Showing posts with label 1831. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1831. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 16

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 87 to 90, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


Algernon Sidney's letter of September 8/18, 1660 to his father Robert Sidney, 2nd Earl of Leicester, is here:


The biography:

In 1660, her cousin Charles Gustavus died in the midst of all his ambitious and warlike plans; he left an infant son, who was immediately proclaimed King of Sweden, by the title of Charles XI. Christina immediately determined to revisit Sweden. The ostensible purpose of this journey was to arrange her affairs, and procure the more punctual payment of her revenue. There can be no doubt that her real object was to take advantage of any opportunity that might offer for the resumption of her crown. She did not perhaps entertain any design of supplanting the infant king, either by treachery or violence; but his health was feeble, his life precarious, and, notwithstanding her absolute renunciation of the kingdom, she pretended to the right of succession, and did not disguise her inclination to claim that right. Having placed all her property, and all her domestic affairs in the hands of Cardinal Azzolini, she dismissed the greatest part of her household, and left Rome with a very small train. She proceeded through Germany to Hamburg, where she remained only a few days, and was visited by Algernon Sydney. She resumed her journey towards Stockholm, travelling with great rapidity, for she was apprehensive that some means would be taken to prevent her entrance into her former kingdom. In fact nothing could exceed the astonishment, jealousy, and fear, which her expected arrival caused, not only among the members of the Regency, but among all ranks of the people. She was received upon the frontiers with all external marks of respect, but from the moment she set foot within the kingdom, her every step was watched, and her every action misinterpreted. She was obliged to dismiss all her train of foreigners, to send her confessor and her almoner back to Hamburg, and to hear mass in the chapel of the French Ambassador. Her change of religion and her general extravagance and levity of conduct had scandalised the whole nation, particularly the clergy and peasantry. The senate, and those in whom the chief power was now vested, dreaded her talents, and jealously guarded against her interference. Her memorial, requiring the payment of the arrears of her income, was strongly opposed, under pretence that by her change of religion she had forfeited all claims whatever on the faith of the nation. In that very city, once her own capital, where she had reigned almost absolute, she was obliged to sue for justice (The extraordinary inconsistency of Christina's character renders any thing credible, else we could scarce believe the assertion of one writer, (Parival,) who says, "La Reine, voyant que son autorité était sans pouvoir, eut recours aux larmes, priant à mains jointes les Ecclésiastiques de lui vouloir accorder son droit." Christina in tears! and wringing her hands! — The very evening before, when the deputies were representing the artifices of the Pope, she replied, with her usual haughty carelessness, "that the Pope would not give a doit for them all."), and to receive, at length, as a special favour, the fulfilment of a solemn contract. Before she could procure even thus much, the Swedish Government, in the name of the young king, extorted from her a second formal renunciation of the kingdom, and of all pretensions, present or future, to the crown of Sweden; and, as her presence was found to be inconvenient and disagreeable, they required, as another condition, that she should either renounce the Roman Catholic religion or leave the kingdom, in either case securing to her the punctual payment of her income. There was no alternative; she submitted, and quitted Sweden, after a residence of seven months.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 15

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 83 to 87, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

She was received on her return to the Papal Court with a great display of external respect; and as she suffered continual embarrassment from the want of money and her careless habits, the Pope at length granted her a yearly allowance of 12,000 crowns, and appointed the Cardinal Azzolini to be the comptroller of her household. While Azzolini was in fact a kind of spy on all her proceedings, he contrived to insinuate himself completely into her confidence. He had a very pleasing person, bland and polished manners, a lively wit, and sufficient learning to be able to appear much more learned than he really was. These qualities imposed on Christina: although he was false, superficial, interested and avaricious, he obtained an influence over her mind, which he knew how to improve to his own advantage, and which ended only with her life.

Cardinal Azzolini managed her affairs with prudence and economy, and she was thenceforth spared a repetition of those vexations and degrading expedients which had so frequently lowered her in the eyes of the Italians. Notwithstanding the philosophical contempt she sometimes affected for all outward state, she entertained at Rome a numerous and royal train: she was sometimes reduced to the necessity of pledging her jewels, plate, medals &c., for the support of her household, merely because on public occasions she could not bear to be eclipsed in splendour by the Italian nobles, whom she affected to despise.

Although Christina accepted of the pension granted by the Pope, and had some reason to be grateful for such a seasonable mark of his beneficence, they were not therefore better friends. Alexander was weak, artificial, trifling; Christina was careless, petulant, and haughty; continual subjects of discontent arose between them, which it required all the subtle and insinuating genius of Azzolini to set right. Her journey to France, and the number of French and Spaniards entertained in her suite, had excited the jealousy of the Papal Court, and she was continually watched, and contradicted about trifles. On one occasion, she required permission for two Frenchmen of rank to view the Castle of St. Angelo, which was refused: Christina sent back the messenger with this reply: "Tell the Holy Father that I am not less the daughter of the Great Gustavus!" There was indeed a time when the very sound of that mighty name had shaken to its foundation the spiritual and temporal power of the Roman Pontiff, and made his tiara tremble on his palsied head: — that time was past; and Alexander only smiled at the impotent sarcasm from one whom he held in dependence upon his bounty. Christina had negociated a marriage between her Major Domo, Santinelli, (the same who had stabbed Monaldeschi [sic],) and the Duchess de Ceri, a noble and beautiful Roman heiress. The Pope intimated his disapproval — Christina persisted: the Pope interfering in a summary manner, shut the young duchess up in a convent, and ordered Santinelli to leave Rome. The queen then dismissed all the Italians from her train, quitted the Palazzo Mazarin, and took up her lodgings in a convent. Here she found herself under the continual espionage of the ecclesiastics. She fretted with inward impatience, but she was in a situation where remonstrance was useless, complaint degrading, and resistance dangerous. It was necessary to study a new and bitter lesson; to be quiet, and to submit. In the midst of these contentions, she maintained a certain appearance of respect and decorum, mingled several times in the public processions, and begged and received the benediction of his Holiness. As if instigated by the spirit of contradiction, she took some pains at this time to conciliate the good will of the Romans: she was liberal, magnificent, and courteous, in all her actions, and defeated the attempts to intimidate or to irritate her by the most resolute self-control.

It must be remarked as a part of Christina's character, or rather of that inconsistency which bordered on disease, that with her no mode of conduct, no tastes or inclinations, or aims, or pursuits, were permanent. Her love of literature and art, for which, it is said, she sacrificed her throne, had the appearance of a caprice taken up from time to time; and for a long period together she would devote herself to the most trifling amusements; — to the dreams of alchemy, or astrology, or to political intrigues.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 14

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 80 to 83, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

Christina returned to Rome [sic]; but the remembrance of France, and the gaieties and festivities which had distinguished her reception there, the honours which had been paid to her, and the curiosity and admiration she had excited, had apparently left a strong impression on her fancy. Within a few months, she found some pretext for repeating her visit, and reached Fontainebleau on the 15th of October 1657; no longer conducted by the Duke de Guise, nor welcomed by royal pomp, nor followed by admiring or wondering crowds of the noble, the learned, or the gay [cheerful], but in "an old worn-out vehicle, an old yellow petticoat, an old red jacket, and a dirty hood." She was accompanied by the Chevalier Santinelli, who bore the title of Captain of her guards; and the Marquis Monaldeschi, her Grand Ecuyer or Chamberlain. She was lodged in the Palace of Fontainebleau; and here, about a fortnight after her arrival[,] she enacted that horrible tragedy, which, upon consideration of all the circumstances, seems to afford additional proof that this extraordinary woman was really disordered in her intellects.

It appears that she had reason to suspect Monaldeschi of having betrayed her interests, or at least her secrets; but her reasons for doubting him, and the nature of the trust reposed in him, have never been explained. Having satisfied herself of the justice of her suspicions, she resolved to put him to death, and executed her resolve with the most deliberate barbarity.

On the 6th of November she sent for Père le Bel, the Prior of a neighbouring convent, and placed in his hands a sealed packet of papers. They were standing together in an apartment called the Gallerie des Cerfs, and she desired him to note the day, the hour, and the place in which she had given him these papers. Four days after, the monk was again sent for, and in the same gallery found the queen, with Monaldeschi, Santinelli, and two others. She desired Père le Bel to produce the packet she had formerly given him, and unfolding the letters, turned to Monaldeschi and asked him whether he knew them? The letters were copies and he denied them, but with a faltering voice; she immediately produced the originals in his own hand-writing and held them up before him. The unfortunate man, who read his fate in her countenance, fell on his knees and entreated mercy; at the same moment Santinelli and the others drew their swords. Monaldeschi hung upon her dress, and shedding a flood of tears endeavoured to move her to compassion. The queen, without reply, turned quietly to the monk, "Father", said she, "bear witness that I give this man time and opportunity to justify himself, if possible." She then listened calmly to Monaldeschi for about an hour and a quarter, but neither his excuses nor his supplications for mercy appeared to make the slightest impression upon her. She desired Père le Bel to confess and absolve the unhappy culprit, and turned away: the monk ventured to implore her compassion, urging her by every motive of humanity, religion, and even policy, to change her fatal resolve; he represented that the French king would never forgive an act of such cruelty committed within the precincts of his own palace. The queen listened with the same cool self-possession, but remained inflexible, and retired to an adjoining room, while the three executioners, or rather assassins, fell upon Monaldeschi, and put him to death by repeated wounds. He wore a cuirass under his dress [outer clothing], and defended himself with the strength of despair, so that his death was not immediate; and the queen remained coolly listening to the fatal struggle, and to his cries and supplications for mercy, till all was over; she then desired the body to be interred in the convent of Père le Bel, to whom she gave two hundred franks to pray for the soul of Monaldeschi.

This terrible act of private vengeance, this violation of all law, all justice, all human pity, excited the utmost astonishment and horror. Christina, insisting on her divine rights, and her exemption as a queen from all responsibility and all human control, did not even condescend to justify what she had done. The king merely requested that she would not for the present leave Fontainebleau to proceed to Paris, but he did not order her to quit his kingdom, nor did he make any public complaint of her conduct. After remaining at Fontainebleau for about two months in a species of exile, she was at length invited to Paris to celebrate the Carnival, and again lodged in the Louvre; but the mania with which she had formerly inspired the Parisians was at an end; they criticised and ridiculed her dress and manners, and the murder of Monaldeschi was neither forgotten nor pardoned. After a stay at Paris of about six weeks, she was obliged to understand the various hints which were given for her speedy departure, and returned to Rome.


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 13

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 71 to 79, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

In August 1656, on pretence of escaping from the malaria, she left Rome, and proceeded to Paris, whither she had been invited by the French court: to defray the expenses of this journey, she was under the necessity of pawning her jewels for 12,000 ducats, so low was she reduced in purse and credit. The King of France sent the Duke of Guise, to receive her, and commanded that everywhere the same honours should be paid as to a crowned head; so that her progress through the French provinces, from Marseilles to Paris, resembled a triumphant procession, rather than a journey.

Mademoiselle de Montpensier, who met her at Fontainebleau, has left us, in her entertaining, gossiping memoirs, an account of her interview, and of the person, dress, and manners of Christina, at this time: she was now in her thirtieth year. "I had heard", says Mademoiselle, "so much of her bizarreries, that I was afraid lest, on seeing her for the first time, I should have laughed in her face; but though she astonished me beyond measure, it was not in a manner to provoke a smile. She was of a small, slight figure, a little deformed, with light eyes, an aquiline nose, a large mouth, fine teeth, and a very expressive countenance: her dress was a short grey petticoat, laced with gold and silver; a flame-coloured doublet, also laced with gold; a lace cravat, and a black hat, with a plume of feathers." Her manners were coarse and masculine; she swore commonly, laughed loud, astonished Mademoiselle de Montpensier by throwing her legs over the arm of her chair, and was sometimes seized with strange fits of absence, from which she would recover as from a dream. While they were looking at some fireworks, one or two of the rockets fell near them. The princess started and shrunk back; on which Christina laughed without ceremony, saying, that for her part, she knew not what fear was; and that there was nothing she so much longed for as to be present at a battle; that she should not die content unless this wish was gratified. She professed an unbounded contempt for her own sex; and her conversation, though full of vivacity, was so eccentric and audacious, that it put even men out of countenance. On the 8th of September she made her public entry into Paris; she was received on this occasion with all the honours due to her as a sovereign, and all the chivalrous gallantry which was then the fashion in the French court, and was supposed to be due to her, as a queen and a woman. She was preceded by a body of a thousand cavalry, and was herself mounted on a superb white charger, in her usual masculine attire, and with pistols at her saddle-bow: by her side rode the Duc de Guise; and fifty picked men of the royal body-guard, and fifty of the king's pages were in attendance on her person. There was also an immense number of the nobility mounted or in carriages; while an innumerable multitude of people, collected together by their own curiosity, as well as by the king's proclamation, rent the air with shouts, and regarded her extraordinary appearances and Amazonian dress and deportment with an astonishment not unmingled with admiration. Christina, who, with all her philosophy, appears to have been childishly susceptible to external excitement, looked round her with extreme self-complacency. It was the last time that she was destined to wear her regal honours publicly. At the gate of Paris she was met by the Mareschal d'Hôpital, who conducted her first to the church of Notre Dame, where a solemn Te Deum was performed; thence to the Louvre, where she was lodged and entertained with truly royal magnificence. The same day she was visited by Henrietta Maria of England, the nobility, the principal clergy, and a deputation from the French academy. After remaining at Paris three days, during which time she was absolutely besieged by addresses, visits, public speeches, and honours, and flatteries in every form, she set off for Compiegne, where the court then resided. On the road she dined and slept at Chantilly, where she was met by Cardinal Mazarin. Here the young king and his brother mingled incognito with the crowd who surrounded her, and were introduced by the Cardinal as two gentlemen of rank: but the penetration of Christina was not at fault; she immediately recognised them, and addressed the king as "*Mon frère", but without otherwise designating his quality. It is remarked, as an instance of her singular power of fascinating those whom she wished to please, that Louis, who was only nineteen, at that time timid in all female society, and as shy as excessive pride and a consciousness of his own neglected education could make him, was won by this philosophical Amazon. She placed him at his ease by the frankness of her own manner, and by some well-timed compliments; and from the first moment, they conversed together with mutual pleasure. After this interview, the king galloped back to Compiegne.

The next day, Christina proceeded on her journey, accompanied by Cardinal Mazarin, and a few leagues from Compiegne, was met by the queen-mother, Anne of Austria; the king, the princes and the chief persons of the royal household. The interview took place at the house of the Mareschal de la Motte-Houdancourt. Christina was attended by the Duc de Guise, and the celebrated Duc de Rochefoucauld. She had no suite, except two or three persons, hardly above the rank of menial servants. "Herself alone", says Madame de Motteville, "composed her whole court." The same lady, who was an eye-witness of this interview, which she describes in her memoirs with many picturesque circumstances, confesses, that at the first glance the queen of Sweden not only surprised, but almost terrified her. In truth, we can easily imagine that Christina, with her various eccentricities of dress and manner, and her total disregard to decorum, must have appeared in the eyes of a lady of the bedchamber, in a magnificent and ceremonious court, as nothing less than portentous. On this occasion, she had on a black wig, considerably disordered by the wind, and all awry on her head; her complexion appeared course and sunburnt; she had no gloves, and her hands were so dirty, that the original colour could not be distinguished; she wore a shirt and a vest, after the masculine fashion, put on very negligently; and a short grey petticoat, embroidered with gold and silver; she held a riding-whip in her hand. Whatever might have been the amazement of Anne of Austria and her court at this strange apparition, for which no previous description could have prepared them, courtly etiquette forbade the slightest expression of it. The king himself, the most fastidious of men, took one of those unlady-like hands, and led Christina forward into a saloon, where a splendid collation was served. The two queens, with the king and Monsieur, sat down to table, and the court stood round gazing on the stranger with unrepressed curiosity. Madame de Motteville observes, that after the first half-hour her sentiments changed, and the same person, whom but a short time before she could have mistaken for "une Egyptienne dévergondée", she could not help considering with interest, and even with admiration.

The next day when she appeared with her wig newly frizzled and powdered, her hands washed, and her dress adjusted with some regard to feminine propriety, she made a more favourable impression. Anne of Austria, on retiring to her chamber, confessed to her ladies that though she was at first alarmed and disgusted, she could not resist the vivacity of Christina's manners, and the odd fascination which hung about her.

"'Twas thus Christina every heart alarmed,
Awed without virtue, without beauty charmed;
Strange fancies still, and stranger flights she had,
Was just not ugly, and was just not mad."

During her stay at the French Court, she had sufficient tact to avoid appearing pedantic; she talked well upon every subject, and rallied those around her with much liveliness. She contrived at the same time to keep presumption at a distance; and uncrowned, and unattended as she was, and in spite of a wry wig and dirty hands, "elle faisait la maitresse partout", and put all etiquette out of countenance. After staying a week at Compiegne, she returned to Paris, where she remained till the beginning of November, and then set out for Rome. Her departure formed a curious contrast with her reception: she travelled in a hired carriage with a few attendants, and her expenses through France were defrayed by the King. It is said that she was suspected of a wish to captivate Louis, with a view of marrying him; a design so preposterous, that we cannot believe that she entertained it for a moment. But the suspicion was enough to make the Queen Regent and the Cardinal hasten her departure.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Wednesday, April 30, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 12

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 69 to 71, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


Kristina's letter from Rome of January 6/16 (Old Style), 1656 to Ebba Sparre is here:


Her letter from Brussels in 1655 to Ebba Sparre is here:


The biography:

At Inspruck, she repeated more publicly her abjuration of the Protestant faith, and was solemnly received into the bosom of the Roman Catholic faith. Several of the archdukes and others of the German nobility, had assembled at Inspruck on this occasion. Here, as at Brussels, her conversion was solemnised by banquets, balls, illuminations, and comedies; and such was the pomp and magnificence with which she was surrounded, that Christina, a queen and a philosopheress, was dazzled and turned giddy. She was heard to repeat with evident and childish pleasure, "O, che bella! bella!" Meantime her own deportment was not more decorous than formerly. On the evening of the same day on which she had made a solemn profession of faith in the cathedral at Inspruck, she was taken to a comedy presented for her amusement: "'Tis but fair", said she to those around her, "that you should treat me to comedy, after I have treated you to a farce."

After a stay of eight days at Inspruck, she continued her journey, being everywhere received with the honours due to rank, and gazed on with wonder and curiosity. On the 19th of December [sic] 1655, she made her public entry into Rome, mounted on a white horse, à la cavalière, and surrounded by all the principal nobility and clergy: she was conducted amidst incessant discharges of artillery, and with every mark of honour and of triumph, to St. Peter's, where she was received and confirmed by the Pope, and had the honour of kissing his slipper. We are told that the Roman ladies were extremely astonished at the masculine attitude and dress of Christina, who entered Rome not as a convert and a penitent, but rather as a victorious empress, triumphing as the conquerors of old; but on being told that she had made war on the King of Denmark, they thought her Amazonian appearance perfectly natural. When the festivities with which her first arrival was celebrated left her at leisure, Christina took up her residence in the Palazzo Farnese, and spent some months in visiting the curiosities and antiquities of Rome, and in receiving the compliments of the learned men and the various academies.

It appears, that after the first sensations of excitement and interest were over, the Romans began to view their new visitor and proselyte with more wonder than approbation. Her extreme levity — not exactly of conduct, but of language and of manner — scandalized the people; and the haughty indifference, and even contempt, with which she treated the nobles and the women of the highest rank, gave great offence. Her tranquillity and her independence were daily troubled by the dissensions of her household, and the want of money. Her revenue from Sweden was not punctually paid; and instead of the learned leisure, the pleasures, and amusements in which she had expected to indulge, she found herself beset by vexation and difficulties, such as she had never anticipated, and which her proud, careless spirit was ill calculated to endure. She wrote from Rome to Ebba Sparre, and although she would not confess her mortification and disappointment, the melancholy tone of her letter forms a striking contrast with that which she had written from Brussels but a few months before. Soon afterwards, she was seized with a dangerous disorder, from which she recovered with difficulty.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 11

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 62 to 69, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

The subsequent life of this extraordinary woman proves that the education which had rendered her bold, restless, and self-willed, while it inculcated no principle of duty, as little fitted her to play the part of an individual, as to discharge the office of a sovereign.

Christina arrived at Hamburg on the 10th of July, and took up her residence at the house of her banker, the rich Jew Texeira. By this time reports had reached her former capital that she was going about in man's attire, and entertained thoughts of changing her religion; the people were scandalized, and the Senate would have withdrawn her revenues if Charles had not interfered. From Hamburg she continued her route towards the Netherlands, and the first place at which she made any considerable stay was Antwerp. There her favourite hero, the Prince de Condé, for whom she had always professed a most romantic and enthusiastic admiration, wished to be introduced to her; but Christina, though uncrowned, demurred on some points of court etiquette, and when they did meet it was with mutual coldness and constraint.

On the day succeeding her public entry into Brussels, Christina executed a purpose which she had for some time meditated: she forsook the Lutheran faith, in which she had been educated, — the faith for which her illustrious father had fought and bled, — and professed herself a convert to the Romish Church. She made her private recantation, in presence of the Archduke Leopold, the ambassador Pimentelli, the Count Montecuculi, and others.

There is every reason to believe, from the character and subsequent conduct of Christina, that this change of religion was rather the result of policy than of conviction. She had resolved upon fixing her residence in Italy, and wished to avoid the inconveniences and the constant jealousy to which an open profession of the Protestant faith would have exposed her in a Roman Catholic country. It was, however, the interest of the priests around her to represent her as a kind of martyr, — one who had sacrificed her crown for the sake of religion: whereas it was very well known that her profession of the Roman Catholic faith was not the motive of her abdication, but rather its result. Bourdelot and Saumaise, by unsettling her religious opinions, had prepared the way for indifference and scepticism; and then her conversion, as a matter of expediency, was not difficult. The Pope, Alexander VII.[,] who had lately ascended the papal chair, felt all the importance of such an illustrious proselyte, and ordered public thanksgivings at Rome. At Brussels, although her recantation was private, it was celebrated in the most ostentatious manner by balls, masquerades, hunting-parties, and other amusements; and yet farther to honour so great, so solemn an occasion, Cardinal Mazarin sent from Paris a company of famous comedians, who entertained the court of Brussels with operas and plays, alternately, in French and Italian. As these far surpassed any thing Christina had seen in her own country, they seem to have given her particular pleasure. The perfect levity and indifference of her own deportment was consistent with the whole of this extraordinary exhibition, of which it is difficult to say whether it was most ridiculous or most shocking. "S'il y a un Dieu, je serai bien attrapée", said she, after receiving absolution at the feet of Father Guemes the Dominican.

The festivities at Brussels were interrupted by the news of her mother's death. The Queen Dowager, unable to endure with fortitude her daughter's abdication, and cut to the heart by the indifference with which she had parted from her, had refused all comfort; she fell into a languishing distemper, of which she expired in March 1655. The same cause had shortened the life of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, who died a few weeks before her; he expired with the name of Christina on his lips: "Tell her", said he, "that she will repent of what she has done." Christina, though she sincerely regretted the chancellor, received the message with a smile — for the hour of repentance had not yet arrived.

We may form some idea of the little impression which Christina left behind her in Sweden, when we find that in the space of nine or ten months after her departure, Count Brahe was the only person from whom she received the slightest token of remembrance. When, however, the news of her conversion was brought to Stockholm, the people seemed to feel that the national honour was wounded by her apostasy. Their indignation fell upon Mathias, the first preceptor of the queen, whom they accused of not having sufficiently guarded her mind against the entrance of error; and, notwithstanding his eloquent defence, he was disgraced and deprived of his bishoprick. Many members of the senate did not scruple to assert that she ought to be deprived of the revenues which had been granted to her, so that Christina began to feel already by how uncertain a tenure she held the very means of subsistence. She wrote to her cousin, King Charles, appealing to his gratitude, and recommending her interests to his protection. But no care or thought of the future appears at this time to have disturbed her gaiety. During her stay at Brussels she lived with royal magnificence, lavishing immense sums in gifts to priests, poets, courtiers, comedians, and parasites, until the ready money she had brought from Sweden was nearly exhausted. She then turned her thoughts towards Italy. She had received the most pressing invitations from the Pope to take up her residence in his capital, and, at length, on the 22nd of September 1665 [sic], she quitted Brussels to proceed to Rome. Her suite consisted of about two hundred persons, principally Austrians and Spaniards; there were also four Swedish gentlemen of quality, and two ladies of honour; the latter more for show than use, as the queen neither noticed them nor required their services.

At Frankfort, Charles the Second and his brother, then exiles from England, visited her incognito: she refused to receive them openly lest she should give umbrage to Cromwell. From Frankfort she proceeded to Augsburg, where, on being shown the table at which her father had dined after the battle which made him master of all Bavaria, she burst into tears.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 10

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 59 to 62, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

It was not without reason that she hastened to quit her own kingdom after the step she had taken. The good people of Sweden could not well understand their queen's predilection for philosophy; they were so unrefined as to see in her renunciation of her hereditary throne only the abandonment of great and solemn duties; and in her preference of foreigners, foreign countries, foreign manners, an insult to themselves — a want of feeling as well as a want of patriotism. The idea that she was conveying out of the kingdom immense property, purchased with the gold which had been wrung from the necessities of the people, completed their disgust and indignation; and it is certain that there were serious intentions of arresting her before she quitted the kingdom, and forcing her either to resume her crown, or to reside in her own country, or to give up the pension and the royal treasures she was carrying away (She conveyed out of the kingdom more than one hundred bales of property, consisting of jewels, gold and silver plate, statues, pictures, books, and articles of value, to the amount of some millions of crowns.).

Christina herself was aware of her unpopularity, and so fearful of being detained, that she took a route different from that which she had at first intended, and would not accept the escort of armed vessels with which Charles wished to have conveyed her in honour, if not in triumph, from the shores of Sweden; her journey, in fact, resembled a flight. As long as she remained within the boundaries of her former kingdom she appears to have been in terror from the threats of the lower orders of the people, and was careful not to shock public opinion, lest she should be delayed, and her plan of independence retarded or prevented; but on reaching Collen, near the frontiers, she threw off all restraint. Quitting her female attire, she assumed the dress and deportment of a man, sent away all her women, and retained in her service only four gentlemen of her suite, with a few inferior servants (Her attendants were Count Dohna, her chamberlain; Count Steinberg, her equerry; Baron Soop, and another: not one of these knew whither they were going.). She generally travelled on horseback, under a feigned name, and passed the frontiers of her kingdom, not only without regret, but with a childish ecstasy, wishing she might never return to it, and glorying in her dear-bought freedom.

It is worthy of remark, that during the extraordinary scenes which attended and followed her abdication and departure, Christina never betrayed the least sign of emotion, hesitation, or repentance. She "played out the play" most unshrinkingly, but was in too great a hurry to be dignified; — too impatient — too intent upon her selfish purpose to show any thing like feeling for others. It does not appear that, individually, any one regretted her, or that she regretted any one. She shed no tears on parting with Ebba Sparre, whom she loved as well as she could love any thing, but who did not return her attachment, and seems to have felt her departure a relief (Ebba Sparre was at this time the wife of Count Jacob de la Gardie, and the mother of two children. She died in 1662.). The only two persons who really grieved over her abdication were her mother and the old Chancellor Oxenstiern. From her mother, who was sick with grief, mortification, disappointment, and incessant weeping, she parted without a tear: the old chancellor, on pretence of illness, shut himself up, and refused to officiate at any of the ceremonies attending the coronation of the new king.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Maria Eleonora.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 9

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 54 to 59, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

Although Christina resumed her literary pursuits after the departure of her "agréable ignorant", as she used to call Bourdelot, she became every day more disgusted with the duties of her situation, and the necessity of attending to a certain routine of affairs fatigued and irritated her, merely because it was an obligation; one of her secretaries appearing before her with some dispatches which required her signature, she turned from him impatiently, and said to Prince Charles, who was present, "Will you never deliver me from these people? ce sont pour moi le diable!" She amused herself with inventing masques and ballets, in which she often sustained a principle part (On one of these occasions, after performing in a pastoral the character of Amarantha, she instituted the order of the Amaranthe; it included both sexes, and she bestowed it on the principal persons of her court and several of the foreign ambassadors.); and she ennobled a great number of persons, whose merit did not always, as in the case of Salvius, justify the enormous abuse of this royal privilege.

In the mean time, the affairs of her kingdom became more and more entangled; the revenues were exhausted, the crown-lands alienated by her profusion; there remained nothing more for her to bestow, and in case of a war, no revenues to support it. Abuses and delays had crept into the administration, which she had not the patience, if she had the power, to remedy: she became moody and unequal in temper; she was at once jealous of her authority, and weary of the duties and restraints it imposed. She had dreamed over the classic poets till she fancied she could only be happy in a southern climate, and sighed for the ease and independence of a private station. Her lively imagination wanted some excitement, and the renunciation of a crown, at the age of twenty-eight [sic], was the grand coup de théatre with which she now chose to dazzle and astonish all Europe.

In 1654, when she first openly declared her intention of abdicating the throne [sic], the principal members of the senate, with Oxenstiern at their head, endeavoured to dissuade her from her purpose; but in vain. Prince Charles added his entreaties, and besought her to retain in her own possession the sceptre she intended to resign to him, or at least to allow him to share her throne as a husband, while the supreme power remained with herself; but she persisted in her resolution. On the 21st of May 1654, in a solemn assemblage of the States-general at Upsal, she formally tendered her resignation of the crown, and in an eloquent speech, after recapitulating her own royal virtues, and all she had performed for the good of her people, she recommended her successor the hereditary Prince Charles to their loyalty and affection. After she had pronounced this harangue in a firm voice, the president of the senate arose, and in the name of the nobles entreated her to think better of her design, and to continue to reign over them. The Archbishop of Upsal remonstrated in the name of the clergy, and the president of the burghers made a speech to the same purpose. What followed cannot be better related than in the words of Whitelocke, who was then ambassador from Cromwell to the Swedish court, and was treated by Christina with great distinction. He was an eye-witness of the scene, which is thus related in his journal.

"In the last place stepped forth the marshal of the boors, a plain country fellow, in his clouted shoon, and all other habits answerable, as all the rest of the company were accoutred; this boor, without any congees or ceremonies at all, spake to her Majesty, and his address was interpreted to Whitelocke to be after this phrase: —

"O Lord God, Madam, what do you mean to do? It humbles us to heare you speake of forsaking those who love you as well as we do: can you be better than you are? You are queen of all these countries, and if you leave this large kingdom, where will you get such another? If you should do it, (as I hope you won't for all this,) both you and we shall have cause, when it is too late, to be sorry for it; therefore my fellows and I pray you to think better on't, and to keep your crown on your head, then you will keep your own honour and our peace, but if you lay it down, in my conscience, you will endanger all.

'Continue in your gears, good madam, and be the fore-horse as long as you live, and we will help you the best we can to bear your burthen. Your father was an honest gentleman and a good king, and very shining in the world, and we obeyed him and loved him as long as he lived; and you are his own child, and have governed us very well, and we love you with all our hearts; and the prince is an honest gentleman, and when his time comes, we shall be ready to do our duties to him, as we do to you. But as long as you live we are unwilling to part with you, and therefore, I pray, madame, do not part with us.'

"When the boor had ended his speech he waddled up to the queen without any ceremony, took her by the hand, and shaked it heartily, and kist it two or three times; then turning his back to her, he pulled out of his pocket a foul handkerchief, and wiped the tears from his eyes, and in the same posture as he came up, he returned back to his place again."

Whitelocke does not tell us whether Christina was touched by the homely eloquence of this honest peasant; but nothing could now alter her resolution. On the 6th of June following, she appeared in the hall of assembly, habited in her robes of state, the crown on her brow, and the sceptre in her hand. She took her seat on the throne for the last time, and Count Rosenhane read aloud the act by which she formally renounced the crown on the following conditions: — "That her cousin Prince Charles Gustavus should succeed her: that a revenue of 240,000 rix-dollars should be secured to her, arising from certain lands and estates, of which she was to have the entire disposal for life, but was not to alienate them from the crown of Sweden: that she should continue to exercise all the rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction over her own household, acknowledging no human control over her actions, and have full liberty to fix her residence in any country of Europe." On these conditions, which were solemnly ratified by the senate and by her successor, Christina released her subjects from their oath of allegiance, and laid down the ensigns of royalty. It was remarked that none of her attendants would lift the crown from her head; she was obliged to take it off herself, and deliver it to Prince Charles, who received it kneeling, and would never wear it in her presence (Charles flattered Christina's well-known foible by ordering a medal to be struck, in which he was represented on his knees, receiving the crown from the hands of the queen, with the inscription, "I hold it from God and from Christina."). The spectators and attendants who stood round her, seized the royal mantle as she threw it off, and tore it into a thousand pieces, each anxious to obtain a fragment as a relique of their queen, who was about to quit them for ever. On the same day[,] Charles Gustavus was proclaimed King of Sweden, by the title of Charles X.[,] and Christina, in a few hours after the ceremony, left Upsal and returned to Stockholm. She did not, however, remain long there; under pretence that the waters of Spa had been ordered for her health, she began her journey southwards.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Saturday, April 5, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 8

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 51 to 54, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

The conduct of Christina during the next two or three years of her life exhibits a tissue of inexplicable extravagances; in most of her actions, private and political, we see such madness of self-will, such a total disregard to principle and consistency, that she can only be excused by the admission that her intellect was in some degree disordered. One of the most unaccountable of all her caprices, was her partiality for a French physician named Michon Bourdelot, who had been introduced to her by M. de Saumaise, and, on his recommendation, entertained in her service. He was an ignorant, intriguing, impudent quack, who by mere assurance, and the most superficial powers of pleasing, obtained an extraordinary ascendancy in her court and councils. This man persuaded her that study would injure her health, induced her to throw aside her books; to banish, or neglect, or insult with ridicule the learned men she had invited to her court, and led her into a thousand follies. All those who possessed or deserved the esteem and confidence of the queen he contrived either to render ridiculous, or to undermine by the most artful slanders. Among others, Count Magnus de la Gardie, who had so long held the post of chief favourite, and was at this time high-treasurer and master of the royal household, began to lose his credit with the queen; and his own indiscretion aiding the machinations of his secret enemy, he became the object of a contempt and aversion as inexplicable, and apparently as unmerited, as his extreme favour had been before. It is said that Bourdelot first taught the queen to swear, an accomplishment in which she afterwards excelled.

The Queen Dowager venturing to remonstrate against the power exercised by this unworthy foreigner, Christina replied with a degree of arrogance and harshness which silenced her mother, and she retained Bourdelot in her court till her ministers, her nobility, and even her people, murmured so loudly, that she resolved to send him to France, loaded, however, with presents and marks of her favour, and with a hope of being soon recalled. But he was scarce out of sight when he was forgotten. The first letter she received from this ci-devant favourite, she threw from her with disgust, exclaiming, "Fi! cela sent la Rhubarbe!" Bourdelot, on his arrival in France, found himself completely neglected, and he died in obscurity. His influence lasted not more than a year and a-half, and during that period a great part of the magnificent library which Christina had collected at such an immense cost, was pillaged by her learned protégés, and the most valuable manuscripts stolen or dispersed.

On the disgrace of Magnus de la Gardie, and the banishment of Bourdelot, the old Chancellor Oxenstiern and his sons regained their former influence at court; but the person who succeeded to all the favour and confidence which had been possessed by the Count Magnus, M. Chanut, and Bourdelot, was Don Antonio Pimentelli, the Spanish ambassador, a man of the most consummate political address and the most insinuating manners. Through his intrigues the Spanish and Austrian interests triumphed over those of France, and he is supposed to have fixed the wavering opinions of the queen in favour of the Roman Catholic religion.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pierre Bourdelot.


Above: Antonio Pimentel.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 7

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 50 to 51, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

It was in the year 1651 that Christina began to entertain seriously the idea of resigning her crown: the remonstrances of the senate and the arguments of Oxenstiern, who rose from a bed of sickness to combat her intention, induced her to lay it aside for the present; but her resolution was taken, and the contradiction she met with only served to confirm it.

In the same year an accident occurred which gave her an opportunity of displaying that intrepidity for which she was remarkable, though it had nearly terminated her life and reign together. One day when she was preparing to visit her fleet in the harbour of Stockholm, and passing along a narrow plank laid from her barge to the vessel, the admiral, Herman Fleming, upon whose arm she leaned, slipped from his footing, and they were both precipitated into the water, which was there thirty feet deep. The queen was extricated with some difficulty by her equerry, Antony Steinberg, for the admiral had seized her petticoat, and held it fast. Christina, without losing her presence of mind, desired them to save the admiral, who had sunk; and when those about her blamed him for his conduct in seizing her dress, and thus endangering her life, she excused him on the principle of self-preservation; and added, laughing, that he deserved praise rather than blame, for he had certainly been drowned had he acted otherwise. She afterwards changed her dressed with her usual celerity, and dined in public as if nothing had happened. This was not her only escape: the year before her coronation [sic], as she was at prayers in her chapel, a wretched maniac forced his way through the guards and attendants, and attempted to strike at her with a knife, but was seized and disarmed by Count Brahe: the queen immediately perceiving his real condition, would not allow him to be hurt, and he was placed under proper restraint.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Notes: Kristina's accident at the harbour happened in 1652, not in 1651.

The assassination attempt on Kristina happened in 1647, not in 1649. The assailant was Christoffer Presbeckius.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 6

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 47 to 50, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

The style of learning and philosophy which prevailed in Christina's court seems to have been precisely that which Molière has so happily ridiculed in the "femmes savantes", and which is now out of date, — a mixture of scholastic pedantry and elaborate trifling.

On looking over the list of "savans" who were entertained in the Swedish Court, we find few of any real merit or celebrity; there are two or three, however, who deserve to be more particularly noticed; of these, one of the most remarkable was De Saumaise, better known by his Latin appellation, Salmasius, as the political and literary antagonist of Milton: the erudition of this man was wonderful, almost, says Johnson, "exceeding all hope of human attainment;" and since the death of Grotius had left him without a rival, he had reigned not only the monarch, but the tyrant of literature. He was a proof, were any proof wanted, that the true value of all human knowledge consists in its application; instead of being numbered among those "great and good men whose published labours have advanced the good of posterity", he has sunk into a mere name, which is only interesting as associated with that of Milton; while the one blot upon the pure and transcendent fame of the poet, is connected with the name of Salmasius. Isaac Vossius, a very celebrated theologian, antiquarian, and critic of that time was another whom Christina particularly distinguished. The private character of both these men was hateful, and they are supposed to have exercises a most mischievous influence on the mind of the young queen. It appears that they first unsettled her religious opinions, and blunted her moral feelings, by continually occupying her with idle metaphysical disputes, under pretence of studying philosophy.

Descartes, who had often declared that he valued his liberty at so high a rate, that no monarch of Europe could buy it from him, was at length induced, by the flattering and earnest entreaties of Christina, to visit her capital. He fondly believed that he had insured his independence, by stipulating that he should be exempted from all court-ceremonial. The queen consented; but she required his attendance in her library every morning at five o'clock. The unhappy philosopher, whose health was extremely delicate, was obliged to comply with his despotic patroness. These early hours, and the extreme coldness of the climate, threw him into a consumptive disorder: his malady was increased by the haughtiness and negligence with which Christina resented his admiration of the Princess Palatine (The eldest daughter of Elizabeth of Bohemia.), and at the end of four months he died at Stockholm.

The want of judgment which Christina displayed in the choice of some of her literary favourites, her capricious treatment of others (She made Naudé and Meibom, two famous Greek scholars, execute a Greek dance for her amusement; and Bochart, one of the gravest and most profound scholars of the time, play at battledore and shuttlecock. — Vide Bayle.), the immense sums she lavished upon them, either to purchase or to reward their venal flattery, — their mutual hatred and envy, — their disputes, which often embroiled her court, — instead of introducing among the Swedes, who were a plain, rough, straightforward people, any taste or reverence for literature, tended to degrade it in their eyes, dissipated the treasures of the state, and lowered Christina both in their estimation and their love.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 5

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 44 to 47, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

The next event of importance was her coronation, which was celebrated at Stockholm with the utmost pomp and solemnity, on the 20th of October 1650. On this occasion Christina's love of classical antiquity induced her to give her people the novel spectacle of a Roman triumph, as described in Plutarch. Crowned with laurels and sparkling with jewels, she paraded the streets of her capital seated in a car [carriage] drawn by four white horses; her treasurer marched before, scattering medals among the populace, and the heralds proclaimed her, according to the custom of the country, KING of Sweden. The festivities continued for several days, during which shows were exhibited to the people, and masques, ballets, and banquets daily took place at court; there were also reviews, mock fights, riding at the ring, and other military sports, at which the queen distributed the prizes; and Prince Charles and the young Landgrave of Hesse were particularly distinguished by their gallantry, the splendour of their habits, and the number and magnificence of their retinues. But that which caused the greatest delight and astonishment, was a glittering triumphal chariot, which moved along the arena upon hidden springs; and in the same manner an artificial mountain forty feet in height, representing Mount Parnassus, was seen to glide self-impelled before the wondering spectators, while on its summit a company of musicians, habited as Apollo and the Muses, filled the air with harmony; orations in almost every known language were pronounced, celebrating the greatness, the virtues, the charms, and the learning of the queen; and a lofty pyramid, which according to a pompous (and lying) classical inscription, was erected to the honour of Christina by Antiope, Penthesilea, and Thalestris, the three queens of the Amazons, was constructed as a memorial of these festivities.

The character of these exhibitions sufficiently indicates the taste which had for a long time prevailed in the court of Sweden; after the year 1648, we find Christina almost entirely devoted to study and literature, even to the exclusion of the duties and cares of government. She carried on a diligent correspondence with many of the most eminent literati of Europe; among others, with Gassendi, Menage, and Blaise Pascal, names still celebrated; she was surrounded by learned men, soi-disant philosophers, and professors in every branch of science, whom she attracted to her court by gifts, by pensions, or by promises, and whose interested and extravagant flattery completely bewildered a head already half turned by vanity, unrestricted power, and indulged self-will. She collected manuscripts, books, and medals, and sent commissioners into Italy and other countries to purchase pictures, sculptures, and other rarities of art; these pursuits, in themselves praiseworthy, were carried to an excess which rendered them ridiculous and blameable. Not having herself the experience or taste to which she pretended, she was pillaged and cheated to an incredible extent; it is said, that at the instigation of one of the antiquarian pedants in her court, she offered 30,000 florins for a bronze medal of Otho; on another occasion, when some fine and valuable pictures arrived from Italy, this Queen of the Goths had them cut down to a uniform size to fit certain panels in one of the royal apartments.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Sunday, March 30, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 4

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 38 to 44, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

Peace being concluded, the states-general entreated Christina to acquiesce in the wishes of her people, and secure the tranquility of the country, by giving them a king. They proposed as a proper object of her choice her cousin, Charles Gustavus, a prince of great bravery and accomplishments, who had been born and educated in Sweden. His mother, the Princess Catherine, having been governess to Christina, had not neglected the opportunity thus afforded her, of cultivating in the mind of her pupil a predilection for her son; he had been the playfellow of the young queen in her childhood, and she had then in sport promised to marry him, and was accustomed to call him her "little husband". He was the only one among her suitors for whom she seems to have entertained a real and personal regard. Prince Charles pressed his own suit gallantly, but though favoured by her in every other respect, she never, from the time she was able to feel and reflect as a woman, committed herself by a single word on which he could build a hope as a lover. When, in 1647 [sic], the Prince was appointed general-in-chief of the Swedish forces in Germany, (an office which shows at once the high trust which Christina reposed in him, and the wish to remove him for a while from her presence,) he had a parting interview with the queen, and took advantage of the moment to draw from her, if possible, some expression of tenderness; he reminded her of her childish preference, her infant promise to him; and he entreated her not to allow him to depart without knowing what hopes he might venture to entertain. The queen, in reply, desired him to rest no hopes whatsoever on the early preference she had confessed for him, nor on any promise made at a time when she could not properly be responsible for any engagement. She insisted that every thing which had ever passed between them should be forgotten, or considered as null and void. At the same time she intimated gently, that she would declare her final intentions when she had completed her twenty-fifth year, (she was now in her twenty-first,) and had celebrated her coronation; and she promised him, that if then she did not marry him, she would not marry at all, and would take such measures as should secure his succession to the throne; to this Charles replied, in a very lover-like style, "that if she refused to accept him as a husband, he would reject the crown she offered him, on any other terms". Christina gaily reproached him with being so "romanesque" in his ideas, but as he eagerly continued the same protestations, she stopped him, with something of her usual haughtiness, reminding him, that if he should even die before the period she had mentioned, it was sufficient honour for him that he had been thought worthy of pretending to the hand of so great a queen; — and with these words she dismissed him (The Count de la Gardie and her preceptor Matthias were both present during this singular conference; and Charles Gustavus left a memorandum of what passed, in his own hand-writing, which was copied by Puffendorf.).

To the repeated remonstrances of the senate and clergy, Christina replied in the same ambiguous manner; and to those of her courtiers and confidants, (the French minister Chanut being among the number,) who ventured to express their surprise at her conduct, she replied in terms which showed how deep-rooted was her disgust at the idea of giving herself a master, or even a partner in power. When they pressed upon her the expediency of marrying, in order to ensure an heir to the crown, she answered, "Il pourrait aussi facilement naître de moi un Néron qu'un Auguste". Unreasonable as this conduct may seem, Christina in this one instance maintained her consistency; and there was something in her resolute frankness more honest and respectable than the continued trifling and absurd coquetry of Queen Elizabeth.

Christina kept her word with Prince Charles, and one of her first cares was to have him acknowledged by the states as her successor to the crown; the high sense of honour, the spirit, resolution, and dexterity with which she accomplished her purpose, would have been admirable, but for the usual mixture of impatience, selfishness and arrogance which she displayed on the occasion. The senate, before they would consent to ratify the nomination, required absolutely some pledge relative to her marriage, which she as peremptorily refused. The Bishop Matthias (her old preceptor) ventured to hint, that the constitution of the kingdom "obliged her to marry;" it was like putting the spark to the gunpowder. "Who", she exclaimed, "who upon earth shall oblige me to do so, if I do not of my own free will? Until you consent to my wishes in this matter, do not think to draw from me one word on the subject of marriage. I do not deny that I may one day marry; the good of my kingdom is a powerful motive; but I will not be bound, — nor heaven, nor earth, shall force my will!" "All Europe", said the bishop, "have for years regarded the Prince as your Majesty's destined husband. What will be said and thought when this extraordinary arrangement becomes public?" To which the queen replied, "What care I? when people are tired of talking about me and my affairs, they will find some other subject of conversation." The council entreated time, she insisted that the affair should be settled immediately, still holding out some hope that she would subsequently yield to their wishes, and repeating frequently that if ever she married she would give her hand to Prince Charles, "foi d'honnête femme!" — "I believe", said the Constable Torstenson, "that the prince will never marry at all, unless accepted by your Majesty." "Yes", replied the Queen sarcastically, "la couronne est une jolie fille!" intimating probably a suspicion that the affections of the prince were fixed upon her crown, not upon herself. This idea, whether infused into her mind by Magnus de la Gardie, or a discovery for which she was indebted to her own quick and jealous penetration, had shocked her personal pride, without rendering her less anxious to secure the throne to Prince Charles. She had not only bound herself by a solemn promise to him, she also feared that the states would declare the crown elective in favour of some other candidate, and thus strike at the very foundation of the regal power. For these reasons, although her resolution was already formed, she eluded all expression of her real intentions, and by a conduct at once resolute and artful, she at length carried her point; the act declaring Charles Crown-Prince of Sweden, that is, heir-apparent to the throne, was agreed to by the Diet, and signed in March 1650 [sic].

When the deed of succession was brought to the Chancellor Oxenstiern for his signature, the old man wept, and protested against it; he regarded it as the preliminary step to Christina's ultimate purpose, of which his sagacity foresaw the consequences.

The conduct of Charles was throughout a masterpiece of policy: concealing a most aspiring and ambitious character under a calm and submissive exterior, he appeared merely to resign himself to the will of Christina, and conscious how far he still depended on her caprice, he was careful not to awaken that jealousy of power which she carried to a childish excess; on giving up his military command, he lived in retirement, never took the slightest interest in any affairs of the government, nor appeared at court unless expressly invited. By this discretion he maintained himself in the good graces of the queen, till it was no longer necessary to wear the mask; and the supposition that she afterwards repented of her act in his favour, and wished to substitute Count Tott, though very consistent with her capricious character, seems to rest on no authority.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.