Kristina's letter to Cardinal Galleazzo Marescotti, year 1668 (APOCRYPHAL)

Source:

Lettres secrètes de Christine, Reine de Suède, pages 145 to 146, published by François Lacombe, 1761; original at the National Library of the Netherlands (Het Koninklijke Bibliotheek)

https://books.google.com/books?id=cPldAAAAcAAJ&dq=Lettres+Secrètes+De+Christine,+Reine+De+Suède&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The letter:

MONSIEUR LE CARDINAL,

Je vous envoie le bref que Sa Sainteté adresse à la Pologne, pour la déterminer à m'élire Reine. Faites valoir cette forte recommandation. Je connois assez les Polonois pour vous dire qu'ils prennent de l'argent de toutes mains, & puis se moquent ouvertement des dupes. Je ne serois pas fort aise que vous employassiez mes fonds mal-à-propos; car si l'affaire ne réussissoit point, on se riroit encore plus de moi que de vous.

Agissez donc de maniere à me mettre à l'abri de tout soupçon ridicule. Quoiqu'aucun Prétendant n'ait eu la gloire d'être proposé par le Pape, il y en a pourtant qui comptent plus que moi de monter sur le trône.

Vous pouvez compter qu'en travaillant à ma gloire, vous jettez les fondemens solides d'une fortune éclatante, & que vous jouirez auprès de moi d'un crédit & d'une considération sans bornes. Après cette sainte & sincere promesse, dites-moi, je vous prie, si vous ne travaillerez pas de cœur & de tête pour servir Christine à son souhait. Pour moi, je remets avec confiance ma fortune & ma gloire entre vos mains.

Italian translation (my own):

Monsignor cardinale,

Vi invio il breve che Sua Santità sta indirizzando alla Polonia, per persuaderli a eleggermi regina. Assicuratevi di sottolineare con forza questa raccomandazione. Conosco abbastanza bene i polacchi per dirvi che accettano denaro da chiunque, e poi si prendono apertamente gioco di coloro che hanno ingannato. Non sarei affatto contenta se doveste impiegare male i miei fondi, perché, se l'impresa non dovesse riuscire, si riderebbe di me ancora più che di voi.

Agite di conseguenza, quindi, in modo da proteggermi da qualsiasi ridicolo sospetto. Sebbene nessun pretendente abbia ancora avuto l'onore di essere proposto dal papa, ce ne sono comunque alcuni che hanno maggiori probabilità di me di salire al trono.

Potete starne certi: lavorando per la mia gloria, getterete le solide fondamenta di un futuro brillante e con me godrete di illimitato credito e considerazione. Dopo questa santa e sincera promessa, ditemi, vi prego, se non lavorerete con tutto il cuore e con tutta la mente per servire Cristina come lei desidera. Quanto a me, affido con fiducia la mia fortuna e la mia gloria nelle vostre mani.

Polish translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Monsiniorze Kardynale,

Przesyłam panu list, który Jego Świątobliwość kieruje do Polski, aby przekonać Polaków do wybrania mnie na królową. Koniecznie podkreślcie to silne poparcie. Znam Polaków na tyle dobrze, by wiedzieć, że biorą pieniądze od wszystkich, a potem otwarcie wyśmiewają tych, których oszukali. Nie byłabym wcale zadowolona, gdyby pan źle wykorzystał moje fundusze, bo jeśli sprawa się nie powiedzie, będą się ze mnie śmiać jeszcze bardziej niż z pana.

Niech pan postępować zatem odpowiednio, aby uchronić mnie przed wszelkimi śmiesznymi podejrzeniami. Chociaż żaden z pretendentów nie miał jeszcze zaszczytu być zaproponowanym przez papieża, są jednak tacy, którzy mają większe szanse niż ja na objęcie tronu.

Pan może być pewny, że pracując dla mojej chwały, położy solidne fundamenty pod wspaniałą przyszłość i że dzięki mnie będzie pan cieszyć się nieograniczonym zaufaniem i szacunkiem. Po tej świętej i szczerej obietnicy, niech pan powiedzieć mi, proszę, czy nie będzie pracować z całego serca i umysłu, aby służyć Krystynie tak, jak ona sobie tego życzy. Ja zaś z pełnym zaufaniem powierzam panu swój los i pańską chwałę.

Swedish translation (my own):

Monsignor kardinalen,

Jag skickar Er den uppmaning som Hans Helighet riktar till Polen för att övertala dem att välja mig till drottning. Se till att betona denna starka rekommendation. Jag känner polackerna tillräckligt väl för att säga Er att de tar emot pengar från alla händer, och sedan hånar de öppet dem som de har lurat. Jag skulle inte alls vara nöjd om Ni skulle använda mina pengar dåligt, ty om affären inte lyckas kommer man att skratta ännu mer åt mig än åt Er.

Handla därför därefter för att skydda mig från alla löjliga misstankar. Även om ingen pretendent ännu har haft äran att bli föreslagen av påven, finns det ändå några som har större möjlighet än jag att bestiga tronen.

Ni kan lita på att Ni genom att arbeta för min ära lägger den solida grunden för en lysande framtid, och att Ni med mig kommer att åtnjuta obegränsad kredit och respekt. Efter detta heliga och uppriktiga löfte, säg mig, jag ber Er, om Ni inte vill arbeta med Ert hjärta och Ert huvud för att tjäna Kristina som hon önskar. Vad mig beträffar, överlämnar jag med tillförsikt min lycka och min ära i Era händer.

English translation (my own):

Monsignor Cardinal,

I am sending you the brief that His Holiness is addressing to Poland, to persuade them to elect me Queen. Make sure to emphasise this strong recommendation. I know the Poles well enough to tell you that they take money from all hands, and then they openly mock those whom they have deceived. I would not be at all pleased if you were to employ my funds badly, for, if the affair does not succeed, one will laugh at me even more than at you.

Act accordingly, therefore, so as to shelter me from any ridiculous suspicion. Although no pretendant has yet had the glory of being proposed by the Pope, there are nevertheless some who have a greater chance than I of ascending the throne.

You can count on it that by working for my glory, you will be laying the solid foundations of a brilliant future, and that with me you will enjoy unlimited credit and consideration. After this holy and sincere promise, tell me, I beg you, whether you will not work with your heart and your head to serve Kristina as she wishes. As for me, I confidently remit my fortune and my glory into your hands.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Cardinal Galleazzo Marescotti.

Kristina's letter to Cardinal Galleazzo Marescotti, the nuncio of Warsaw, dated October 1668 (APOCRYPHAL)

Source:

Lettres secrètes de Christine, Reine de Suède, pages 139 to 141, published by the Cramer Brothers, 1761; original at the National Library of the Netherlands (Het Koninklijke Bibliotheek)

https://books.google.com/books?id=cPldAAAAcAAJ&dq=Lettres+Secrètes+De+Christine,+Reine+De+Suède&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The letter:

MONSIEUR LE CARDINAL,

Me conseillez-vous de me présenter à la Diette? si je croyois que munie d'un bref & de ma bonne mine, c'en fût assez pour fixer les yeux de la République sur ma personne, je volerois en Pologne; mais s'il falloit s'en retourner aussi vîte que je serois venue, que devenir? que faire? maudite, tempêter & rougir? Non, non, les enfans des Dieux ne s'avanturent pas comme cela.

J'aime bien mieux vous faire expédier bref sur bref, & couriers sur couriers chargés de bénédictions, que d'exposer ma figure devant ces indéterminables Républicains.

Remuez ciel & terre, puisque le Pape veut que vous me proposiez de sa part, entrez dans ses vues; si elles sont écoutées favorablement, tant mieux; au contraire, si elles sont rejettées, je m'en lave les mains; ni la Thiare, ni moi, ni vous, je pense, ne rougirons de la proposition.

Je me regarde pourtant comme le personnage le plus important & le plus convenable pour remplir cette place vacante, vû mes droits, ma naissance, la Religion Romaine; mon régne de Suéde, qui a été glorieux; enfin, Christine de Gustave mérite plus d'un trône. Octobre 1668.

Polish translation (my own):

Monsignore Kardynale,

Czy radzi pan mi stawić się przed Sejmem? Gdybym sądziła, że uzbrojona w list i dobrą minę, wystarczy, by Rzeczpospolita zwróciła na mnie wzrok, poleciałabym do Polski; ale gdybym musiała wrócić tak szybko, jak przybyłam, co by się ze mną stało? Co bym zrobiła? Przeklęta, szturmować i rumieniąca się? Nie, nie, dzieci bogów nie zapuszczają się w takie rzeczy.

Wolałabym, aby pan wysyłał list za listem, a kurierów za kurierami obładowanych błogosławieństwami, niż bym wystawiała twarz przed tymi nieokreślonymi republikanami.

Niech pan ruszać niebem i ziemią, bo papież chce, aby pan mnie zaproponował w jego imieniu. Wejdź w jego poglądy. Jeśli zostaną wysłuchane przychylnie, tym lepiej; przeciwnie, jeśli zostaną odrzucone, umywam od nich ręce. Ani Thiare, ani ja, ani ty, myślę, nie zarumienimy się na tę propozycję.

Uważam się jednak za najważniejszą i najbardziej odpowiednią osobę do wypełnienia tego wolnego miejsca, biorąc pod uwagę moje prawa, moje urodzenie, religię rzymską i moje panowanie nad Szwecją, które było chwalebne. Na koniec, Kristina Gustavsdotter zasługuje na więcej niż jeden tron. Październik 1668.

Swedish translation (my own):

Monsignor kardinal,

Råder Ni mig att presentera mig för Sejmen? Om jag trodde att den, beväpnad med ett brev och min goda min, skulle räcka för att fästa Republikens ögon på min person, skulle jag flyga till Polen; men om jag måste återvända så snabbt som jag hade kommit, vad skulle det bli av mig? Vad skulle jag göra? Bli förbannad, storma och rodna? Nej, nej, gudarnas barn vågade sig inte så.

Jag skulle mycket hellre att Ni skickade brev efter brev, och att kurirer efter kurirer skulle laddas med välsignelser, än att jag exponerar mitt ansikte för dessa obestämda republikaner.

Flytta himmel och jord, för påven vill att Ni skall fria mig å hans vägnar. Gå in i hans åsikter. Om de lyssnas positivt, desto bättre; tvärtom, om de avvisas, tvättar jag mina händer av dem. Varken Thiare, jag eller Ni, tror jag, kommer att rodna över förslaget.

Jag betraktar mig dock som den viktigaste och mest lämpade människan att kunna fylla denna lediga plats, med hänsyn till mina rättigheter, min födelse, den romerska religionen och mitt styre över Sverige, som varit ärofullt. Slutligen förtjänar Kristina Gustavsdotter mer än en tron. Oktober 1668.

English translation (my own):

Monsignor the Cardinal,

Do you advise me to present myself to the Sejm? If I believed that, armed with a brief and my good mien, it would be enough to fix the eyes of the Republic on my person, I would fly to Poland; but if I had to return as quickly as I had come, what would become of me? What would I do? Be cursed, storm and blush? No, no, the children of the gods did not venture like that.

I would much rather have you dispatch brief after brief, and couriers after couriers be loaded with blessings, than that I expose my face to these indeterminate republicans.

Move Heaven and earth, for the Pope wants you to propose me on his behalf. Enter into his views. If they are listened to favorably, so much the better; on the contrary, if they are rejected, I wash my hands of them. Neither Thiare, nor I, nor you, I think, will blush at the proposition.

I regard myself, however, as the most important and most suitable person to fill this vacant place, in consideration of my rights, my birth, the Roman religion, and my reign over Sweden, which has been glorious. Finally, Kristina Gustavsdotter deserves more than one throne. October 1668.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Cardinal Galleazzo Marescotti.

Summary of Coenraad van Beuningen's letter to the government of the United Provinces in The Hague, dated January 29/February 8 (New Style), 1653

Source:

Handlingar rörande Sverges historia, volume 4, page 282, published by Anders Fryxell, 1843

https://runeberg.org/afhandlsve/4/0290.html

The letter summary:

... [Stockholm] d. 8 Febr. 1653. — Kungen i Polen sände till Kristina afskrift af det bref, som Radziejowski skrifvit att reta kossackerna till uppror; klagade öfver det beskydd, denne i Sverge åtnjöt, och de upproriska bref, som han genom svenska residenten i Danzig utspridde.

With modernised spelling:

... [Stockholm] den 8 februari 1653. — Kungen i Polen sände till Kristina avskrift av det brev som Radziejowski skrivit att reta kossackerna till uppror; klagade över det beskydd denne i Sverige åtnjöt och de upproriska brev som han genom svenske residenten i Danzig utspridde.

English translation (my own):

... [Stockholm], February 8, 1653. — The King of Poland sent to Kristina a copy of the letter that Radziejowski had written to provoke the Cossacks to rebellion; he complained about the patronage this man enjoyed in Sweden and the seditious letters he spread through the Swedish resident in Danzig.

Above: Kristina.

Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.

Above: Hieronim Radziejowski.

Above: Coenraad van Beuningen.

Note: Danzig is the German name for what is now the Polish city of Gdańsk.

Francis William Bain on Kristina's behaviour and policy in relation to foreign countries towards the end of her reign

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 195 to 198, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library

https://archive.org/details/christinaqueenof00bain/page/194/mode/2up

The account:

There is no more truth in the allegations respecting her neglect of affairs with Spain, or the dark surmisings of her enemies as to this power. There are no signs of any inclination on her part to a treaty between Spain, England, and Sweden; Pimentelli indeed spoke to Whitelocke on the subject, but such a treaty was to the taste of neither Christina nor Cromwell, and the idea was not entertained. The Queen confined herself to sending an ambassador to Spain, to make overtures as to a commercial treaty with Sweden; this was the status quo when she abdicated. She showed no appearance of hostility to France, but assured Picques of her continued good will to that country.

It is the same when we examine her dealings with the Imperial Court. Christina showed favour to its ambassador Montecuculi, and endeavoured, indeed, to conciliate Frederick III. by supporting the claims of his son to be elected King of Rome, writing for that purpose to the electors in April, 1653. But the motive of this was purely political, and had nothing to do with Pimentelli or Montecuculi. She aimed at settling the difficulties that had arisen about Bremen. Sweden had, it will be remembered, acquired the bishopric of Bremen by the treaty of Westphalia; the present disputes turned upon the respective rights of the town and those Sweden had gained over it. There were also differences with Brandenburg and Pomerania. It is not necessary here to examine details; the settlement of both questions took place in the next reign, but the point to be noticed is that in order to a settlement it was necessary to gain the goodwill of the Emperor, to which accordingly Christina applied herself, as usual, with diplomatic skill. She had not time to accomplish it, but she prepared the way.

With Holland, in spite of certain vexatious actions tending to injure and interfere with Swedish commerce, she confined herself to sharp remonstrances, which had their effect; she took no part in the war of 1652–3, in which the Dutch were beaten by Cromwell, and here maintained her usual peace policy. As to the old enemies, Denmark and Poland, the prospect looked darker; the jealousy and fear of the former country, and the irritating claims of the latter, were respectively complicated by Ulfeld and Radziejowski, each anxious to forestall the other in attacking his own country and enforcing his rights by the help of Sweden. A war with these countries was merely a question of time; Christina pointed to this, when, in answer to the protestation of Poland against the election of Charles Gustavus, she replied that her cousin would "prove which had the best right to the throne by the testimony of thirty thousand men:" a prediction verified by the "New Pyrrhus", as soon as he came to the throne. For the wars of Sweden with Poland and Denmark, however, not Christina was responsible, but the old national animosities and the fiery character of Charles X.

Above: Kristina.

Excerpt on Kristina, the Elector Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg and Poland, from S. R. Malmström's article about Germany and Poland, in "Nya Argus" magazine, year 1935

Sources:

Tyskland och Polen, article written by S. R. Malmström for Nya Argus, issue 15, page 205, issue of Saturday, September 16, 1935; original at the Finnish National Library (Kansalliskirjasto/Nationalbiblioteket)

https://digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi/aikakausi/binding/665188?term=drottning&term=Kristina&term=drottningens&page=13

Nya Argus, 16.09.1935 no 15, s. 205 https://digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi/aikakausi/binding/665188 Kansalliskirjaston Digitaaliset Aineistot

The article excerpt:

... Det har sagts, att om ej drottning Kristina av Sverige givit sin kusin kurfurst Fredrik Wilhelm av Brandenburg, sedermera kallad den store kurfursten, korgen, så hade det svenska storväldet blivit beståndande. Unionen med Brandenburg-Preussen hade givit detsamma den nödiga territoriella basen, och den store kurfursten hade helt visst blivit en värdig förvaltare av Gustaf Adolfs arv. Ja, den egoistiska och allt annat än statskloka drottningens avslag på kusinens frieri är sannerligen ett tacksamt objekt för ändlösa kannstöperier... Sveriges krona var emellertid icke den enda Fredrik Wilhelm av Brandenburg drömde om att placera ovanpå den anspråkslösa kurfurstehatten. En mansålder efter frieriet till drottning Kristina närde han planer på att ställa upp som kandidat till Polens tron. Åter ett tacksamt kannstöperiobjekt: huru hade det gått om hans planer lett till resultat? Måhända hade han och hans efterföljare, i motsats till August den starke och hans son, varit de rätta männen, att konsolidera den polska republiken. I så fall skulle mellan Elbe och Dnjepr ha uppstått en statsbildning av samma karaktär som Donau-monarkin och med uppgiften att mot hotet från Ryssland fullgöra en vakttjänst, liknande den Habsburgarväldet under sekler fullgjorde mot den turkiska faran. ...

English translation (my own):

... It has been said that if Queen Kristina of Sweden had not given her cousin, Elector Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg, later called the Great Elector, the basket, the Swedish Empire would have become permanent. The union with Brandenburg-Prussia would have given it the necessary territorial base, and the Great Elector would certainly have become a worthy administrator of Gustav Adolf's inheritance. Yes, the egotistical and anything but statesmanlike Queen's rejection of her cousin's proposal is indeed a grateful object for endless speculation... The crown of Sweden was, however, not the only thing Friedrich Wilhelm of Brandenburg dreamed of placing on top of the modest electoral hat. Thirty years after his courtship of Queen Kristina, he was harbouring plans to run as a candidate for the Polish throne. Again, a grateful object for speculation: what would have happened if his plans had led to results? Perhaps he and his successors, unlike Augustus the Strong and his son, had been the right men to consolidate the Polish Republic. In that case, a state formation of the same character as the Danube monarchy would have arisen between the Elbe and the Dnieper, with the task of fulfilling a guard duty against the threat from Russia, similar to that which the Habsburg Empire fulfilled for centuries against the Turkish peril. ...

Francis William Bain on Kristina and the failure of Pope Innocent X's bull against the Treaty of Westphalia, and on the 1648 election of the King of Poland

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 83 to 86, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library

https://archive.org/details/christinaqueenof00bain/page/82/mode/2up

The account:

CHAPTER III.

BEFORE turning to Christina's personal and domestic history, we must dismiss two foreign events which immediately concerned her.

Immediately after the conclusion of peace, the Pope, Innocent X, published a Bull, dated November 26th, 1648, fulminating against the treaty, with special condemnation of the delivery of ecclesiastical benefices to heretics, and the increase in the number of electorates — an eighth having been created for Charles Lewis, son of Frederic V. Throughout this ill-advised instrument Christina was studiously ignored, reference being made only to Sweden and the Swedes. But the Bull only succeeded in making the Pope ridiculous: the Emperor refused to allow it to be published in his dominions; and a special refutation was composed by Herman Conring, pointing out the folly of attempting, among other matters, to put this slight upon a monarch recognized by the Emperor and the other powers, and alluding with a satiric touch to the answer once made by Pius II. to the ambassador of Frederic III., that it was the custom of the Holy See to recognize as king the person who sat on the throne. He might have added with reference to Christina that it was with her fame as with that of Brutus and Cassius in the funeral procession described by her favourite Tacitus: "Their lustre shone forth all the brighter, for that their images were not seen."

Thus the Bull proved a complete fiasco; the second affair was more important. Just before the negotiations finished, King Ladislaus of Poland died. The news of his death was not unwelcome in Sweden, always in an embarrassing situation with regard to him. His arrogant claims and constant hostility had been a thorn in her side, nor did the dubious twenty-six years' truce at Stumsdorff, in 1635, set the Swedes at rest. Hence it became of great moment to endeavour to ensure the election of a king friendly to Swedish interests. Of the candidates, rumour assigned to the late king's brother-in-law, the Duke of Neuburg, the best chance of favour with the Poles. Of the two remaining sons of Sigismund, Charles Ferdinand was preferred in Sweden for his pacific disposition, while France on the other hand supported the claims of John Casimir, fearing the Austrian proclivities of his brother. The Emperor's candidate, Ragoczy, being a man of warlike disposition, was viewed by both powers with equal dislike. Christina was strongly determined not to allow the Polish crown to pass out of the royal house, not only because neither of the brothers were likely to give Sweden any trouble, but also to avoid the possibility of their renewing their claims to the Swedish throne, should she die without heirs. Nevertheless it was dangerous to show decided preference for any candidate without ascertaining who was most popular in Poland; since to do so might make a dangerous enemy of the king who should be actually elected. Under these circumstances she despatched Canther, one of her secretaries, into Poland — nominally to discuss the conditions of a peace; principally[,] however[,] to try and discern the temper of the Poles, and the chances of success of the various candidates. It was reported that the party of Casimir was most likely to carry the day, and accordingly the Queen, who had written on the point to the Chancellor, and found that their opinions herein coincided, sent letters of recommendation to Poland on behalf of John Casimir, with orders not to present them without consulting the French ambassador, and unless the tide seemed to be setting in his favour; otherwise they were to make use of similar letters on behalf of his brother. John Casimir was in short elected in December 1648.

When Christina on this occasion asked Chanut whether the King of France, in writing to the late King of Poland, had not given him the title of King of Sweden, he answered no, not knowing, it is said, anything to the contrary. But it is certain that the French Court gave him this title, and when the Court of Sweden complained, France replied that the title had been given to the King of Poland as in petitorio, to the King of Sweden as in possessorio, of the kingdom.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Pope Innocent X.

Above: Hermann Conring.

Note: Stuhmsdorf is the old German name for the village of Sztumska Wieś, in what is now in the administrative district of Gmina Sztum within Sztum County in Poland's Pomeranian Voivodeship.

Faith Compton Mackenzie on Kristina congratulating King Jan III Sobieski of Poland on his victory over the Ottoman Turks at Vienna (1683)

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, page 250, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library

https://archive.org/details/sibylofthenortht008021mbp/page/n265/mode/2up

Kristina's letter of October 13/23 (New Style), 1683 to King Jan III Sobieski of Poland is here (please excuse the addressee error in the permalink, I had misread the address when I first transcribed and posted it from Arckenholtz's publication):

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/01/kristinas-letter-to-king-karl-xi-dated.html

The account:

One of the greatest moments of those twenty years in Rome came when she heard the news of Sobieski's victory over the Turks at Vienna in 1683. She wrote to him: "... Your deed shows you to be worthy not only of the crown of Poland, but of the monarchy of the whole world. ... I feel envious, a sentiment which until now was a stranger to me. I do not envy you your kingdom, nor your treasures and spoils, but your title of Liberator of Christianity."

Above: Kristina.

Above: King Jan III Sobieski of Poland.

Above: Faith Compton Mackenzie.

Note: The Battle of Vienna took place at Kahlenberg Mountain near Vienna, Austria on September 12, 1683 after the city had been besieged by the Ottoman Empire. The battle was fought by the combined forces of Holy Roman Empire and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, under the command of King Jan III Sobieski of Poland, and the opposing military forces of the Ottoman Empire and its vassal states (the Crimean Khanate, Moldavia, Transylvania, Upper Hungary and Wallachia), under the command of Grand Vizier Merzifonlu Kara Mustafa Paşa. The Ottoman army numbered approximately 90,000 to 300,000 men.

The siege had begun on July 14. Among other units, the Ottoman forces consisted of 60 ortas of 12,000 janissaries — an elite infantry unit whose members were taken as children from Christian families in Albania, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Romania, Serbia and the Ukraine through the devşirme (child levy or blood tax) system — with an observation army of some 70,000 men watching the countryside, hence Kristina's terror that Vienna might as well have already been lost.

The Christian Coalition won the battle, the siege was lifted, the Ottomans of course failed to take Vienna, suffered heavy losses and were severely weakened, and the Coalition established the Holy League under Pope Innocent XI to further push back the Ottomans. The Coalition forces also invaded the Ottoman-occupied territories of Morea (the Peloponnese peninsula in southern Greece), Dalmatia (a historical region of Croatia) and Danubia in Hungary and the Balkans.

Kristina's letter to Fernando Joaquín Fajardo de Requeséns y Zúñiga, 6th Marquis de Los Vélez, viceroy of Naples, dated May 30/June 9 (New Style), 1679

Source:

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (Montpellier); Manuscrits de la reine Christine; VI: Lettere a principi d'altezza e d'eccellenza; Lettere a principi d'eccelenza : lettere al Vice-re di Napoli; Lettres au vice-roi de Naples (marquis de los Velez); 242: Christine de Suède au vice-roi de Naples, [s. l.], 9 juin 1679 (digitisation page 213v-214r)

https://calames.abes.fr/pub/#details?id=Calames-201911191211516795

Christine (1626-1689 ; reine de Suède), Manuscrits de la reine Christine: Lettere a principi d'altezza e d'eccellenza, : , 1601-1700.

[En ligne sur https://ged.scdi-montpellier.fr/florabium45/jsp/nodoc.jsp?NODOC=2023_DOC_MONT_MBUM_91] (consulté le 07/05/2025 05:20).

The Foli@ online digital heritage library is here:

https://ged.biu-montpellier.fr/florabium/jsp/portal/index_patrimoine.jsp

Copyright SCDI-UPV - Collections Université de Montpellier (shelfmark H 258).

Mémoires concernant Christine, reine de Suède, volume 3, page 457, compiled and edited by Johan Arckenholtz, 1759; original at the National Library of Naples (Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III)

https://books.google.com/books?id=K4jbZ_vZt5wC&printsec=frontcover&dq=mémoires+concernant+christine+reine+de+suède&hl=en&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwihy5i5htjmAhXaJzQIHVI2CuwQuwUwA3oECAQQBA#v=onepage&q=mémoires%20concernant%20christine%20reine%20de%20suède&f=false

"Par une Lettre postérieure de la Reine au Marquis de los Velos, Vice-Roi de Naples (li 9. Giug. E. A. [1679] ibidem p. 109.), on voit aussi que cette protestation a eu quelque effet, puisque Christine le remercie de l'assistance qu'il a prêtée à sa cause, de l'héritage du Roi Casimir, en le priant de vouloir y continuer sa justice & sa politesse, en quoi elle met toute sa confiance, & se flatte qu'il expédiera promptement cette affaire, le Nonce étant pleinement autorisé de sa part dans toutes les circonstances y relatives & nécessaires.

Ces sont les derniéres Dépêches qui se trouvent dans les Manuscrits de Christine reçus de Rome au sujet de l'héritage du Roi Jean Casimir. Nous ne pouvons pas non plus dire, si cette affaire a eu quelque suite, ni comment elle a été enfin terminée."

"From a later letter from the Queen to the Marquis de Los Vélez, Viceroy of Naples (June 9, same year [1679], ibidem, page 109.), we also see that this protestation had some effect, as Kristina thanks him for the assistance he has given to her cause, for the inheritance of King Kazimierz, in begging him to continue his justice and politeness in this affair, in which she places all her confidence and flatters herself that he will promptly expedite this matter, the Nuncio being fully authorised on her part in all relevant and necessary circumstances.

These are the last dispatches found in Kristina's manuscripts received from Rome concerning the inheritance of King Jan Kazimierz; nor can we say whether this matter had any follow-up, nor how it was finally resolved."

The letter:

al Vicerè di Napoli

9. Giug[n]o 1679.

Sig[nor] Vicerè Marchese de los Veles mio Primo, Essendo io Stata ragguagliata da cot[esto] Mons[igno]r Nunzio dell'assistenza che lei Si è compiaciuta di prestar alla mia causa dell'Heredità del Rè Casimiro, vengo ad attestarlene il mio gradim[en]to con ringraziarla del Zelo, e dell'affetto è hà dimostrato verso le mie conuenienze in q[ues]ta occ[asio]ne pregandola della continuat[io]ne della Sua giustizia, e cortesia in cui ripongo pienam[en]te la confidenza per la pronta Spedizione della med[esim]a causa, intorno alla quale Mons[igno]re Nunzio le dirà di mano in mano quanto farà di bisogno, et assicurandola della part[icola]re considerat[io]ne e stima che porto alla p[er]sona, et al merito di lei le aug[uro] ogni prosp[er]ità[.]

sta bene

With modernised spelling:

Al viceré di Napoli.

9 giugno 1679.

Signor viceré, marchese de Los Vélez, mio primo,

Essendo io stata ragguagliata da codesto monsignor nunzio dell'assistenza che lei si è compiaciuta di prestar alla mia causa dell'eredità del re Casimiro, vengo ad attestarlene il mio gradimento con ringraziarla del zelo e dell'affetto e ha dimostrato verso le mie convenienze in questa occasione, pregandola della continuazione della sua giustizia e cortesia, in cui ripongo pienamente la confidenza per la pronta spedizione della medesima causa, intorno alla quale monsignore nunzio le dirà di mano in mano quanto farà di bisogno; ed, assicurandola della particolare considerazione e stima che porto alla persona ed al merito di lei, le auguro ogni prosperità.

Sta bene.

French translation (my own):

Au vice-roi de Naples.

Le 9 juin 1679.

Monsieur le vice-roi, marquis de Los Vélez, mon cousin,

Ayant été informée par ce Monseigneur nonce de l'assistance qu'il lui a plu de donner à ma cause de l'héritage du roi Casimir, je viens l'assurer de ma satisfaction en la remerciant du zèle et de l'affection qu'elle a montrés à mon égard en cette occasion, la priant de continuer sa justice et courtoisie, dans lesquelles je place pleinement ma confiance pour la prompte expédition de la même cause, au sujet de laquelle Monseigneur le nonce lui dira de temps en temps ce qu'il fera selon les besoins; et, l'assurant de la considération et de l'estime particulières que j'ai pour sa personne et son mérite, je lui souhaite toute prospérité.

C'est bien.

Swedish translation (my own):

Till vicekonungen i Neapel.

Den 9 juni 1679.

Señor vicekonung, markis de Los Vélez, min kusin,

Efter att ha blivit informerad av denne monsignor nuntius om den hjälp Ni har behagat ge min sak gällande konung Kasimirs arv, kommer jag för att försäkra Er om min tillfredsställelse genom att tacka Er för den nit och tillgivenhet Ni har visat mig vid detta tillfälle, bedjande Er om fortsatt rättvisa och artighet, till vilken jag fullt ut sätter min tilltro till ett snabbt genomförande av samma sak, för vilken monsignor nuntien då och då kommer att berätta för Er vad han kommer att göra vid behov; och, försäkrande Er om den särskilda hänsyn och aktning jag har för Er person och Era förtjänster, önskar jag Er all framgång.

Det här är bra.

English translation (my own):

To the Viceroy of Naples.

June 9, 1679.

Señor Viceroy, Marquis de Los Vélez, my cousin,

Having been informed by this Monsignor Nuncio of the assistance that it has pleased you to give to my cause of the inheritance of King Kazimierz, I come to assure you of my satisfaction by thanking you for the zeal and affection that you have shown towards my convenience on this occasion, begging you for the continuation of your justice and courtesy, in which I fully place my confidence for the prompt expedition of the same cause, about which Monsignor the Nuncio will tell you from time to time what he will do as needed; and, assuring you of the particular consideration and esteem that I have for your person and your merit, I wish you every prosperity.

This is fine.

Above: Kristina.

Note: In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early modern era, kings and queens considered themselves siblings; when talking to someone of a lower rank than their own, they would refer to that person as "my cousin", regardless of whether or not they were related.

Abraham de Wicquefort on King Jan II Kazimierz' title, years 1648 and 1651

Sources:

L'ambassadeur et ses fonctions, volume 1, book 1, section 20, page 308, by Abraham de Wicquefort, 1682 (1715 edition)

https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_8wUIAAAAQAAJ/page/308/mode/2up?q=Suede

The embassador and his functions, pages 164 to 165, by Abraham de Wicquefort, translated by John Digby, 1716

https://books.google.com/books?id=VGlUAAAAYAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=queene+christina&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The account:

Messieurs d'Arpajoux [sic] & de Bregy, Ambassadeurs de France, estant en Pologne pendant l'interregne, & aprés le decés du Roy Uladislas, donnoient le tître de Majesté au Prince Casimir, mesme devant son élection. La Reine Christine, qui consideroit qu'on ne lui pouvoit donner ce tître, sinon à cause de sa pretention sur la Couronne de Suede, en fut fort indignée, & en fit des reproches assés forts à Chanut, Ambassadeur de France à Stocolm. Ce Ministre, qui estoit fort bien avec elle, voyant que ses mauvaises excuses ne faisoient que l'aigrir davantage, dit enfin, que la Cour de France les avoit desavoüés. Cela satisfit la Reine en quelque façon; mais pour achever de se guerir de ses inquiétudes, elle demanda à Chanut, si le Roy & la Reine Mere, en escrivant au Prince Casimir, lui donnoient le tître de Majesté: & sur ce que Chanut dit, à tout hazard, que non, quoi qu'il n'en sceust rien; elle repartit, qu'elle n'avoit donc pas sujet de se plaindre, parce que les civilités des Ambassadeurs ne font point de consequence. Au traité de la tréve, que M. d'Avaux avoit fait conclure entre la Pologne & la Suede, le Roy de Pologne n'avoit pas pris la qualité de Roy hereditaire de Suede, & avoit donné celle de Reine de Suede à Christine; & neantmoins lorsque les Ministres des deux Couronnes s'assemblerent à Lubec en l'an 1651. les Ambassadeurs de Pologne vouloient donner la qualité de Roy hereditaire de Suede à Casimir, & refuserent celle de Reine de Suede à Christine. Ce qui fut la cause la plus apparente de la séparation de l'Assemblée: quoi que d'ailleurs il y eust, de part & d'autre, fort peu de disposition à l'accommodement. La Reine avoit raison de dire, que les civilités des Ambassadeurs ne font point de consequence, lorsque ce ne sont que de simples complimens: mais il faut avoüer qu'elles font consequence lorsqu'elles sont estudiées & affectées: comme il est certain, de l'autre costé, que le refus que l'Ambassadeur fait de rendre les civilités à ceux à qui il en doit, peut avoir des consequences trés-fascheuses. Il en doit au Prince auquel il est envoyé, à son Estat & à ses Ministres; & il n'y peut manquer, sans manquer à son devoir. En arrivant sur la frontiere, il doit se faite connoistre aux Gouverneurs, & rendre aux places & aux armes du Souverain le respect, que l'on ne peut lui refuser sans l'offenser. ...

With modernised spelling:

Messieurs [d'Arpajon] et de Brégy, ambassadeurs de France, étant en Pologne pendant l'interrègne et après le décès du roi Wladislas, donnaient le titre de Majesté au prince Casimir, même devant son élection. La reine Christine, qui considérait qu'on ne lui pouvait donner ce titre sinon à cause de sa prétention sur la Couronne de Suède, en fut fort indignée et en fit des reproches assez forts à Chanut, ambassadeur de France à Stockholm.

Ce ministre, qui était fort bien avec elle, voyant que ses mauvaises excuses ne faisaient que l'aigrir davantage, dit enfin que la Cour de France les avait désavoués. Cela satisfit la reine en quelque façon, mais, pour achever de se guérir de ses inquiétudes, elle demanda à Chanut si le roi et la reine-mère, en écrivant au prince Casimir, lui donnaient le titre de Majesté; et sur ce que Chanut dit, à tout hasard, que non, quoiqu'il n'en sût rien, elle repartit qu'elle n'avait donc pas sujet de se plaindre, parce que les civilités des ambassadeurs ne font point de conséquence.

Au traité de la trêve que M. d'Avaux avait fait conclure entre la Pologne et la Suède, le roi de Pologne n'avait pas pris la qualité de roi héréditaire de Suède et avait donné celle de reine de Suède à Christine; et néanmoins, lorsque les ministres des deux Couronnes s'assemblèrent à Lübeck en l'an 1651, les ambassadeurs de Pologne voulaient donner la qualité de roi héréditaire de Suède à Casimir et refusèrent celle de reine de Suède à Christine, ce qui fut la cause la plus apparente de la séparation de l'assemblée, quoique d'ailleurs il y eût, de part et d'autre, fort peu de disposition à l'accommodement.

La reine avait raison de dire que les civilités des ambassadeurs ne font point de conséquence lorsque ce ne sont que de simples compliments, mais il faut avouer qu'elles font conséquence lorsqu'elles sont étudiées et affectées, comme il est certain de l'autre côté que le refus que l'ambassadeur fait de rendre les civilités à ceux à qui il en doit peut avoir des conséquences très fâcheuses. Il en doit au prince auquel il est envoyé, à son État, et à ses ministres, et il n'y peut manquer sans manquer à son devoir. En arrivant sur la frontière, il doit se faite connaître aux gouverneurs et rendre aux places et aux armes du souverain le respect que l'on ne peut lui refuser sans l'offenser. ...

Swedish translation (my own):

Messieurs d'Arpajon och de Brégy, franska ambassadörer, som befann sig i Polen under interregnum och efter konung Vladislavs död, gav titeln Majestät till prins Kasimir, redan före hans val. Drottning Kristina, som ansåg sig inte kunna tilldelas denna titel annat än på grund av sitt anspråk på Sveriges Krona, var mycket upprörd och framförde starka förebråelser mot Chanut, den franske ambassadören i Stockholm.

Denne minister, som var mycket god hos henne, eftersom hon såg att hans dåliga ursäkter bara gjorde henne mer förbittrad, sa till sist att Frankrikes hov hade förkastat dem. Detta tillfredsställde drottningen på något sätt, men för att fullborda botandet av hennes oro frågade hon Chanut om konungen och drottningmodern, i skrift till prins Kasimir, gav honom titeln Majestät; och när Chanut av en slump sade »nej«, fastän han inte visste något om det, svarade hon att hon därför inte hade någon anledning att klaga, ty ambassadörernas artigheter inte har några konsekvenser.

Vid den vapenvila som monsieur d'Avaux hade slutit mellan Polen och Sverige, hade konungen av Polen inte tagit egenskapen som Sveriges arvkonung och hade givit den som Sveriges drottning till Kristina; och icke desto mindre, när de två Kronornas ministrar samlades i Lübeck år 1651, ville de polska ambassadörerna ge Kasimir egenskapen som Sveriges arvkonung och vägrade Kristina att vara Sveriges drottning, vilket var den mest uppenbara orsaken till församlingens separation, även om det dessutom fanns mycket litet mottagande på båda sidor.

Drottningen hade rätt i att säga att ambassadörernas artigheter inte har någon konsekvens när de bara är enkla komplimanger, men det måste erkännas att de får konsekvenser när de studeras och påverkas, ty det är säkert från andra sidan att ambassadörens vägran att återlämna artigheter till dem som han är skyldig dem kan få mycket olyckliga konsekvenser. Han är skyldig den furste till vilken han är sänd, till hans Stat och hans ministrar, och han kan inte underlåta att göra det utan att misslyckas med sin plikt. När han anländer till gränsen måste han ge sig till känna för guvernörerna och betala suveränens platser och vapen den respekt som inte kan vägras utan att förolämpa honom. ...

English translation (by Digby):

Messieurs d'Arpajoux [sic], and de Bregy, Embassadors of France, being in Poland during the Interregnum, after the Death of King Uladislas, gave the Title of Majesty to Prince Casimir, even before his Election. Queen Christina, who consider'd that this Title could not be given him, but by reason of his Pretension to the Crown of Sweden, was very angry thereat, and made great Expostulations thereupon to Chanut, the French Embassador at Stockholm. This Minister, who was much in her Favour, seeing his bad Excuses only serv'd to exasperate her, said at last that the Court of France had disown'd them. This satisfy'd the Queen in some Measure; but that she might be perfectly cur'd of her Inquietudes, she ask'd Chanut whether the King and the Queen Mother, when they wrote to Prince Casimir, gave him the Title of Majesty? And as Chanut said, at all Adventures, no, tho' he knew nothing of the matter; she reply'd, That then she had no reason to complain, because the Civilities of Embassadors are not to be minded, being of no Consequence. In the Treaty of the Truce that Monsieur d'Avaux had brought to a Conclusion between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the Quality of Hereditary King of Sweden, and had given that of Queen of Sweden to Christina; yet nevertheless, when the Ministers of the two Crowns met at Lubeck, in the Year 1551 [sic], the Embassadors of Poland were for giving the Quality of King Hereditary of Sweden to Casimir, and refus'd that of Queen of Sweden to Christina: Which was the most apparent Cause of the breaking up of the Assembly; tho' otherwise there was in either of the Parties but very little Disposition to an Accommodation. The Queen was in the right to say, that the Civilities of Embassadors are of no Consequence, when they are only mere Complements: But it must be own'd that they are of Consequence, when they are study'd and affected: As it is certain on the other side, that the Refusal an Embassador makes, to pay Civilities to those to whom he owes them, may have very vexatious Consequences. Now he owes them to the Prince to whom he is sent, to his Estate, and to his Ministers; and he cannot be wanting therein, without failing in his Duty. At his Arrival on the Frontiers he ought to make himself known to the Governors, and pay, to the Places and Arms of the Sovereign, that Respect which cannot be refus'd him without offending him. ...

With modernised spelling:

Messieurs [d'Arpajon] and de Brégy, ambassadors of France, being in Poland during the interregnum after the death of King Wladislas, gave the title of Majesty to Prince Kasimir even before his election. Queen Kristina, who considered that this title could not be given him but by reason of his pretension to the Crown of Sweden, was very angry thereat and made great expostulations thereupon to Chanut, the French ambassador at Stockholm.

This minister, who was much in her favour, seeing his bad excuses only served to exasperate her, said at last that the court of France had disowned them. This satisfied the Queen in some measure; but that she might be perfectly cured of her inquietudes, she asked Chanut whether the King and the Queen Mother, when they wrote to Prince Kasimir, gave him the title of Majesty; and as Chanut said, at all adventures, no, though he knew nothing of the matter, she replied that then she had no reason to complain, because the civilities of ambassadors are not to be minded, being of no consequence.

In the treaty of the truce that Monsieur d'Avaux had brought to a conclusion between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the quality of hereditary king of Sweden, and had given that of queen of Sweden to Kristina; yet nevertheless, when the ministers of the two Crowns met at Lübeck, in the year [1651], the ambassadors of Poland were for giving the quality of king hereditary of Sweden to Kasimir and refused that of queen of Sweden to Kristina, which was the most apparent cause of the breaking up of the assembly; though otherwise there was in either of the parties but very little disposition to an accommodation.

The Queen was in the right to say that the civilities of ambassadors are of no consequence when they are only mere compliments, but it must be owned that they are of consequence when they are studied and affected, as it is certain on the other side that the refusal an ambassador makes to pay civilities to those to whom he owes them may have very vexatious consequences. Now, he owes them to the prince to whom he is sent, to his Estate, and to his ministers; and he cannot be wanting therein without failing in his duty. At his arrival on the frontiers he ought to make himself known to the governors and pay to the places and arms of the sovereign that respect which cannot be refused him without offending him. ...

English translation (my own):

Messieurs d'Arpajon and de Brégy, French ambassadors, being in Poland during the interregnum and after the death of King Władysław, gave the title of Majesty to Prince Kazimierz, even before his election. Queen Kristina, who considered that he could not be given this title except because of his claim to the Crown of Sweden, was very indignant and made strong reproaches to Chanut, the French ambassador in Stockholm.

This minister, who was very good with her, seeing that his poor excuses only embittered her more, finally said that the court of France had disavowed them. This satisfied the Queen in some way, but, to complete the cure of her anxieties, she asked Chanut if the King and the Queen Mother, in writing to Prince Kazimierz, gave him the title of Majesty; and when Chanut said, by chance, "no", although he knew nothing about it, she replied that she therefore had no reason to complain, because the civilities of ambassadors have no consequences.

At the truce treaty that Monsieur d'Avaux had concluded between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the quality of hereditary king of Sweden and had given that of queen of Sweden to Kristina; and nevertheless, when the ministers of the two Crowns assembled at Lübeck in the year 1651, the Polish ambassadors wanted to give the quality of hereditary king of Sweden to Kazimierz and refused that of queen of Sweden to Kristina, which was the most apparent cause of the separation of the assembly, although, moreover, there was on both sides very little willingness to accommodate.

The Queen was right to say that the civilities of ambassadors have no consequence when they are only simple compliments, but it must be admitted that they have consequences when they are studied and affected, as it is certain from the other side that the ambassador's refusal to return civilities to those to whom he owes them can have very unfortunate consequences. He owes it to the prince to whom he is sent, to his State, and to his ministers, and he cannot fail to do so without failing in his duty. On arriving at the border, he must make himself known to the governors and pay the sovereign's places and arms the respect that cannot be refused without offending him. ...

Above: Kristina.

Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.

Note: Monsieur d'Arpajon = Louis, duc d'Arpajon (1601-1679), marquis de Sévérac, comte de Rodez, vicomte de Montal, baron de Salvagnac, de Montclar, etc. Aside from his military career in the Thirty Years' War, he served as French ambassador to Poland.

Monsieur de Brégy = Nicolas de Flécelles, comte de Brégy (1615-1689), French ambassador to Poland, Holland, Sweden, Transylvania and Courland. His wife was Charlotte de Saumaize de Chazan (1619-1693), whose paternal uncle was Claude Saumaise (1588-1653), one of Kristina's friends and favourite scholars. She was the lady-in-waiting to Anne of Austria, Queen Regent of France, and possibly also Kristina's crush.

Abraham de Wicquefort on Antoine Girard de Saint-Amant, in the hopes of gaining access to Kristina, accepting to be sent to Poland to congratulate Queen Marie Louise Gonzaga on the birth of her daughter Maria Anna Teresa Waza, but forgetting to bring letters of credence with him, year 1650

Sources:

L'ambassadeur et ses fonctions, volume 1, book 1, section 15, pages 213 to 214, by Abraham de Wicquefort, 1682 (1715 edition)

https://archive.org/details/bub_gb_8wUIAAAAQAAJ/page/212/mode/2up?q=Suede

The embassador and his functions, page 115, by Abraham de Wicquefort, translated by John Digby, 1716

https://books.google.com/books?id=VGlUAAAAYAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=queene+christina&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The account:

Saint Amant, qui s'est fait connoistre par ses poësies, se voulant faire connoistre aussi par ses negociations, se chargea en l'an 1650. d'une commission, qui lui pust donner entrée auprés de la Reine Christine de Suede. Celle de Pologne estoit accouchée d'une Princesse, & il s'offrit d'en aller porter les nouvelles à Stocolm: mais il oublia de prendre des lettres de creance. C'est pourquoy Chanut, à qui il s'adressa, lui dit, qu'il ne pouvoit pas prendre la qualité de Ministre: & qu'on ne le traitteroit pas d'Envoyé, sur sa parole. St. Amant, en se chargeant de ce voyage sans lettres de creance, en usa en Poëte plûstost qu'en Ministre Public: & fit voir qu'il y a grande difference de la profession de l'un à la fonction de l'autre. Ces exemples font connoistre, que l'Ambassadeur, qui negocioit pour la Cour de Suede en celle de Pologne, parle fort improprement, quand il dit que l'Electeur de Brandebourg, qui l'avoit menacé de coups de baston, a violé le Droit des Gens. L'Ambassadeur ne peut se faire respecter, sinon auprés du Prince, pour lequel il a des lettres de creance: tous les autres Souverains ne le peuvent considerer ni traiter, que comme une personne particuliere. S'ils font quelque chose au-delà, ce n'est que par un excés de civilité, qui n'est pas d'obligation. ...

With modernised spelling:

Saint-Amant, qui s'est fait connaître par ses poésies, se voulant faire connaître aussi par ses négociations, se chargea en l'an 1650 d'une commission qui lui pût donner entrée auprès de la reine Christine de Suède. Celle de Pologne était accouchée d'une princesse, et il s'offrit d'en aller porter les nouvelles à Stockholm, mais il oublia de prendre des lettres de créance. C'est pourquoi Chanut, à qui il s'adressa, lui dit qu'il ne pouvait pas prendre la qualité de ministre et qu'on ne le traiterait pas d'envoyé sur sa parole. Saint-Amant, en se chargeant de ce voyage sans lettres de créance, en usa en poète plutôt qu'en ministre public et fit voir qu'il y a grande différence de la profession de l'un à la fonction de l'autre.

Ces exemples font connaître que l'ambassadeur, qui négociait pour la Cour de Suède en celle de Pologne, parle fort improprement quand il dit que l'électeur de Brandebourg, qui l'avait menacé de coups de bâton, a violé le droit des gens. L'ambassadeur ne peut se faire respecter sinon auprès du prince, pour lequel il a des lettres de créance; tous les autres souverains ne le peuvent considérer ni traiter que comme une personne particulière. S'ils font quelque chose au-delà, ce n'est que par un excès de civilité qui n'est pas d'obligation. ...

Swedish translation (my own):

Saint-Amant, som gjort sig känd genom sin poesi, även velat göra sig känd genom sina förhandlingar, övertog år 1650 ett uppdrag som kunde ge honom inträde till drottning Kristina av Sverige. Den från Polen hade fött en prinsessa, och han erbjöd sig att ta nyheten till Stockholm, men han glömde att ta till sig trosbrev. Det var därför Chanut, som han vände sig till, sa till honom att han inte kunde ta på sig rollen som minister och att han inte skulle behandlas som ett sändebud på hans ord. Saint-Amant, genom att ta sig an denna resa utan kredensbrev, agerade som poet snarare än som en offentlig minister och visade att det är stor skillnad mellan den enes yrke och den andres funktion.

Dessa exempel gör det känt att ambassadören som förhandlat för Sveriges och Polens hov talar mycket orättvist när han säger att kurfursten av Brandenburg, som hade hotat honom med batongslag, brutit mot folklagen. Ambassadören kan inte vinna respekt annat än från fursten, för vilken han har kredensbrev; alla andra suveräner kan bara betrakta eller behandla honom som en privatperson. Om de gör något utöver det, är det bara genom en överdriven artighet som inte är obligatorisk. ...

English translation (by Digby):

St. Amant, who has made himself known by his Poems, being willing to make himself known also by his Negotiations, accepted in the Year 1650. of a Commission, which might give him Admittance to Queen Christina of Sweden. The Queen of Poland was brought to bed of a Princess, and he offer'd to carry the News thereof to Stockholm; but he forgot to take Credentials with him. Whereupon Chanut, to whom he address'd himself, told him, he could not assume the Quality of Minister, and that his own Word was not sufficient to make him be treated as an Envoy. St. Amant, by undertaking that Journey without Letters of Credence, acted more like a Poet than a publick Minister, and made it appear that there is a great deal of Difference between the Profession of the one and the Function of the other. These Examples make it plain, that the Embassador that negotiated for the Court of Sweden, in that of Poland, speaks very improperly, when he says, That the Elector of Brandenburg, who had threaten'd to have him cudgell'd, had thereby violated the Law of Nations. The Embassador cannot make himself be respected, but by the Prince, for whom he has Letters of Credence; the other Princes can only consider and treat him as a private Person. If they do any thing beyond that, it is only out of an Excess of Civility, which is not of Obligation. ...

With modernised spelling:

Saint-Amant, who has made himself known by his poems, being willing to make himself known also by his negotiations, accepted in the year 1650 of a commission which might give him admittance to Queen Kristina of Sweden. The Queen of Poland was brought to bed of a princess, and he offered to carry the news thereof to Stockholm; but he forgot to take credentials with him. Whereupon Chanut, to whom he addressed himself, told him he could not assume the quality of minister and that his own word was not sufficient to make him be treated as an envoy. Saint-Amant, by undertaking that journey without letters of credence, acted more like a poet than a public minister and made it appear that there is a great deal of difference between the profession of the one and the function of the other.

These examples make it plain that the ambassador that negotiated for the court of Sweden in that of Poland speaks very improperly when he says that the Elector of Brandenburg, who had threaten'd to have him cudgelled, had thereby violated the law of nations. The ambassador cannot make himself be respected but by the prince for whom he has letters of credence; the other princes can only consider and treat him as a private person. If they do anything beyond that, it is only out of an excess of civility, which is not of obligation. ...

English translation (my own):

Saint-Amant, who made himself known through his poetry, also wanting to make himself known through his negotiations, took charge in the year 1650 of a commission which could give him entry to Queen Kristina of Sweden. That of Poland had given birth to a princess, and he offered to take the news to Stockholm, but he forgot to take letters of credence. This is why Chanut, to whom he addressed himself, told him that he could not take on the role of minister and that he would not be treated as an envoy on his word. Saint-Amant, by taking on this journey without credentials, acted as a poet rather than as a public minister and showed that there is a great difference between the profession of one and the function of the other.

These examples make it known that the ambassador, who negotiated for the court of Sweden and that of Poland, speaks very improperly when he says that the Elector of Brandenburg, who had threatened him with blows of the baton, violated the law of nations. The ambassador cannot gain respect except from the prince, for whom he has letters of credence; all other sovereigns can only consider or treat him as a private person. If they do anything beyond that, it is only through an excess of civility which is not obligatory. ...

Above: Kristina.

Above: Marie Louise Gonzaga, queen consort of Poland.

Above: Princess Maria Anna Teresa Waza of Poland.

Above: Abraham de Wicquefort.

Note: Princess Maria Anna Teresa Waza of Poland was born on July 1, 1650. She was baptised on August 2 of that year, and her parents planned to give her to the Carmelite Order. Sadly, she passed away suddenly on August 1, 1651, just one month after her first birthday.

Ada Harrison's biography of Kristina, part 20

Source:

Christina of Sweden, pages 78 to 81, by Ada Harrison, 1929

https://books.google.com/books?id=xJvrtq4DCv0C&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=memoires+concernant+christine+1760&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The biography:

The unproductive wrangles with Sweden were resumed, Azzolino's coldness increased, and, Poland appearing remotely on the horizon, Christina flung herself towards it. The campaign was almost burlesque. What she would have done with Poland, or Poland with her, had they fallen to each other, it is impossible to guess. She bid for it out of weariness, and out of her unreflecting habit of crying, 'I want! I want!' without giving a thought to what she would do if she got what she wanted.

The Polish throne became vacant through the King, Jean Casimir, Christina's cousin and last scion of the house of Vasa, abdicating in 1667. The Pope had discouraged him, but Louis XIV, with an idea at the back of his mind of settling Condé on the Polish throne, made him valuable offers if he would abdicate before 1668. Casimir accepted, and the elective throne becoming vacant, the idea of exploiting the Vasa cousinship flashed into the minds of the queen and Azzolino. The Cardinal was immensely enthusiastic about the plan, and began at once working hard for it. Perhaps it seemed to him a solution of what he should do with Christina.

Besides Condé and the queen there were three other aspirants to the throne, the Duke of Neuborg [sic], Charles of Lorraine, and the son of the Tsar of Russia. Christina looked to come in on a split vote. The successful candidate did as a matter of fact come in on a split vote; but it was not Christina.

The queen's first step was to apply to the Pope for approval. Clement IX, whose interest was only that no non-catholic should occupy the throne, had already approved two of the candidates, and saw no reason why he should not approve a third. Armed with this important weapon, she flung herself into the campaign. She and Azzolino began addressing the Polish electors. Christina had put forward her celibacy as a plea for the Pope's approval. Azzolino, deluded by his enthusiasm to be rid of her, assured the Poles that she would marry, and practically guaranteed children. The queen was forty-two, but the Cardinal, in a passage that seems to prove their relationship, writes that one of so ardent a temperament was certain to have issue.

Under the stimulus of an object in life, Christina's spirits rose. She sat on in Hamburg pouring out a spate of letters and disposing merrily of the other candidates. Everything about the Duke of Neuborg [sic], was, as usual, sot, especially his ambassador and the fact that his Duchess could speak only German, a language unknown to the Polish ladies. Also 'the Poles have a fearful hatred and antipathy to the Germans, in which I sympathise with them.' Condé, the erstwhile hero, was denounced as too bloody a man for the position. Besides, 'I think that the French are out in their reckoning, for I believe that the Poles would never take a Frenchman. They fear and hate them too much.' It was obvious that the Poles could choose nothing but a Swede, especially a Swede with the credentials of Christina. 'I governed the Swedes for ten years after my minority', she declared to the electors, 'with more absolute power than any of my predecessors, and at this hour am adored, feared and regretted in that kingdom. ... Do the exigencies of the republic demand my appearance at the head of the army? I shall fly with joy to lead her troops to victory.'

Speculations followed on the possibilities of a readjustment in Europe. After a couple of years on the Polish throne, Christina would put in motion her scheme for the Powers' ousting the Turk. It occurred to her that she had better get back to Rome, where she could not only see the Cardinal, but also make her preparations. We do not hear of her ordering new liveries for her suite as she did preparatory to becoming Queen of Naples, but she did write that she wished to be in a place where she could receive the honour of her election 'avec décence.'

Carried along by this tide, she suddenly sees herself in Poland, and her heart faints at the prospect. She will be inconsolable for Rome. What shall she do in a country of which she knows neither the language nor the customs? The only remedy will be for Azzolino to become polacco as well. What, seriously, does he think of that?

But she distressed herself needlessly. Maresciotti [sic], Christina's agent, who prided himself on seizing the moment, decided at a certain point to confide to the Bishop of Posnania, who was the most influential elector, the Pope's choice. The Bishop was agog to hear it. The meeting was arranged[,] and Maresciotti whispered in his ear. On hearing Christina's name the Bishop started back, crossed himself, and begged Maresciotti not to mention it again for fear of being howled down by universal laughter. Christina's Polish campaign was at an end.

She was back in Rome, however, before she heard of its collapse. Prompted by desire, she found that her affairs at last were in order; more, she was 'leaving in glory after having adjusted everything.' She had, at any rate, she protested, becoming pathetically literal, settled everything in a way that would suit Azzolino. Every place, when the time came to leave it, customarily became odious to Christina, but Hamburg had borne that character almost ever since she had set foot in it, two years ago. 'I am leaving this place at last', she wrote, 'with the joy that souls must feel on leaving purgatory — and I hope here to have worked off part of mine.'

Above: Kristina.

Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Kristina's letter to King Michał I of Poland, congratulating him on his marriage to Archduchess Eleonore Maria Josefa of Austria, year 1670

Source:

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (Montpellier); Manuscrits de la reine Christine; VII: Lettere della regina a principi; Lettere al re di Spagna; Lettres au roi d'Espagne; Lettre 153  Christine de Suède à l'électeur palatine, [s. l.], [s. d.] (digitisation pages 135v-136r)

https://calames.abes.fr/pub/#details?id=Calames-2019112515112342627

Christine (1626-1689 ; reine de Suède), Manuscrits de la reine Christine : Lettere della regina a principi, 1601-1700.

[En ligne sur https://ged.scdi-montpellier.fr/florabium45/jsp/nodoc.jsp?NODOC=2023_DOC_MONT_MBUM_92] (consulté le 27/11/2024 21:49).

The Foli@ online digital heritage library is here:

https://ged.biu-montpellier.fr/florabium/jsp/portal/index_patrimoine.jsp

Copyright SCDI-UPV - Collections Université de Montpellier (shelfmark H 258).

The letter (with Kristina's handwriting in italics):

Sereniss[i]mo Rè Sig[nor] fratello Cariss[i]mo. La parte, che V. M. hà voluto darci del Suo matrimonio concluso con la Ser[enissi]ma Arciduchessa Eleonora Sorella dell'Jmp[erato]re è Stata riceuuta da Noi con quella contentezza Sing[ola]re, con cui Saremo per partecipar Sempre delle prosperità della M. V. con la quale però ci rallegriamo dell'elettione, c'hà fatta di Sì degna Principessa, augurandole ogni magg[io]r felicità: Rendiamo ancora gratie à V. M. della testimonianza, c'hà uoluto darci in q[ues]ta occasione del Suo animo affettuoso uerso di Noi al quale Sia certa che corrisponderemo Sempre con tutta quella pienezza di uolontà, e di Stima, che è douuta al Suo gran merito, ed intanto ci confermiamo

D. V. M.

non so che Jl Re la chima Cosi pero avertite

With modernised spelling:

Serenissimo re, signor Fratello carissimo,

La parte che Vostra Maestà ha voluto darci del suo matrimonio concluso con la serenissima arciduchessa Eleonora, sorella dell'imperatore è stata ricevuta da Noi con quella contentezza singolare con cui saremo per partecipar sempre delle prosperità della Maestà Vostra, con la quale però ci rallegriamo dell'elezione c'ha fatta di sì degna principessa, augurandole ogni maggior felicità.

Rendiamo ancora grazie a Vostra Maestà della testimonianza c'ha voluto darci in questa occasione del suo animo affettuoso verso di Noi, al quale sia certa che corrisponderemo sempre con tutta quella pienezza di volontà e di stima che è dovuta al suo gran merito; ed intanto ci confermiamo

di Vostra Maestà...

Non so che il re la chima così, però avertite.

French translation (my own):

Sérénissime roi, très cher Frère,

La part que Votre Majesté a voulu Nous donner de son mariage conclu avec la sérénissime archiduchesse Éléonore, sœur de l'empereur, a été reçue par Nous avec ce contentement singulier avec lequel Nous devrons toujours participer à la prospérité de Votre Majesté, et avec lequel, cependant, Nous Nous réjouissons de l'élection qu'elle a faite d'une si digne princesse, lui souhaitant une très grande félicité.

Nous remercions encore Votre Majesté du témoignage qu'elle a voulu Nous donner, en cette occasion, de son âme affectueuse envers Nous, auquel Nous sommes certaines que Nous répondrons toujours avec toute cette plénitude de volonté et d'estime qui est due à son grand mérite; et cependant Nous Nous confirmons

de Votre Majesté...

Je ne sais pas si le roi l'appelle ainsi, mais faites-le-moi savoir.

Polish translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Najjaśniejszy Królu, Najdroższy Bracie,

Wiadomość, którą Wasza Wysokość chciała Nam przekazać o swoim małżeństwie zawartym z Najjaśniejszą Arcyksiężniczką Eleonorą, siostrą Cesarza, została przez Nas przyjęta z tą szczególną radością, z jaką zawsze będziemy musiele uczestniczyć w pomyślności Waszej Wysokości, a z którą tymczasem radujemy się z wyboru tak godnej księżniczki, jakiego dokonała, życząc ci wszelkiego większego szczęścia.

Dziękujemy ponownie Waszej Wysokości za świadectwo, które chciała Nam dać przy tej okazji, o swojej czułej duszy wobec Nas, na które jesteśmy pewne, że zawsze będziemy odpowiadać z całą pełnią woli i szacunku, które należą się swoim wielkim zasługom; a tymczasem potwierdzamy się jako

Waszej Wysokości...

Nie wiem, czy król ją tak nazywa, ale niech pan da mi znać.

Swedish translation (my own):

Durchlauchtigste konung, allrakäraste Bror,

Den nyhet som Ers Majestät har velat ge Oss av Ert äktenskap som slutits med den durchlauchtigste ärkehertiginnan Eleonore, kejsarens syster, har mottagits av Oss med den enastående belåtenhet med vilken Vi alltid kommer att behöva delta i Ers Majestäts välstånd, och med vilken Vi emellertid gläds åt det val Ni har gjort av en så värdig prinsessa, önskande Er all större lycka.

Vi tackar Ers Majestät ännu en gång för den betygelse som Ni vid detta tillfälle har velat ge Oss om Er tillgivna själ mot Oss, till vilken Vi är säkra på att Vi alltid kommer att överensstämma med all den fullhet av vilja och aktning som tillkommer Er stor förtjänst; och emellertid bekräftar Vi Oss som

Ers Majestäts...

Jag vet inte om konungen kallar henne så, men låt mig veta.

English translation (my own):

Most Serene King, Dearest Brother,

The part that Your Majesty has wanted to give Us of your marriage concluded with the Most Serene Archduchess Eleonore, the Emperor's sister, has been received by Us with that singular contentment with which We will always have to participate in Your Majesty's prosperity, and with which, in the meantime, We rejoice in the election you have made of such a worthy princess, wishing you every greater felicity.

We thank Your Majesty again for the testimony that you have wanted to give Us, on this occasion, of your affectionate soul towards Us, to which We are certain that We will always correspond with all that fullness of will and esteem that is due to your great merit; and in the meantime We confirm Ourself as

Your Majesty's...

I don't know if the King calls her so, but let me know.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Eleonore Maria Josefa, Archduchess of Austria.

Above: King Michał I of Poland.

Note: In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early modern era, kings and queens considered themselves siblings.