less drunk, began to howl and throw stones at the windows and illuminations. A shot fired by a servant of the queen's, which slightly wounded one of the rioters, increased the tumult; the populace broke in pieces, every window in the palace, and were about to burst in and pillage it, when the town-guard was called out, and after a slight resistance, the mob dispersed. Christina, during the riot, had been conveyed by a back gate to the house of the Swedish resident; but she returned on the following day to her palace, and remained at Hamburg more than a year after these events, only going on occasional visits to Stade, Bremen, and other places in the neighbourhood.


Above: Kristina.

Thursday, August 21, 2025

Faith Compton Mackenzie on Kristina's 1666 and 1667 stay in Hamburg and her 1667 journey to Sweden

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 204 to 219, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library


The account:

CHAPTER XIV
FROST
ON the 22nd of May, 1666, a long line of coaches were drawn up on the Lungara, outside the Palazzo Riario. The Chigi family and other cardinals were waiting to escort Christina outside the walls of Rome on the first stage of her journey to Hamburg. At two in the morning she was ready to start, and the procession began.

Driving across the Campagna that morning, meeting the stream of gay [cheerful] peasant carts on their way to Rome as the cool dawn crystallized into the magic of an Italian spring day, Christina wept. All day she was in tears, and that night she did not sleep, because to leave Rome was an agony scarcely to be borne.

"I would rather live in Rome and eat bread and water and have only a maid to look after me than possess all the realms and treasure of the world", she wrote later to Azzolino.

Yet the restless spirit of adventure drove her from happiness to the unfriendly North — to Hamburg[,] where she was not needed, and to Sweden[,] where she was not wanted. Her suite consisted of sixteen people, of whom the chief was the Marquis del Monte. Joseph Malaspina, Marquis d'Olivola, was also in attendance. He had been page to Christina since childhood and was half English, his mother being a Dudley of the family of the Earl of Northumberland. A contemporary describes him as "young and well made, extraordinarily handsome, and had a Bon Grace in everything he did. But he was a universal lover, and managed an amour like a Roman hero."

The Abbé Santini travelled as a secretary, Macchiati as her doctor, and Pezza as treasurer. Besides these went Clairet Poisonnet, Francesca Passaglia and Françoise Landini, the latter a femme de chambre whom Christina had picked up in Paris. She was a handsome girl, and when Christina found to her disgust — for she hated the sight of pregnant women — that Françoise was in that condition, she married her to her lover Landini, one of the executioners of Monaldesco, but not until a few days before the baby arrived. Landini himself was left behind on this expedition, but in Hamburg del Monte, as brisk as ever among the ladies, consoled Françoise for the absence of her husband, meeting her secretly at the French periwig-maker's, La Fortune, and the result of this intrigue, a pretty little girl, was adopted by Christina and baptized Marie. The child developed a fine voice and was with the Queen until her death.

However deep Christina's regret for Rome may have been, once the city was left behind there was no dallying on the road. With relays of horses they travelled night and day through Spoleta, Macerata, Ferrara, Legnano, Verona and Trent, and across the Tyrol, arriving on the 10th of June at Augsburg. Two carriages and a calèche were all the equipage for the whole suite, so that many had to go on horseback. Only one member of her company actually collapsed on the journey, and that was Malaspina. He was bad enough to need Macchiati's attentions, so they both stayed behind, while the rest, in varying stages of exhaustion, went forward, with Christina herself, as usual, lively and alert so long as excitement lasted.

After the Alps the pace slackened, though discomforts increased, with straw beds for the suite at several stopping-places, and poor food, for, once Germany was reached, the only consolation for absence from Rome was in sight. At Erfurt Clairet Poisonnet was sent speeding ahead to Hamburg. He was to travel day and night without a moment's delay. At Luneburg Christina was met by Texiera and Stropp, who brought the news that the Swedish Diet had been postponed indefinitely: they had other important things to talk about; but Christina was preoccupied and would not listen.

Where was Poisonnet? He was to have brought her letters from Rome. That was why he had hurried ahead, so that she should have Azzolino's first letter addressed to Hamburg twenty-four hours earlier. But here was no Poisonnet, and everything was suspended until he could be found. For once he had overstepped the mark in his zeal for Christina. Knowing how passionately she desired the packet from Rome, he had gone beyond Luneburg to meet her on the road and had missed his way. At one o'clock in the morning he was found, and Christina spent the rest of the night scolding him and reading her letter. She had written thirteen times to Azzolino during the month's journey. Next day, the 22nd of June, she was in Hamburg, and at once established herself in a large house opposite the church of St. Michael, realizing that her journey to Sweden would be postponed. She had written from Rome to Bååt and Adami with instructions to announce her approaching visit. As she had never heard directly from the Regency as to the result of their Secret Commission, she asked for the free exercise of her religion for herself and her suite while in Sweden, and gave them an opportunity for revising their severe restrictions. Bååt's reply to her letter was waiting for her at Hamburg. It was not encouraging, and this decided her to buy the house in Hamburg and await Swedish developments while she and Texiera wrestled with her accounts.

There was a weekly post to Rome, and Christina never missed it. Her brilliant and self-revealing letters to Azzolino, all preserved by him, are the letters of a woman deeply in love. The imperious creature abases herself at the feet of the idol, and suffers the usual torments of the too ardent lover. The slightest coolness in his weekly letter sends her into an ecstacy of apprehension, and, though Azzolino's share in this long correspondence was destroyed by his own hand, there is no doubt from Christina's reproaches that many a cold blast served only to fan the flame of her infatuation.

In her first letter from Hamburg she sends him a million blessings for the affection he shows in his code letter; "the many tender sentiments it contains console me for all my sorrows". His affection is returned by "the tenderest passion and the most 'L' in the world".

"I do not know if I shall ever be happier, but I do know that I 'R' you till death."

They wrote in a secret code known only to themselves.

"Tell our poet", she writes later, meaning Azzolino himself, "his last verses are so beautiful that I admire them more than anything Petrarch ever wrote. ... Everything you send me of his is divine, but this last 'Hore un temps si breve' surpasses anything I have ever seen. If he goes on, he will become as famous on Parnassus as he is in the world. Please, have them put to music to be sung by Ciccolino, because I can tell from here how admirable the effect would be." Ciccolino was a favourite singer of Christina's who travelled with her to Germany.

A month after she arrived in Hamburg she writes that she is distracted because she has no letter from Azzolino. She admits that to console herself she read the correspondence of Françoise Landini to get news of him. At least she knows that he is not ill. But what can be the reason of his silence? Her mind whirls with a hundred thousand fancies. But whatever the cause of it, she is sure it cannot be that he has forgotten her, or could ever lose an opportunity of writing to her. Her anxiety is beyond anything imaginable, and her only consolation for it is that her state of mind proves her feelings to be worthy of him.

When she has finished this agitated letter, two packets arrive from Azzolino, and one is the missing one. All is well then, and she is paid with interest for her anxiety.

She detests Hamburg and the Germans. She is well but extremely bored, and nothing can console her for absence from Rome. "Comfort me with your thoughts, and believe in the faithful and inviolable love I shall feel for you till death." "In most places it takes only twenty-four hours to make a day and a night; here an hour lasts twenty-four days, and those same days, which in Rome only endure a moment, last for centuries; and, if you have heard that I pace my room all night alone, you have heard the truth; and you might also have heard that I spend the nights weeping for my misfortunes, but this is a secret between you and me."

The chill was already noticeable in Azzolino's letters, and she assures him that whatever changes take place in his heart, nothing will change hers and she will be faithful to him till death.

"As for me, I am in a state which it would be painful for me to describe to you, and you must not be surprised if I do not reply to your chiffres, because I think my silence will speak better for me, and worry you less." In November she says: "All your coldness will not prevent me from adoring you jusqu'à la V."

Christina's presence in Rome had begun to be irksome to Azzolino, in spite of a devotion to her which was genuine and deep enough. He had urged more strongly than anyone the importance of her journey North, and she could not help being bitterly conscious of his urgency. This doubt once planted in her mind would have grown to vast dimensions while she was away from him, feverishly preoccupied as she was all through her long absence from him. The constant reiteration of her faith in him only proved the doubt that was gnawing at her soul. She was wrong to doubt him for a moment. Whatever his chiffres may have contained of discouragement, his loyalty to her was always beyond question. Only he was, after all, a cardinal, with great prospects before him, and as the leader of the escadron volant, a marked man in Vatican politics. He was not yet, as Christina says, papable, but he would be one day; and meanwhile perhaps he was a little tired of scandal and pasquinades[,] of which M. de Coulange's

"Mais Azolin dans Rome
Sçait charmer ses ennuis;
Elle eût sans ce grand homme
Passé de trist[e]s nuits",

was only a mild example. His attempts to cool the correspondence were not successful; only a bitterness is added to the warmth. She is glad he had an amusing time at Frascati, and is grateful that he thought of her, but she is sure that when she returns to Italy (if she ever does return) she will find everything changed except her own heart. The threat not to come back, to settle in Sweden even, is constantly made at this time, to draw Azzolino, probably, but the effect is apparently negative. He either does not believe in it or would not be too dismayed if it were carried out.

"Everything is frozen in this country except my heart, which is more ardent than ever", she writes on January 12, 1667.

Poor Christina! To her next letter she adds a postscript: "If Hamburg is not far enough away from Rome to satisfy your cruelty, I will go to the other end of the world and never return."

Worse was still to come. His next letter made very clear what earlier he had only hinted. She replies:

"... I hope never to offend God, by His grace, and never to give you reason to offend Him either; but this resolution does not prevent me from loving you till death, and, since your vocation exempts you from being my lover, I exempt you from being my servant, for I wish to live and die your slave."

Azzolino was evidently attempting to modify their relations before Christina returned to Rome. Whatever those relations were, they had begun to be embarrassing, and with the probability of a conclave in the near future, and the absorbing occupation this would involve for him, he foresaw that the unrestrained adoration of the Queen would not help his work or his prestige. A slightly different footing — that was what he wanted.

Christina, in her hysterical state of mind, probably read more into his chiffres than he intended, and more and more she taunts him with such remarks as that she will be away at least two years. "... My return to Rome is not so near at hand as you fear. You shall not be bored by my presence for long, and if I can, as I hope, overcome Rome's fatal attraction for me, I shall go and seek a corner of the world where poverty is not a crime as it is in Rome." This last jibe was inspired by Azzolino's complaint of her extravagance and the impossibility of satisfying her creditors in Rome if she did not occasionally send him some money.

While shattering, emotional scenes were crashing around her, she was working energetically at her money affairs. She would be sitting till dawn at her bureau, writing and calculating desperately. As the hated winter set in[,] she scarcely went out; working, sleeping, eating, giving audiences and hearing Mass in one room. Her mild diversions were picquet and chess with del Monte and Malaspina, but not for money, she says, as she had none, and did not care to win from them. "Sometimes we talk of Rome and you, and dream of our return."

Her health was wretched. A persistent and "strange" pain in her side disturbed such sleep as she allowed herself. She never could sleep at all the night after the post from Rome arrived. Appalling colds which "furiously bothered her" with sore throats and endless headaches made the winter a burden. Macchiati told her that the colds were encouraged by her habit of sitting over the fire reading, but his diagnosis of her state in a private letter to Azzolino was, rightly, that it was emotional. He was anxious enough about her to call in the famous Jewish doctor, de Castro, but the result of their consultation was negative. She drank a great deal of milk, but it came from a tainted source, judging from her description of the dairy methods of Hamburg, and may have been responsible for some of her trouble. She refused to be bled, though she accepted the excellent suggestion of de Castro that she should play battledore and shuttlecock. Malaspina was her favourite playmate at this game.

Meanwhile, the winter dragged along, with few diversions. Clairet was nearly killed in a duel with one of the Italian servants. Del Monte and Pezza had leapt from their beds, hurried to the spot and tried to stop it when the news was brought to them, but they were too late and Clairet lay apparently mortally wounded. But he recovered, and Christina, in a postscript to Azzolino says, simply but with affection: "That beast Clairet is out of danger."

The news of Santinelli's marriage to the Duchess of Ceri came in March, 1666 [sic]. The Duchess had been released from Castello Sant'Angelo in 1659, only to be incarcerated again by her mother, the Princess Cariati, for six years in Naples, when at last[,] with Santinelli's help[,] she escaped. They both wrote to Christina after their marriage, and she bitterly admires their effrontery for doing so. Santinelli's faithfulness to his Duchess through all those years may not have been entirely disinterested, but he appears to have settled down respectably in Venice with her. He had had the satisfaction of being ennobled by the Emperor of Austria, and his wife signs herself "Maria Aldobrandini, Marchesa di San Sabastiano [sic]". So his Viennese visit was not entirely fruitless.

The dreariness of Hamburg was relieved for one night, Mardi gras, by a gorgeous fête, which Christina explained to Azzolino she was obliged to give to amuse the ladies of the neighbourhood who were continually coming to pay their respects. But it was principally an opportunity for the Marquis del Monte to see how much he could make the Queen spend in one evening. He and Pezza worked night and day to convert a neighbouring tennis-court into an amphitheatre, and here a grand banquet lasting four hours opened the entertainment. The gentlemen drew lots for their partners, and thus the question of precedence in a mixed company of aristocrats and bourgeoisie was cleverly overcome. Macchiati was sent to Wismar to summon the great old General Wrangel, who was the most sympathetic member of the Regency as far as Christina was concerned, and was engaged in what was to him the negligible task of subduing the Duchy of Bremen. In spite of an attack of erysipelas, he consented to play the part of Godefroy de Bouillon in the ballet of "Le Palais Enchanté d'Armide". Christina led a procession of magnificent slaves, herself without jewels but hung with heavy gold chains — a symbol[,] perhaps[,] which Azzolino would appreciate.

Then there was a lottery for some handsome mirrors which Christina had bought for four thousand crowns, and on the sale of which del Monte was said to have made a decent profit. She won them herself, but gave them to Countess Wrangel. A ball followed, in which the Queen danced with great spirit. Those who watched her declared that she was like a goddess descended from heaven, says Santini. Christina was herself again that night.

The day after the fête[,] she was so exhausted that she consented to be bled, and Macchiati had the satisfaction of relieving her of half a litre of blood which he says improved her appetite. The fête was the culmination of this visit to Hamburg, also nearly the limit of Azzolino's patience. She wrote him with a certain nonchalance that she had had a fête which she did not mention to him before in case it was not a success, but (now that it is over and it is useless to remonstrate) she assures him that she had revealed the gallantry and magnificence of Italy and France to a nation and town that had never imagined such a thing existed, and she herself was amazed at the good behaviour of the barbarous Hamburghers.

The Swedish Diet had been postponed so often that Christina despaired of ever reaching Stockholm if she waited for it. The Regency dreaded of all things her presence in the country and most of all at the Diet. "The idea of my presence in a Diet is to them the horror of horrors."

After several postponements the journey to Sweden was finally undertaken on April 28, 1667. The personnel of her suite had been approved by the Regency, Santini being described as "Secretary", though everyone knew he was a priest. The rest of her suite went with her, except Malaspina, who did not choose to be considered fit for the cold, wet climate of Sweden, and went to Spa to take the waters instead, returning thence straight to Italy. Malaspina had cleverly avoided the worst of the Rome-Hamburg journey by falling ill by the way and not joining the rest of the company with Macchiati until the Hamburg palace was quite comfortable. There was some trouble when he did arrive after having kept Macchiati on the road for more than a month while Christina's health was precarious and needed Macchiati[,] her personal physician, but he was forgiven much because he had great charm.

For some reason the Swedish Regency had not been told that the journey had been postponed from the 23rd of February, which was the original and apparently the final date of her departure. Fortunately for her Italian suite, the hard frost had made it impossible for them to do the journey they were all dreading. In Stockholm, therefore, preparations were made as though she were setting out in February. The outward form was, as usual, carefully observed. An escort was sent out from Stockholm to meet her at Helsingborg. Count Pontus de la Gardie, younger brother of Magnus, and the Baron Per Sparre set off on February 23 with a company of equerries, gentlemen of the chamber, halberdiers and palefreniers, with carriages and horses from the royal stables.

Count Pontus was a fine young cavalry officer of heroic proportions, Count Sparre a handsome diplomat and man of letters. It was not till they arrived at Helsingborg that they knew of the postponement of Christina's journey. For two months they had to kick their elegant heels in a deadly provincial town, where a letter from Christina blaming the post's delays was but poor consolation for the lack of almost every comfort and pleasure that made life endurable, in a winter which even for Sweden was abnormally severe.

While they waited[,] Christina began the journey to Sweden in a small open calèche which had been given to her by Wrangel. Though it was May[,] the season was bitterly cold and wet, and Macchiati begged her to be prudent. Even her stoic obstinacy could not long withstand the piercing winds, and she took refuge in her coach. But not before she had contracted chill and fever, and become so ill, at Corsor, that she thought she was dying. Terlon, who was now ambassador at Copenhagen, came to meet her there, and brought the news of the Pope's death, which later turned out to be premature. But the shock of it reduced her to a state of fever and melancholy, and such restlessness that she would not stay in Corsor, but pushed on to Soro, a primitive place where she lodged in a damp, cave-like room and lay on an improvised bed, completely exhausted with fever and cold. Terlon had brought his French chef with him, and it was his excellent bouillon, "brodi molto galanti, all'uso di Francia", wrote Macchiati to Azzolino, that restored her strength. But she did not escape blood-letting, as Terlon sent to Copenhagen for his surgeon, who bled her in the foot. She writes to Azzolino that she was deux doigts from death. But the day after the blood-letting she was up and lunching with Terlon and attending to her affairs as though nothing had happened. The "poor Italians", however, were in a desperate state, all suffering from various forms of cold, cursing the unnatural climate and longing for home.

On the 16th of May she crossed to Helsingborg in a gay [cheerful] little gold boat of the King of Denmark's, which was quite unseaworthy; but the day was calm, and in less than an hour she was hearing the salvos of greeting from the Swedish men-of-war. An impressive company was waiting for her at Helsingborg, including, of course, Pontus de la Gardie and Per Sparre. Seven hundred cavaliers ("gioventù veramente bella e bene a cavallo", says Macchiati) presented arms as she went to the house that had been prepared for her. Del Monte was favourably impressed by the good taste of this house, which he conceded was worthy of Rome. He was especially pleased with the cloth of gold canopy and the gorgeous state bed in green velvet and gold.

In spite of the Regency's prohibition[,] Christina did not forgo her daily Mass. Santini celebrated it the morning after they arrived[,] in a private room to which no one but her suite was admitted.

The next day she set out in state on her way to Stockholm. Everywhere she was greeted with joyful enthusiasm. To the people she was still their Queen, loved daughter of Gustavus Adolphus the Great — and what should they think but that she had come to reign over them again? Here she was with her brilliant blue eyes and her radiant personality, illumining the dark landscape of oppressed Sweden, cheering the sad prospect with authentic royalty. For whatever their grievances may have been when she reigned, her people had suffered more since she had left them, and now that the hated Regency was in power, and there was no one but a puny child who was hardly a Vasa for them to acclaim, it was not surprising that the sight of Christina set the whole countryside through which she passed on fire. No doubt the smoke of this conflagration reached Stockholm. Besides, news of a galley on its way to Stockholm, full of furniture for the Queen's use, had startled the Regency. It looked as though she meant to stay, and this must be prevented. For six days she made her triumphant progress among her people, and every day Santini celebrated Mass privately.

Then the Regency struck out. On the road Pontus de la Gardie had a letter from Stockholm in which he was ordered to tell Christina that the presence of Santini could not for another moment be tolerated in Sweden. This was obviously only a pretext. It was well known that Santini was a priest, and there could never have been any doubt that Christina would practise her religion in private wherever she was. Mass was celebrated each time behind closed doors with no one admitted except her suite, so that[,] if the Regency liked[,] they could have overlooked it. But they did not like. They would have kept Christina out of Sweden if they had dared, but they knew that such a step would be their own undoing. The last of the true Vasas had by now become an ideal to the Swedish people. The reign of Charles Gustavus had been a sad one for them, and the prospect of being governed by de la Gardie for several years was not alluring. No wonder the wild acclamations which greeted Christina reached Stockholm and alarmed the already apprehensive Regency. Again they struck her in the vulnerable spot, and again the stroke went home.

She was for turning back at once in the first white heat of rage, but thought better of it and wrote an angry letter to the King, giving him an opportunity of changing his mind in this affair and reminding him who he was and who she was, and assuring him that he was not born to give orders to such as her.

While waiting for the final word from Stockholm[,] she went on to her own town of Norrköping and did a certain amount of business there with Adami. She was no doubt soothed by her reception, which was clamorous, and decided to give a great banquet to her suite. While preparations were being made for it[,] the reply came from the Regency to Pontus de la Gardie. Not only did they require the dismissal of Santini, but they decreed that if she went to hear Mass at the house of M. Pomponne, now French Ambassador to Sweden, she should go ostensibly to pay an ordinary visit, and this grace would only be extended to her for a few weeks. This was, of course, as good as ordering her out of Sweden.

"What!" she cried. "I am to go and visit Pomponne! If he were to propose that to me[,] I would have him beaten! Yes, and in the presence of his own King, too!"

The banquet was abandoned. The royal escort was summarily dismissed, and Christina gave orders for the hire of post horses to carry her and her suite to the frontier next day. Young de la Gardie, ever mindful of externals, insisted upon escorting her himself as far as Helsingborg. Before she set out[,] she drank an ironic health to the King, the Queen-Mother and the Regency, and left Norrköping in as ill a humour as possible, fearing one moment to be delayed and at another hoping to be recalled — cursing the slowness of ostlers when the horses were changed, and finally being dissuaded with difficulty from embarking at Helsingborg at dead of night, because, de la Gardie pointed out, it would look too like running away.

On the 5th of June she left her native land, never to return. As usual, she was sustained by nervous energy throughout the whole of this trying episode. But young de la Gardie wrote to the King that in all his life he had never been so overworked. His eyes were blinded by the dust[,] and he could hardly stand upright. By the time the suite arrived at Hamburg[,] everyone except Christina was completely exhausted. Del Monte and Pezza were half dead, and the women in such a sorry plight that they were unable to appear for several days.

Christina's gesture — finer propaganda than any number of Masses, private or public — was applauded throughout the Catholic world. Terlon, in Copenhagen, gave a great banquet to the Faithful and celebrated her splendid resolution. Meanwhile, she applied herself once more to the solution of her financial problems, suffering, once the excitements of the journey were over, from an excess of bile which Macchiati tried in vain to alleviate by bleeding.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.


Above: Faith Compton Mackenzie.

Note: Countess Wrangel = Anna Margareta von Haugwitz (1622-1673), Carl Gustaf Wrangel's wife.

Friday, August 15, 2025

William Henry Davenport Adams' biography of Kristina, 1890s, part 15

Source:

Some Historic Women; or, Biographical Studies of Women Who Have Made History, page 294, by William Henry Davenport Adams, 1890-1899; original at the University of Toronto - Robarts Library



Above: Kristina.

The biography:

On the death of Charles Gustavus in 1660, she returned to Sweden, in order to arrange for the confirmation of her revenues and the payment of her arrears. But her abandonment of Lutheranism had turned the tide of public opinion against her, and her imprudence in asserting a claim, under certain circumstances, to the throne she had voluntarily deserted, had so offended the States that they compelled her to execute a second act of renunciation, and were prepared to imprison her for life. At last she obtained some pecuniary concessions, and she then, in May, 1661, returned to Hamburg, whence she departed to Rome.

In 1667 she was again in Sweden, but spent there only a few weeks. Her journeys were so numerous, however, that I shall not attempt to follow them; nor need I dwell on her unsuccessful efforts in 1668-9 to secure her election to the throne of Poland. There was, as I have said, an impatience, a restlessness in her disposition which urged her on [to] seek something novel, some new excitement, some fresh interest, and when the sphere of political action was closed to her, she hurried from place to place or sought intellectual diversion in literary pursuits. Let it be recorded to her honour that she remained to the last a generous patron of men of letters, and to the honour of those whom she benefited that they publicly exhibited their gratitude. In the poems of Manzini, of Filicaja, and of Guiid [sic], — to mention no others, — her praises are celebrated with equal sincerity and grace.

Her last years were spent in Rome, in a tranquillity which contrasted strongly with the incessant activity of her earlier life. She continued to take an interest in public affairs, but simply as a remote spectator. In February, 1689, she had a dangerous attack of erysipelas and fever, from which she partly recovered; but a second attack carried her off on the 19th of April, at the age of sixty-three [sic]. She was interred in the stately pile of St. Peter's.

Note: Kristina died at age 62, not 63.

Saturday, August 9, 2025

Kristina's second letter to Lorenzo Adami of April 9/19 (New Style), 1667

Sources:

Riksarkivet, pages 252 to 253 in Kristina; Svenska kungliga autografer, kronologiskt; Autografsamlingen; Ericsbergsarkivet


Di alcune lettere inedite di Cristina di Svezia, page 209 in Il Saggiatore, giornale Romano di storia, letteratura, belle arti, volume 2, article written by Giuseppe Fracassetti, 1844; original at the Austrian National Library (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek)




The letter:

Lorenzo Adamj, Ho riceuuta la u[ost]ra de' 9 del corr[ent]e p[er] la quale uedo che continuano costì i dubbij della mia uenuta, la quale veram[en]te non è Stata ritardata da altro, come uoi pure hauete risposto, che dalla Stagione, che hà fatto Sin quì Si aspra, e Sì incommoda, come ognuno sà, p[er] il uiaggio e per i passi, et adesso che comincia à mettersi al piaceuole Jo non tarderò più come uedranno in effetto pensando trà pochi giornj di partire, essendo quasi tutto il necess[a]rio in punto. E q[ua]nto alle Ciarle Sparse Sopra la dilazione della mia venuta io me ne rido, perchè non hò paura che persona del Mondo Sia p[er] hauer maì l'ardire di perdermi il rispetto. Ne deue nissuno auuanzarsi à dire che mi Sia Stato impedito il uenire in Suezia, perche il farlo, ò nò dipende Solo dalla mia volontà, ne io hò maì fatto tanto honore alla Regenza di Solam[en]te pensare che me l'habbiano à permettere mà conosco benissimo che queste Sono inuenzioni della persona, che mì hauete nominata dirette al fine accennatovi con le passate valeteui dell'auuiso, e Sappiate rispondere in Simili occorrenze in conformità di questi miei Sensi, e Dio ui prosperi. Hamburgo li 19. Ap[ri]le 1667
Christina Alessandra

Fracassetti's transcript of the letter:

Lorenzo Adami, Ho ricevuta la vostra de' 9 del corrente per la quale vedo, che continuano costì i dubbj della mia venuta, la quale veramente non è stata ritardata da altro, come voi pure avete risposto, che dalla stagione, che ha fatto sin quì sì aspra, e sì incommoda, come ognuno sà, per il viaggio, e per i passi, e adesso che comincia a mettersi al piacevole, io non tarderò più come vedranno in effetto pensando tra pochi giorni di partire, essendo quasi tutto il necessario in punto. E quanto alle ciarle sparse sopra alla dilazione della mia venuta; io me ne rido, perchè non ho paura che persona del mondo sia per aver mai l'ardire di perdermi il rispetto, nè deve nessuno avvanzarsi a dire, che mi sia stato impedito il venire in Svezia, perchè il farlo, o no dipende solo dalla mia volontà, nè io ho fatto mai tanto onore alla regenza di solamente pensare che me l'abbiano a permettere, ma conosco benissimo, che queste sono invenzioni della persona, che mi, avete nominata, dirette al fine accennatomi con le passate. Valetevi dell'avviso, e sappiate rispondere in simili occorrenze in conformità di questi miei sensi, e Dio vi prosperi.
Hamburgo li 19. Aprile 1667.

With modernised spelling:

Lorenzo Adami,
Ho ricevuta la vostra, de' 9 del corrente, per la quale vedo che continuano costì i dubbi della mia venuta, la quale veramente non è stata ritardata da altro, come voi pure avete risposto, che dalla stagione, che ha fatto sin qui sì aspra e sì incomoda, come ognuno sa, per il viaggio e per i passi, ed adesso che comincia a mettersi al piacevole. Io non tarderò più, come vedranno in effetto, pensando tra pochi giorni di partire, essendo quasi tutto il necessario in punto.

E, quanto alle ciarle sparse sopra la dilazione della mia venuta, io me ne rido, perché non ho paura che persona del mondo sia per aver mai l'ardire di perdermi il rispetto; nè deve nissuno avvanzarsi a dire che mi sia stato impedito il venire in Svezia, perché il farlo, o no, dipende solo dalla mia volontà, nè io ho mai fatto tanto onore alla regenza di solamente pensare che me l'abbiano a permettere.

Ma conosco benissimo che queste sono invenzioni della persona che mi avete nominata dirette al fine accennatovi con le passate. Valetevi dell'avviso, e sappiate rispondere in simili occorrenze in conformità di questi miei sensi; e Dio vi prosperi. Amburgo, li 19 aprile 1667.
Cristina Alessandra.

French translation (my own):

Laurent Adami,
J'ai reçu votre lettre, du 9 du courant, qui me laisse penser que des doutes subsistent quant à mon arrivée. Celle-ci n'a été retardée, comme vous l'avez vous-même répondu, que par le temps, jusqu'ici si âpre et incommodant, comme chacun sait, à cause du voyage et des passages, et qui commence maintenant à devenir plus plaisable. Je ne tarderai pas davantage, comme vous le verrez en effet, pensant de partir dans quelques jours, quasi tout le nécessaire étant prêt.

Et, quant aux ragots sur la dilation de mon arrivée, j'en ris, car je n'ai pas peur que quiconque au monde ose jamais perdre le respect pour moi; et personne ne doit aller jusqu'à dire que j'ai été empêchée de venir en Suède, car que je le fasse ou non dépend seulement de ma volonté, et je n'ai jamais fait à la régence un tel honneur que de penser même qu'elle me le permettrait.

Mais je sais très bien que ce sont là des inventions de la personne que vous m'avez nommée, directée à la fin que je vous ai mentionné dans mes précédentes. Tirez profit de ce conseil, et sachez répondre en pareilles occurrences en conformité de mes sentiments; et Dieu vous prospère. Hambourg, le 19 avril 1667.
Christine Alexandra.

Swedish translation (my own):

Lorenzo Adami,
Jag har mottagit Ert brev av den 9 denna månad, av vilket jag ser att det fortfarande råder tvivel om min ankomst dit, vilken sannerligen, som Ni själv har svarat, inte har försenats av något annat än vädret, vilket hittills har varit så hårt och obekvämt, som alla vet, på grund av resan och överfarterna, och nu börjar det bli mer behagligt. Jag kommer inte att dröja längre, som Ni faktiskt kommer att se, eftersom jag tänker ge mig av om några dagar, då nästan allt nödvändigt är klart.

Och vad gäller skvallret om hur lång tid det tog att komma, så skrattar jag åt det, för jag är inte rädd för att någon i världen någonsin skall våga tappa respekten för mig; inte heller får någon påstå att jag har blivit hindrad från att komma till Sverige, ty huruvida jag gör det eller inte beror enbart på min vilja, och jag har aldrig visat förmyndarregeringen sådan ära att jag ens tror att de skulle tillåta mig det.

Men jag vet mycket väl att dessa är påhitt av den person Ni har nämnt för mig, vilka är riktade mot det syfte jag har nämnt för Er i tidigare brev. Dra nytta av dessa råd och lär Ni hur Ni skall svara i liknande händelser i enlighet med mina känslor; och Gud välsigne Er. Hamburg, den 19 april 1667.
Kristina Alexandra.

English translation (my own):

Lorenzo Adami,
I have received your letter, of the 9th of this month, from which I see that doubts continue about my arrival there, which truly has been delayed by nothing else, as you yourself have replied, than the weather, which up to now has been so harsh and inconvenient, as everyone knows, due to the journey and the passages, and now it is beginning to become more pleasant. I will not tarry any longer, as you will in effect see, thinking to leave in a few days, almost everything necessary being ready.

And, as for the gossip about the dilation in my arrival, I laugh at it, for I have no fear that anyone in the world will ever dare to lose respect for me; nor must anyone advance to say that I have been prevented from coming to Sweden, because whether I do so or no depends solely on my will, nor have I ever done the regency such honour as to even think that they would permit it to me.

But I know very well that these are inventions of the person whom you have named to me, which are directed to the end I have mentioned to you in the past letters. Avail yourself of this advice, and know how to respond in similar occurrences in conformity with my feelings; and God prosper you. Hamburg, April 19, 1667.
Kristina Alexandra.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Lorenzo Adami.

Note: dilation = delay.

Kristina's letter to Lorenzo Adami, dated March 22/April 1 (New Style), 1667

Sources:

Riksarkivet, pages 243 to 245 in Kristina; Svenska kungliga autografer, kronologiskt; Autografsamlingen; Ericsbergsarkivet


Di alcune lettere inedite di Cristina di Svezia, pages 208 to 209 in Il Saggiatore, giornale Romano di storia, letteratura, belle arti, volume 2, article written by Giuseppe Fracassetti, 1844; original at the Austrian National Library (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek)





The letter:

Lorenzo Adamj[.] Per risposta della vostra de' 19. del pass[at]o vi dico che hauete fatto benissimo à disingannare cotesti SS[igno]ri de' Supposti fatti ch'io hauessi fino di tirar in lungo la mia venuta per giunger vicino alla Dieta, perche veram[en]te Sono falsissimj, e tutto il mondo è testimonio della Strauaganza della Stagione, e quanto habbia reso pericoloso, et impraticabile il camino come mi ha testificato pure il Cap[ita]n Dauisson. Questi rispetti, e non altri m'hanno indotta à differire la partenza anche con mio disgusto, e con impatienza, et acciò restino chiariti del mio animo[.] Jo Sono risoluta di partire alli 25. del presente mese al nuouo Stile infallibilm[en]te benche il tempo continui ad esser tuttauia così Strauagante che non dia alcuna apparenza che Sia p[er] esser ne anche allhora commodo per questo viaggio; onde non mancate di Sincerarli ancor diuantaggio della mia intenzione affatto contraria alle voci Sparse.

E quanto al tornare à Roma più presto che venire in Suezia Stante la graue malatia del Papa potete certificarli che con tutto ch'Jo habbia gran cagione di farlo, nondimeno il grand'impegno ch'Jo hò di parola, e di honore con la Suezia mi fa posporre tutti gl'interessi, e rispetti ch'io potessi mai hauere p[er] l'Jtalia, alla quale vedranno ch'io preferirò Sempre la Suezia, e fate che spicchi bene à loro questo mio Sentimento[.] Quanto al Drachenielm già che Jo sono Sì vicina à venire mi riserbo ad aggiustar tutto di persona. Della Carica conferita dal Rè, à Strop Jo ne Sento part[icola]re gusto, perche egli ne merita di magg[io]ri, e Seruendo al Rè, Serue à mè medema; onde assicuratelo pure di questi miei Sensi, e ditegli che ne Stia allegram[en]te e che Si porti bene, E con tutto che fatti gl'Affitti non erà necess[ari]a la Sua Carica che teneua per mio Seruigio, ad ogni modo io ce l'haurei Sempre mantenuto, perche veram[en]te è vn Seru[ito]re da tenerne conto; ma già che lui resta prouisto d'altro Jo non penso di riempire più la Sua piazza, mà di farne di meno per non esser necessaria più per la Sud[dett]a ragione Si che potete quietare Broberg, et ogn'altro che ci volesse pretendere, e quando l'hauessi da conseruare non la leueréi mai à Strop.

Non posso poi lasciar di dirui che per le Lettere che voi hauete Scritte al Texeira hauete data occasione al medemo di ostinarsi, e di raffreddarsi nel mio Seruizio in modo che restano rouinati li miei interessi mà poiche al fatto non è rimedio bisogna hauer patienza, vi Serua per auuiso, e Dio ui prosperi. D'Hamburgo il p[ri]mo d'Aprile 1667[.]
Christine Alessandra

Fracassetti's transcript of the letter:

Lorenzo Adami. Per risposta della vostra de' 19. del passato vi dico, che avete fatto benissimo a disingannare cotesti SS. de' supposti fatti che io avessi fino di tirare in lungo la mia venuta per giunger vicino alla Dieta, perchè veramente sono falsissimi, e tutto il mondo è testimonio della stravaganza della stagione, e quanto abbia reso pericoloso, e impraticabile il cammino come mi ha testificato pure il Cap. Daneison. Questi rispetti, e non altri m'hanno indotta a differire la partenza anche con mio disgusto e con impazienza, e acciò restino chiariti del mio animo[.] Io sono risoluta di partire alli 25. del presente mese al nuovo stile infallibilmente benchè il tempo continui ad esser tuttavia cosi stravagante che non dia alcuna apparenza che sia per esser ne anche allora comodo per questo viaggio, onde non manciate di sincerarli ancor di vantaggio della mia intenzione affatto contraria alle voci sparse.

E quanto al tornare a Roma più presto che venire in Svezia stante la grave malatia del Papa, potete certificarli che con tutto che Io abbia gran cagione di farlo, nondimeno il grand'impegno che Io hò di parola, e di onore con la Svezia mi fa posporre tutti gl'interessi, e rispetti ch'io potessi mai avere per l'Italia, alla quale vedranno ch'io preferirò sempre la Svezia, e fate che spicchi bene a loro questo mio sentimento. Quanto al Drachenielm giacchè io sono sì vicina a venire mi riserbo ad aggiustar tutto di persona. Della carica conferita dal re a Strop Io ne sento particolar gusto, perchè egli ne merita di maggiori, e servendo al Re, serve a me medema, onde assicuratelo pure di questi miei sensi, e ditegli, che ne stia allegramente e che si porti bene. E con tutto che fatti gli affitti non era necessaria la sua carica che teneva per mio servigio, ad ogni modo io ce l'avrei sempre mantenuto, perchè veramente è un servo da tenerne conto; ma già che lui resta provisto d'altro Io non penso di riempire più la sua piazza, ma di farne di meno per non esser necessaria più per la suddetta ragione: sicchè potete quietare Broberg, e ogni altro, che ci volesse pretendere, e quando l'avessi da conservare non la leverei mai a Strop.

Non posso poi lasciar di dirvi, che per le lettere che voi avete scritte al Teixeira avete data occasione al medemo di ostinarsi e di raffreddarsi nel mio servizio in modo che restano rovinati i miei interessi, ma poichè al fatto non è rimedio bisogna aver pazienza, vi serva per avviso e Dio vi prosperi.
D'Hamburgo il 5 di Aprile 1667 [sic].
CHRISTINA ALESSANDRA

With modernised spelling:

Lorenzo Adami,
Per risposta della vostra, de' 19 del passato, vi dico che avete fatto benissimo a disingannare codesti signori de' supposti fatti ch'io avessi fino di tirar in lungo la mia venuta per giunger vicino alla Dieta, perché veramente sono falsissimi e tutto il mondo è testimonio della stravaganza della stagione e quanto abbia reso pericoloso ed impraticabile il cammino, come mi ha testificato pure il capitan Davisson. Questi rispetti e non altri m'hanno indotta a differire la partenza, anche con mio disgusto e con impatienza, ed acciò restino chiariti del mio animo.

Io sono risoluta di partire alli 25 del presente mese (al nuovo stile) infallibilmente, benché il tempo continui ad esser tuttavia così stravagante che non dia alcuna apparenza che sia per esser ne anche allora comodo per questo viaggio; onde non mancate di sincerarli ancor di vantaggio della mia intenzione, affatto contraria alle voci sparse.

E, quanto al tornare a Roma più presto che venire in Svezia, stante la grave malattia del papa, potete certificarli che con tutto ch'io abbia gran cagione di farlo, nondimeno il grand'impegno ch'io ho di parola e di onore con la Svezia mi fa posporre tutti gl'interessi e rispetti ch'io potessi mai avere per l'Italia, alla quale vedranno ch'io preferirò sempre la Svezia; e fate che spicchi bene a loro questo mio sentimento.

Quanto al Drakenhielm, giacché io sono sì vicina a venire, mi riserbo ad aggiustar tutto di persona. Della carica conferita dal re, a Stropp io ne sento particolare gusto, perché egli ne merita di maggiori; e, servendo al re, serve a me medema, onde assicuratelo pure di questi miei sensi; e ditegli che ne stia allegramente e che si porti bene.

E, con tutto che fatti gl'affitti, non era necessaria la sua carica, che teneva per mio servigio; ad ogni modo io ce l'avrei sempre mantenuto, perché veramente è un servitore da tenerne conto. Ma, giacché lui resta provisto d'altro, io non penso di riempire più la sua piazza, ma di farne di meno per non esser necessaria più, per la suddetta ragione. Sicché potete quietare Broberg ed ogn'altro che ci volesse pretendere, e quando l'avessi da conservare, non la leverei mai a Stropp.

Non posso poi lasciar di dirvi che, per le lettere che voi avete scritte al Texeira, avete data occasione al medemo di ostinarsi e di raffreddarsi nel mio servigio in modo che restano rovinati li miei interessi; ma, poiché al fatto non è rimedio, bisogna aver pazienza. Vi serva per avviso, e Dio vi prosperi. D'Amburgo, il primo d'aprile 1667.
Christine Alessandra.

French translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Laurent Adami,
Pour réponse à la vôtre, du 19 du passé, je vous dis que vous avez très bien fait de détromper ces seigneurs quant aux prétendus faits selon lesquels je retardais mon arrivée afin de me rapprocher de la Diète. Ces faits sont véritablement tout à fait faux, et le monde entier est témoin de l'extravagance de la saison et de la periculosité et de l'impraticabilité de la chemin, comme le capitaine Davisson lui-même me l'a témoigné. Ces égards, et aucun autre, m'ont induit à différer mon départ, malgré mon dégoût et mon impatience, afin qu'ils puissent être clarifiés quant à mon état d'esprit.

Je suis résolue à partir infailliblement le 25 du présent mois (nouveau style), quoique le temps continue à être si extravagant qu'il ne semble pas être propice à ce voyage même alors; ne manquez donc pas de les assurer avant tout de mon intention, qui est entièrement contraire aux bruits qui ont été répandus.

Et, quant à retourner à Rome plutôt qu'en Suède, à cause de la grave maladie du pape, vous pouvez les assurer que, quoique j'aie de grandes raisons de le faire, néanmoins la grande obligation que j'ai de parole et d'honneur envers la Suède me fait ajourner tous les intérêts et respects que je pourrais jamais avoir pour l'Italie, à laquelle ils verront que je préférerai toujours la Suède; et faites que ce mon sentiment leur ressorte clairement.

Quant à Drakenhielm, puisque je suis si proche de venir, je me réserve le droit de tout ajuster en personne. Je ressens un plaisir particulier à la charge confiée à Stropp par le roi, car il mérite de plus grandes; et, en servant le roi, il me sert aussi; aussi, assurez-le de ces mes sentiments et dites-lui d'être allègre et de bien se porter.

Et, même si les rentes étaient payées, sa charge, qu'il occupait pour mon service, n'était pas nécessaire; de toute façon, je l'aurais toujours maintenu là, car c'est vraiment un serviteur dont il faut tenir compte. Mais, comme il est pourvu d'autres choses, je ne pense pas de le remplir sa place, mais de la réduire afin qu'elle ne soit plus nécessaire, pour la raison susdite. Vous pouvez donc quiéter Broberg et quiconque voudrait y prétendre, et même si je devais la conserver, je ne la retirerais jamais à Stropp.

Je ne peux puis laisser de vous dire que, par les lettres que vous avez écrites à Texeira, vous lui avez donné l'occasion de s'obstiner et se refroidir dans son service envers moi, au point que mes intérêts restent ruinés; mais, puisqu'il n'y a pas de remède à cela, il faut avoir patience. Que ceci vous serve d'avis, et Dieu vous prospère. De Hambourg, le 1er avril 1667.
Christine Alexandra.

Swedish translation (my own):

Lorenzo Adami,
Som svar på Ert brev av den 19 denna månad säger jag Er att Ni har gjort mycket väl i att taga dessa herrar ur de förmodade faktas villfarelse att jag länge dröjde med min ankomst för att komma nära Riksdagen, ty de sannerligen är högst falska och hela världen är ett vittne till årstidens extravagans och hur farlig och oframkomlig den har gjort vägen, vilket kapten Davisson själv har vittnat om för mig. Dessa hänseenden och inga andra har fått mig att skjuta upp min avresa, till och med till min avsky och otålighet, och så att de kan klargöras hur jag tänker.

Jag är besluten att ofelbart avresa den 25 i innevarande månad (nya stilen), även om vädret fortsätter att vara så extravagant att det inte ens då verkar vara lämpligt för denna resa; försumma därför inte att först och främst försäkra dem om min avsikt, vilken står i fullständig motsättning till de rykten som har spridits.

Och vad gäller att återvända till Rom tidigare än att komma till Sverige, med tanke på påvens allvarliga sjukdom, kan Ni försäkra dem om att även om jag har goda skäl att göra det, så får den stora skyldighet jag har gentemot Sverige mig att skjuta upp alla intressen och all respekt jag någonsin kan ha för Italien, framför vilket de kommer att se att jag alltid kommer att föredra Sverige; och se till att denna mina känslor framstår tydligt för dem.

Vad Drakenhielm beträffar, eftersom jag är så nära att komma, förbehåller jag mig rätten att justera allt personligen. Jag känner en särskild glädje över det uppdrag som konungen tilldelat Stropp, ty han förtjänar större uppdrag; och genom att tjäna konungen tjänar han även mig, så försäkra honom också om dessa mina känslor, och säg till honom att vara glad och att må bra.

Och även om räntorna var betalda, var hans uppdrag, som han hade för min tjänst, inte nödvändigt; i vilket fall som helst skulle jag alltid ha hållit honom kvar där, ty han är verkligen en tjänare att ta hänsyn till. Men eftersom han fortfarande är försedd med andra saker, tänker jag inte längre fylla hans plats, utan att förminska den så att den inte längre är nödvändig, av ovannämnda skäl. Så Ni kan lugna Broberg och alla andra som vill pretendera därtill, och även om jag var tvungen att bevara det, skulle jag aldrig ta det ifrån Stropp.

Jag kan inte underlåta att berätta för Er att Ni genom de brev Ni har skrivit till Texeira har givit honom tillfälle att envisas och bli kall i sin tjänst för mig, så pass att mina intressen förblir förstörda; men eftersom det inte finns något botemedel mot detta faktum måste man ha tålamod. Må detta tjäna Er som råd, och Gud välsigne Er. Från Hamburg, den 1 april 1667.
Kristina Alexandra.

English translation (my own):

Lorenzo Adami,
In response to your letter, of the 19th of this past month, I tell you that you have done very well to disabuse these lords of the supposed facts that I was long delaying my arrival so as to get close to the Riksdag, because verily they are most false and the whole world is a witness to the extravagance of the season and how dangerous and impassable it has made the way, as Captain Davisson himself has testified to me. These respects and no others have induced me to defer my departure, even to my disgust and impatience, and so that they may be clarified as to my mind.

I am resolved to infallibly depart on the 25th of the present month (New Style), although the weather continues to be so extravagant that it does not appear to be convenient for this journey even then; therefore, do not fail to assure them first of all of my intention, which is entirely contrary to the rumours that have been spread.

And, as for returning to Rome sooner than coming to Sweden, given the Pope's grave malady, you can assure them that although I have great reason to do so, nevertheless the great obligation I have of word and of honour to Sweden makes me postpone all the interests and respects I could ever have for Italy, to which they will see that I will always prefer Sweden; and make sure that this my sentiment stands out clearly to them.

As for Drakenhielm, since I am so close to coming, I will reserve to myself the right to adjust everything in person. I feel a particular pleasure at the charge conferred on Stropp by the King, because he deserves greater ones; and, in serving the King, he serves me too, so assure him also of these my feelings, and tell him to be cheery and to fare well.

And, even though the rents were paid, his charge, which he held for my service, was not necessary; in any case, I would have always maintained him there, for he truly is a servant to be taken into account. But, because he remains provided with other things, I don't intend to fill his place anymore, but to make less of it so as that it may not be necessary anymore, for the above-said reason. So you can quiet Broberg and anyone else who might want to pretend to it, and even if I had to preserve it, I would never take it away from Stropp.

Then I cannot fail to tell you that, through the letters you have written to Texeira, you have given him occasion to be obstinate and cold in his service to me, so much so that my interests remain ruined; but, since there is no remedy for this fact, one must have patience. May this serve you as advice, and may God prosper you. From Hamburg, April 1, 1667.
Kristina Alexandra.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Lorenzo Adami.

Tuesday, July 29, 2025

Gaetano Beani's criticism of Guido Zaccagnini's article on Kristina and the election of Pope Clement IX in 1667, year 1900

Source:

Clemente IX e Cristina di Svezia, article written by Gaetano Beani for Bullettino storico pistoiese: anno 2, pages 16 to 17, published by the Pistoiese Society for the History of the Fatherland, 1900; original at Cornell University


Pope Clement IX's letter of June 12/22 (New Style), 1667 to Kristina is here:


His letter of August 24/September 3 (New Style), 1667 to her is here:


His letter of March 21/31 (New Style), 1668 to her is here:


The article:

Clemente IX e Cristina di Svezia.
Il ch.mo Sig. Prof. G. Zaccagnini da alcune lettere scritte da Papa Clemente IX a Cristina di Svezia, pubblicate nel Bullettino storico pistoiese (fasc. 4) induce il sospetto e, par che lo creda, che il Cardinale Giulio Rospigliosi dovesse ai maneggi diretti o indiretti di questa donna la sua esaltazione al supremo Pontificato. E, a sospettar così, dice di esser mosso da due ragioni. La prima, dal vedere che il nuovo eletto scrisse subito, il 22 Giugno 1667, alla regina per farle sapere la sua elezione e renderle vivissime gratie: e poi da un inciso di quella lettera che lascia indovinare que' maneggi.

Non dispiacerà all'autore dell'articolo, che per amore della verità io dimostri esser senza fondamento le due ragioni alle quali si appoggia, e tolga di mezzo così ogni ombra di sospetto, che sarebbe non poco ingiurioso alla memoria del S. Pontefice, che tutti gli storici lodano per le sue grandi virtù.

Clemente IX scrisse a Cristina il 22 Giugno, subito dopo la sua elezione e quella prontezza lascia indovinare i maneggi etc. Avendo sott'occhio le diverse lettere scritte dal Papa in quella fausta circostanza, l'autore dell'articolo poteva osservare che tutte le lettere scritte ai Sovrani d'Europa, a notificar loro la sua esaltazione, portano la stessa data. Mi correggo. La lettera scritta al Re di Francia e quella alla regina di Spagna, furono scritte avanti, cioè il 21 Giugno di quell'anno. Quindi cade affatto la ragione della prontezza, come ognuno può vedere da sè, facilmente.

Nè più saldo fondamento ha la seconda ragione, vale a dire, l'inciso che lascia indovinare i maneggi, e l'inciso sarebbe questo: «È a Noi ben noto quanto habbia la M. V. cooperato alla nostra esaltazione e ne rendiamo a Lei vivissime gratie». Ma questi stessi ringraziamenti per la cooperazione etc. troviamo in tutte le lettere sovraccennate. Non sono per la sola regina di Svezia, ma per tutti i Sovrani. Si vede che l'uso o la convenienza portava di far così; non era un debito che si rendesse per un favore ricevuto, ma erano complimenti, espressioni consuete e nulla più. Ecco, infatti, come il Papa scrive il 21 Giugno al Re di Francia. «L'affetto con cui V. M. per mezzo del Duca di Chaulne[s], suo ambasciatore, ha voluto contribuir tanto dal suo lato alla nostra esaltazione, e quello che per conformarsi al volere di V. M. si è per essa operato da' Cardinali a Lei più devoti è da Noi riconosciuto con particolare stima». Alla regina scrive: «A ciò si aggiunge parimente il vederci portati a questo grado con tanta cooperazione dell'Ambasciatore di V. M. e de' Cardinali che, per incontrare il gusto di V. M. si sono conformati a lui, che nell'efficacia dell'opera ha fatto ben conoscere qual sia stata quella del volere di V. M.» (lett. del 21 Giugno).

E all'Imperatore di Germania il giorno 22 diceva: «Doviamo alla bontà della M. V. quello che i Cardinali della sua Nazione hanno contribuito alla nostra esaltatione, e ne rendiamo alla M. V. le più vive gratie possibili». Altro che inciso!

Ed è anche a notare che la Regina di Svezia alla morte di Alessandro VII e nel tempo del conclave da cui uscì Papa Clemente IX, era assai lontana da Roma, (trovavasi in Amburgo) e quindi le si rendevano meno facili i maneggi, posta la gran difficoltà delle comunicazioni tra Stato e Stato in quei tempi. E poi aveva altro da fare Cristina. Tornava allora allora dalla Svezia ove erasi recata per trattar de' suoi affari e avea trovato gli Svedesi così mal disposti verso di Lei che gli rifiutavano perfino gli assegni decretati al tempo della sua abdicazione al trono.

A tutto questo poi si potrebbe aggiungere che quando Cristina, alla rinunzia di Casimiro al regno di Polonia, accennò al desiderio di succedere a Lei e ne fece qualche premura; il Papa, non solo non la coadiuvò, ma con buona maniera le fece intendere le difficoltà della cosa e per toglierle ogni speranza così le scriveva: «Quella generosità si grande che ha potuto fare abbandonare alla M. V. i Regni che possedeva, per consagrarsi a Dio, potrà molto più agevolmente conformarsi alla divina volontà, nell'acquisto d'un altro, che potrebbe aggiunger ben fatiche a V. M., ma non già splendore e grandezza.»

Avrebbe scritto così il Papa se avesse avuto degli obblighi verso Cristina? Lo giudichi chi legge.

Del resto se il Card. Giulio fu fatto Papa, non si dovette nè a Cristina nè ai Sovrani d'Europa, sibbene alle virtù «che possedeva in alto grado», come scriveva il Ranke, «e specialmente alla purezza dei costumi, alla modestia, alla moderazione»; queste gli avevano guadagnato l'affetto e la stima di tutti fino da quando tenne il governo di Roma alla morte di Innocenzo X. E anche nella relazione dei 12 Cardinali alla Corte Toscana, che può vedersi nell'Archivio Mediceo, si legge di lui: «Il Card. Rospigliosi è soggetto molto amato dalla Corte (romana) ben visto dalla maggior parte dei Cardinali, perchè in Lui concorrono molte qualità degne del Pontificato.» Ecco perche Egli a preferenza di tutti gli altri fu eletto Papa, quantunque altri godessero molto favore, come può vedersi nella storia del conclave. Fu eletto Lui perchè Dio lo voleva posto a regger la sua Chiesa, la quale governò per modo che «savio prima della esaltazione, savio dopo, lasciò che al mondo rincrescesse che il suo pontificato non fosse riuscito più lungo».
Mons. Can. GAETANO BEANI

English translation (my own):

Clement IX and Kristina of Sweden.
The distinguished Professor G. Zaccagnini, based on several letters written by Pope Clement IX to Kristina of Sweden, published in the Bullettino storico pistoiese (fascicle 4), raises the suspicion, and apparently believes it, that Cardinal Giulio Rospigliosi owed his elevation to the supreme pontificate to the direct or indirect dealings of this woman. He claims to be motivated by two reasons for this suspicion. First, he saw that the newly elected Pope wrote immediately, on June 22, 1667, to the Queen to inform her of his election and to express his deepest gratitude; and second, he finds an aside in that letter that suggests those dealings.

The author of this article will not be displeased if, for the sake of truth, I demonstrate that the two reasons on which he relies are groundless, and thus remove any shadow of suspicion, which would be no small insult to the memory of the Holy Pontiff, whom all historians praise for his great virtues.

Clement IX wrote to Kristina on June 22, immediately after his election, and his promptness suggests the intrigues, etc. Having examined the various letters written by the Pope on that auspicious occasion, the author of the article could observe that all the letters written to the sovereigns of Europe, notifying them of his exaltation, bear the same date. I correct myself. The letter written to the King of France and the one to the Queen of Spain were written earlier, that is, on June 21 of that year. Therefore, the reason for the promptness completely falls through, as anyone can easily see for themselves.

Nor does the second reason have a firmer foundation, that is, the clause that gives away the intrigues, and the clause would be this: "It is well known to Us how much Your Majesty has cooperated in our exaltation and We offer You Our deepest gratitude". But these same thanks for the cooperation, etc., are found in all the above-mentioned letters. They are not addressed only to the Queen of Sweden, but to all the Sovereigns. It is clear that custom or convenience dictated doing so; it was not a debt that was paid for a favour received, but they were compliments, customary expressions and nothing more. Here, in fact, is what the Pope wrote on June 21 to the King of France:

"The affection with which Your Majesty, through the Duke of Chaulnes], your ambassador, has wanted to contribute so much from your side to Our exaltation, and what has been done on your behalf by the cardinals most devoted to you to conform to Your Majesty's wishes is recognised by Us with particular esteem."

To the Queen he writes:

"Added to this is the fact that We have been brought to this stage with such great cooperation from Your Majesty's ambassador and the cardinals who, to meet Your Majesty's taste, have conformed to him, and the effectiveness of the work has made it clear what Your Majesty's will has been" (letter of 21 June).

And on the 22nd he said to the Emperor of Germany:

"We owe to Your Majesty's goodness what the cardinals of your nation have contributed to Our exaltation, and We give Your Majesty the deepest thanks possible."

What an aside!

It is also worth noting that the Queen of Sweden, at the time of the death of Alexander VII and the conclave from which Pope Clement IX emerged, was quite far from Rome (she was in Hamburg), and thus her dealings were made more difficult, given the great difficulty of communication between States at that time. And Kristina had other things to do. She was just returning from Sweden, where she had gone to treat her affairs, and had found the Swedes so badly disposed toward her that they even refused to pay her the allowances decreed at the time of her abdication of the throne.

To all this, one might add that when Kristina, upon Kazimierz's renunciation of the kingdom of Poland, hinted at her desire to succeed him and made some effort, the Pope not only failed to assist her, but in a polite manner made her understand the difficulties of the matter and, to remove all hope, wrote to her thus:

"That great generosity which was able to cause Your Majesty to abandon the kingdoms she possessed, to consecrate yourself to God, will be able to conform much more easily to the divine will in the acquisition of another, which might indeed add to Your Majesty's efforts, but not to your splendour and greatness."

Would the Pope have written this if he had obligations to Kristina? Let the reader judge.

Moreover, if Cardinal Giulio was made Pope, it was not due to Kristina or the sovereigns of Europe, but rather to the virtues "which he possessed in a high degree", as Ranke wrote, "and especially to the purity of his morals, modesty, and moderation"; these had earned him the affection and esteem of all since he held the government of Rome after the death of Innocent X. And also, in the report of the 12 cardinals to the Tuscan court, which can be seen in the Medici Archive, we read of him:

"Cardinal Rospigliosi is a person much loved by the (Roman) court, well regarded by the majority of the cardinals, because in him concur many qualities worthy of the Pontificate."

This is why he was elected Pope above all others, although others enjoyed much favour, as can be seen in the history of the conclave. He was elected because God wanted him to rule His Church, which he governed in such a way that "wise before his exaltation, wise afterward, he left the world to regret that his pontificate had not lasted longer."
Monsignor Canon GAETANO BEANI


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Clement IX.

Friday, June 13, 2025

Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert's review of the first two volumes of Arckenholtz's biography of Kristina, year 1753, part 9

Sources:

Mélanges de littérature, d'histoire et de philosophie, pages 60 to 65, by Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert, 1753; original at The British Library


Mélanges de littérature, d'histoire et de philosophie, pages 282 to 287, by Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert, 1759 edition of the above; original at the New York Public Library


The account:

Le siege de Candie, dont les Princes Chrétiens étoient alors spectateurs sans daigner secourir cette ville, ne parut pas aussi indifférent à la Reine de Suéde; elle se donna de grands mouvemens pour procurer aux Vénitiens des secours d'argent & de troupes; & ces mouvemens, quoiqu'inutiles, furent si grands, qu'on les soupçonna d'être intéressés; tant la malignité humaine est habile à empoisonner sans fondement les actions les plus louables.

Peu de tems après arriva la fameuse affaire des Corses, dont le Roi de France tira une satisfaction si humiliante pour la Cour de Rome. Christine dans cette affaire eut tout à la fois l'honneur d'intercéder auprès du Roi pour le Pape qu'elle n'aimoit pas, & le plaisir d'intercéder inutilement. Le Pape qui auroit été fâché de lui devoir l'indulgence du Roi, & qui peut-être pénétroit dans ses motifs, se crut quitte de tout envers elle, parce qu'elle n'avoit point réussi; il continua à la ménager si peu, que lasse enfin de ne recevoir du Souverain Pontife que des dégoûts & des absolutions, elle prit sérieusement le parti de retourner encore en Suéde. Pendant qu'elle faisoit sonder les États du Royaume sur cette démarche, elle s'occupoit dans Rome à la conversation des Gens de Lettres, & s'égayoit quelquefois à leurs dépens. Elle fit entr'autres frapper une médaille singuliere, pour se divertir de l'embarras que leur causa la légende. Je ne sai si ce plaisir est fort convenable. Un Prince a tant d'intérêt d'aimer & de favoriser les Lettres, qu'il est moins fait que personne pour tourner en ridicule ceux qui les cultivent: c'est un soin qu'il faut leur laisser, & dont par malheur ils ne s'acquittent que trop bien.

Les conditions que le Sénat mit au séjour de Christine en Suéde, même lorsqu'elle fut partie pour y revenir une seconde fois, lui parurent si dures qu'elle jugea à propos d'aller attendre à Hambourg la prochaine diette pour y faire valoir ses demandes. Ce fut de-là qu'elle écrivit au Sénateur Sevedt Baat, chargé de ses affaires à la Cour de Suéde, que l'obligation où elle étoit de ménager de grands intérêts, lui avoit appris à souffrir & à dissimuler. Ce fut aussi dans ce voyage qu'ayant trouvé dans le cabinet d'un Antiquaire la médaille de son abdication, elle rejetta cette médaille & ne voulut point la voir. Cette action qui pouvoit n'être qu'un effet de son chagrin actuel, fut regardée avec assez de vraisemblance comme une vive expression du dépit qu'elle ressentoit d'avoir quitté la Couronne.

La diette se tint, & il est à croire que les intérêts de Dieu avoient changé; car de tous les Ordres de l'État, le Clergé fut le seul qui fut favorable à Christine. Il craignoit apparemment que si elle revenoit à la Cour solliciter par elle-même ce qu'elle demandoit, elle ne réussît au-delà de ses espérances; & les Prêtres Suédois pratiquerent en ce cas la maxime de faire un pont d'or à son ennemi. Mais le reste de la Nation à qui tous ces voyages de Christine avoient inspiré peu d'estime pour elle, & qui ne voyoit plus dans sa conduite que beaucoup d'inconstance & d'intrigues, usa du droit qu'elle lui avoit donné, & lui refusa presque toutes ses demandes. Elle renonça donc à la Suéde pour jamais, & revint à Rome, où elle passa le reste de ses jours, mécontente & mal payée de ses anciens sujets, oubliée de la France, & assez peu considérée de la Nation même qu'elle avoit préférée aux autres. La reconnoissance & l'admiration avoient été, pour ainsi dire, le premier mouvement des Romains envers une Princesse qui avoit renoncé à régner pour vivre au milieu d'eux; mais les hommes n'ont de sentiment continu que pour la grandeur & le pouvoir; les Princes même les plus estimés & les plus dignes de l'être, ignorent combien le thrône leur est nécessaire pour faire rendre justice à leurs talens, & combien aux yeux du peuple, c'est-à-dire, de presque tous les hommes, ils tirent de mérite de leur Couronne, même lorsqu'ils auroient le moins besoin d'elle. «Christine», dit l'Historien Nani, «s'apperçut bientôt après son abdication qu'une Reine sans États étoit une Divinité sans temple, dont le culte est promptement abandonné.»

Elle n'étoit pas encore arrivée à Rome, lorsqu'elle apprit la mort d'Alexandre VII. On peut donner par le fait suivant une idée du caractere de ce Pape. Il avoit témoigné dès le commencement de son Pontificat, beaucoup de sévérité & d'éloignement pour ce qu'on appelle à Rome le Népotisme. Ce désintéressement étoit l'objet d'une Épître que le Cardinal Pallavicini lui avoit adressée à la tête de son Histoire du Concile de Trente; mais le Pape changea si brusquement ou de sentiment ou de conduite, & inonda tellement Rome de ses neveux, que Pallavicini sentant le ridicule de l'Épître, ne la publia pas quoiqu'elle fût déja imprimée.

Alexandre VII eut pour successeur Clément IX, dont le Pontificat trop court fut appellé l'âge d'or de Rome; Pontife libéral, magnifique, ami des Lettres & des hommes, assez éclairé pour vouloir rendre la Religion respectable en terminant toutes les disputes, & dont l'esprit pacifique auroit dû avoir plus d'imitateurs.

Swedish translation (my own):

Belägringen av Kandia, som de kristna furstarna då var åskådare av utan att värda att bistå denna stad, framstod inte som så likgiltig för Sveriges drottning. Hon tog stora steg för att skaffa venetianerna ekonomiskt stöd och truppstöd; och dessa rörelser, även om de var värdelösa, var så stora att de misstänktes vara egenintresserade. Så skicklig är mänsklig illvilja att förgifta utan grund de mest berömvärda handlingar.

Kort efter detta kom den berömda affären med korsikanerna, från vilken konungen av Frankrike drog en sådan förödmjukande tillfredsställelse för Roms hov. Kristina hade i denna affär samtidigt äran att gå i förbön hos konungen för påven, som hon inte tyckte om, och nöjet att förböna meningslöst. Påven, som skulle ha varit arg för att vara skyldig henne kungens överseende, och som kanske var snäv i sina motiv, trodde sig vara fri från allt mot henne eftersom hon inte hade lyckats; han fortsatte att skona henne så lite att hon slutligen, trött på att bara få avsky och förlåtelser från den suveräne påven, på allvar bestämde sig för att återvända till Sverige igen.

Medan hon sonderade Rikets Ständer på detta steg, sysselsatte hon sig i Rom med konversationen av lettres och roade sig ibland på deras bekostnad. Bland annat lät hon slå en enastående medalj för att roa sig över den pinsamhet som legenden orsakade dem. Jag vet inte om detta nöje är särskilt passande. En furste har så mycket intresse av att älska och gynna lettres att han är mindre benägen än någon annan att förlöjliga dem som odlar dem; det är en omsorg som måste överlåtas åt dem, och som de tyvärr bara alltför väl friar sig från.

De villkor som Rådet ställde för Kristinas vistelse i Sverige, även då hon hade rest för att återvända dit en andra gång, föreföll henne så hårda, att hon ansåg det lämpligt att gå och vänta i Hamburg på nästa Riksdag för att där hävda sina krav. Det var därifrån som hon skrev till rådsherren Seved Bååth, som hade hand om hennes ärenden vid Sveriges hov, att den skyldighet hon hade att bevaka stora intressen hade lärt henne att lida och att dissimulera.

Det var också under denna resa som hon, efter att ha hittat medaljen för sin abdikation i en antikvaries kabinett, förkastade denna medalj och ville inte se den. Denna handling, som bara kunde vara en effekt av hennes nuvarande sorg, betraktades med tillräcklig sannolikhet som ett livligt uttryck för den ånger hon kände över att ha lämnat kronan.

Hon avsade därför Sverige för alltid och återvände till Rom, där hon tillbringade resten av sina dagar, missnöjd och dåligt betald av sina forna undersåtar, bortglömd av Frankrike och ganska föga beaktad av just den nation som hon hade föredragit framför andra. Tacksamhet och beundran hade så att säga varit romarnas första impuls mot en prinsessa som hade avstått från att regera för att leva bland dem; men män har ingen ständig känsla förutom storhet och makt. Till och med de mest uppskattade och värdiga furstar är okunniga om hur nödvändig tronen är för dem att göra rättvisa åt sina talanger, och hur mycket de i folkets ögon — det vill säga, av nästan alla människor — har förtjänst av deras krona, även när de har minsta behov av den.

»Kristina«, säger historikern Nani, »uppfattade strax efter sin abdikation att en drottning utan stater var en gudom utan ett tempel, vars tillbedjan omedelbart överges.«

Hon hade ännu inte anlänt till Rom när hon fick veta om Alexander VII:s död. Man kan ge en uppfattning om denna påves karaktär från följande faktum. Han hade från början av sitt pontifikat betygat mycket stränghet och distans till vad som i Rom kallas nepotism. Denna ointresse var föremålet för en epistel som kardinal Pallavicino hade riktat till honom i spetsen för hans historia av Tridentinska kyrkomötet; men påven ändrade sig så abrupt, antingen i känsla eller uppförande, och så översvämmade Rom med sina nevöer, att Pallavicino, som kände förlöjligandet av episteln, inte publicerade den, trots att den redan var tryckt.

Alexander VII efterträddes av Klemens IX, vars alltför korta pontifikat kallades Roms guldålder — en liberal, storartad påve, en vän av lettres och människor, upplyst nog att vilja göra religionen respektabel genom att avsluta alla tvister, och vars fredliga ande borde ha haft fler imitatorer.

English translation (my own):

The Siege of Candia, of which the Christian princes were then spectators without deigning to succour this city, did not appear so indifferent to the Queen of Sweden. She took great steps to procure for the Venetians financial and troop assistance; and these movements, although useless, were so great that they were suspected of being self-interested. So skillful is human malice in poisoning without foundation the most praiseworthy actions.

Shortly after this came the famous affair of the Corsicans, from which the King of France drew such humiliating satisfaction for the court of Rome. Kristina, in this affair, had at the same time the honour of interceding with the King for the Pope, whom she did not like, and the pleasure of interceding uselessly. The Pope, who would have been angry to owe her the King's indulgence, and who was perhaps narrow in his motives, believed himself to be free of everything towards her because she had not succeeded; he continued to spare her so little that finally, tired of receiving from the Sovereign Pontiff only disgust and absolutions, she seriously decided to return to Sweden again.

While she was sounding out the Estates of the Realm on this step, she occupied herself in Rome with the conversation of the men of letters and sometimes amused herself at their expense. Among other things, she had a singular medal struck so as to amuse herself from the embarrassment that the legend caused them. I do not know if this pleasure is very appropriate. A prince has so much interest in loving and favouring letters that he is less likely than anyone to ridicule those who cultivate them; it is a care that must be left to them, and which unfortunately they acquit themselves of only too well.

The conditions which the Senate imposed on Kristina's stay in Sweden, even when she had left to return there a second time, seemed so harsh to her that she thought it appropriate to go and wait in Hamburg for the next Riksdag to assert her demands there. It was from there that she wrote to senator Seved Bååth, who was in charge of her affairs at the court of Sweden, that the obligation she was under to look after great interests had taught her to suffer and to dissimulate.

It was also during this journey that, having found in the cabinet of an antiquary the medal of her abdication, she rejected this medal and did not want to see it. This action, which could only be an effect of her current sorrow, was regarded with sufficient probability as a lively expression of the regret she felt at having quit the crown.

The Riksdag was held, and it is to be believed that the interests of God had changed; for of all the Orders of the State, the clergy was the only one that was favourable to Kristina. It apparently feared that if she returned to the court to solicit for herself what she asked, she would succeed beyond her hopes; and the Swedish priests practiced in this case the maxim of making a golden bridge to one's enemy. But the rest of the nation, in whom all these Kristina's travels had inspired little esteem for her, and who saw in her conduct only much inconstancy and intrigues, used the right that she had given them, and refused almost all her requests.

She therefore renounced Sweden forever and returned to Rome, where she passed the rest of her days, discontent and poorly paid by her former subjects, forgotten by France, and rather little considered by the very nation that she had preferred over others. Gratitude and admiration had been, so to speak, the first impulse of the Romans towards a princess who had renounced reigning to live among them; but men have no continuous feeling except for greatness and power. Even the most esteemed and most worthy princes are ignorant of how necessary the throne is to them to do justice to their talents, and how much in the eyes of the people — that is to say, of almost all men, — they derive merit from their crown, even when they have the least need of it.

"Kristina", says the historian Nani, "perceived soon after her abdication that a queen without states was a divinity without a temple, whose worship is promptly abandoned."

She had not yet arrived in Rome when she learned of the death of Alexander VII. One can give an idea of the character of this Pope from the following fact. He had testified, from the beginning of his pontificate, much severity and distance from what is called in Rome nepotism. This disinterestedness was the object of an epistle that Cardinal Pallavicino had addressed to him at the head of his history of the Council of Trent; but the Pope changed so abruptly, either in sentiment or in conduct, and so flooded Rome with his nephews that Pallavicino, feeling the ridicule of the epistle, did not publish it, even though it was already printed.

Alexander VII was succeeded by Clement IX, whose too short pontificate was called the golden age of Rome — a liberal, magnificent pontiff, a friend of letters and men, enlightened enough to want to make the religion respectable by ending all disputes, and whose peaceful spirit should have had more imitators.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Johan Arckenholtz.


Above: Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert.

Note: Candia is the old name for the Greek island of Crete.