Showing posts with label King Jan II Kazimierz. Show all posts
Showing posts with label King Jan II Kazimierz. Show all posts

Sunday, November 2, 2025

Summary of Coenraad van Beuningen's letter to the government of the United Provinces in The Hague, dated January 29/February 8 (New Style), 1653

Source:

Handlingar rörande Sverges historia, volume 4, page 282, published by Anders Fryxell, 1843


The letter summary:

... [Stockholm] d. 8 Febr. 1653. — Kungen i Polen sände till Kristina afskrift af det bref, som Radziejowski skrifvit att reta kossackerna till uppror; klagade öfver det beskydd, denne i Sverge åtnjöt, och de upproriska bref, som han genom svenska residenten i Danzig utspridde.

With modernised spelling:

... [Stockholm] den 8 februari 1653. — Kungen i Polen sände till Kristina avskrift av det brev som Radziejowski skrivit att reta kossackerna till uppror; klagade över det beskydd denne i Sverige åtnjöt och de upproriska brev som han genom svenske residenten i Danzig utspridde.

English translation (my own):

... [Stockholm], February 8, 1653. — The King of Poland sent to Kristina a copy of the letter that Radziejowski had written to provoke the Cossacks to rebellion; he complained about the patronage this man enjoyed in Sweden and the seditious letters he spread through the Swedish resident in Danzig.


Above: Kristina.


Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.


Above: Hieronim Radziejowski.


Above: Coenraad van Beuningen.

Note: Danzig is the German name for what is now the Polish city of Gdańsk.

Saturday, August 30, 2025

Francis William Bain on Kristina and the failure of Pope Innocent X's bull against the Treaty of Westphalia, and on the 1648 election of the King of Poland

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 83 to 86, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

CHAPTER III.
BEFORE turning to Christina's personal and domestic history, we must dismiss two foreign events which immediately concerned her.

Immediately after the conclusion of peace, the Pope, Innocent X, published a Bull, dated November 26th, 1648, fulminating against the treaty, with special condemnation of the delivery of ecclesiastical benefices to heretics, and the increase in the number of electorates — an eighth having been created for Charles Lewis, son of Frederic V. Throughout this ill-advised instrument Christina was studiously ignored, reference being made only to Sweden and the Swedes. But the Bull only succeeded in making the Pope ridiculous: the Emperor refused to allow it to be published in his dominions; and a special refutation was composed by Herman Conring, pointing out the folly of attempting, among other matters, to put this slight upon a monarch recognized by the Emperor and the other powers, and alluding with a satiric touch to the answer once made by Pius II. to the ambassador of Frederic III., that it was the custom of the Holy See to recognize as king the person who sat on the throne. He might have added with reference to Christina that it was with her fame as with that of Brutus and Cassius in the funeral procession described by her favourite Tacitus: "Their lustre shone forth all the brighter, for that their images were not seen."

Thus the Bull proved a complete fiasco; the second affair was more important. Just before the negotiations finished, King Ladislaus of Poland died. The news of his death was not unwelcome in Sweden, always in an embarrassing situation with regard to him. His arrogant claims and constant hostility had been a thorn in her side, nor did the dubious twenty-six years' truce at Stumsdorff, in 1635, set the Swedes at rest. Hence it became of great moment to endeavour to ensure the election of a king friendly to Swedish interests. Of the candidates, rumour assigned to the late king's brother-in-law, the Duke of Neuburg, the best chance of favour with the Poles. Of the two remaining sons of Sigismund, Charles Ferdinand was preferred in Sweden for his pacific disposition, while France on the other hand supported the claims of John Casimir, fearing the Austrian proclivities of his brother. The Emperor's candidate, Ragoczy, being a man of warlike disposition, was viewed by both powers with equal dislike. Christina was strongly determined not to allow the Polish crown to pass out of the royal house, not only because neither of the brothers were likely to give Sweden any trouble, but also to avoid the possibility of their renewing their claims to the Swedish throne, should she die without heirs. Nevertheless it was dangerous to show decided preference for any candidate without ascertaining who was most popular in Poland; since to do so might make a dangerous enemy of the king who should be actually elected. Under these circumstances she despatched Canther, one of her secretaries, into Poland — nominally to discuss the conditions of a peace; principally[,] however[,] to try and discern the temper of the Poles, and the chances of success of the various candidates. It was reported that the party of Casimir was most likely to carry the day, and accordingly the Queen, who had written on the point to the Chancellor, and found that their opinions herein coincided, sent letters of recommendation to Poland on behalf of John Casimir, with orders not to present them without consulting the French ambassador, and unless the tide seemed to be setting in his favour; otherwise they were to make use of similar letters on behalf of his brother. John Casimir was in short elected in December 1648.

When Christina on this occasion asked Chanut whether the King of France, in writing to the late King of Poland, had not given him the title of King of Sweden, he answered no, not knowing, it is said, anything to the contrary. But it is certain that the French Court gave him this title, and when the Court of Sweden complained, France replied that the title had been given to the King of Poland as in petitorio, to the King of Sweden as in possessorio, of the kingdom.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Innocent X.


Above: Hermann Conring.

Note: Stuhmsdorf is the old German name for the village of Sztumska Wieś, in what is now in the administrative district of Gmina Sztum within Sztum County in Poland's Pomeranian Voivodeship.

Sunday, July 13, 2025

Kristina's letter to Antonio Pignatelli (the future Pope Innocent XII), the apostolic nuncio to Poland, dated September 24/October 4 (New Style), 1661

Sources:

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (Montpellier); Manuscrits de la reine Christine; X: Lettere a diversi; Lettere a diversi particolari; 186: Christine de Suède au nonce du pape en Pologne, Hambourg, 4 octobre 1661 (digitisation pages 185v-186r to 186v-187r)


Christine (1626-1689 ; reine de Suède), Manuscrits de la reine Christine: Lettere a diversi, 1601-1700.

The Foli@ online digital heritage library is here:


Copyright SCDI-UPV - Collections Université de Montpellier (shelfmark H 258).

Mémoires concernant Christine, reine de Suède, volume 3, pages 238 to 239, compiled and edited by Johan Arckenholtz, 1759; original at the National Library of Naples (Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III)


Kristina's letter of the same day to King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland is here:


Kristina's letter of the same day to Marie Louise Gonzaga, the queen consort of Poland, is here:


"La Reine accompagna ces Lettres d'une autre pour le Nonce de Pologne (Le 4. Oct. l. c. p. 123. Lettere à Diversi.), où elle lui répéte les mesures qu'elle avoit déjà prises pour faire réussir son projet, tant en Dannemarc qu'à Hambourg. Elle souhaite de-même les bons offices du Roi de Pologne auprès dudit Roi, qu'elle se flatte devoir être d'un grand poids à cause de la Confédération qui subsiste entre ces deux Princes. Elle recommande au Nonce ses Lettres pour le Roi Jean Casimir & à sa Reine, dont le contenu, dit-elle, étoit digne du poste qu'il occupoit dans cette Cour, & de la profession des services qu'il avoit rendu à la Reine. ..."

"The Queen accompanied these letters with another for the nuncio of Poland (October 4, l. c., page 123. Lettere a diversi.), in which she repeated to him the measures she had already taken to make her project a success, both in Denmark and in Hamburg. She also desired the good offices of the King of Poland with the said King, which she flattered herself would be of great weight because of the confederation which subsists between these two Princes. She recommended to the nuncio her letters for King Jan Kazimierz and to his queen, the content of which, she said, was worthy of the position he occupied in this court, and of the profession of the services he had rendered to the Queen. ..."

The letter:

Al Nuntio di Pol[oni]a[.]
Hamb[urgo] 4 8bre 1661[.]
Mons[igno]re[.] Douendo io trattenermi anco p[er] qualche tempo in queste parti p[er] occ[asio]ne delli miei interessi, mi Stimo in debito di non trascurare di far qualche benefitio alli Catt[oli]ci che Sono in Danemarca, et in q[ues]ta Città col procurar loro per quanto posso coll'opera mia la libertà dell'essercitio della nostra Relig[io]ne: E perche l'impresa hà bisogno d'esser promossa, et aiutata per più uersi, p[er]ciò io hò richiesta l'assistenza, e fauore dell'Jmp[erato]re, del Rè di francia, e del Rè di Spagna, valendomi del mezzo anche delli Nuntij che risiedeno nelle Corti di Madrid, e Vienna acciò poturino che mì Si diano efficacem[en]te. Desiderando p[er]ò io d'hauer ancora gl'ufficij del Rè di Polonia, come più d'ogn'altro potenti col Rè di Danem[ar]ca p[er] la confederat[io]ne che passa trà dì loro, e p[er] le obligat[io]ni che questi gli professa, piglio confidenza di Scriverne à V. S. non Solo per esser materia degna della Carica ch'ella tiene, mà in riguardo ancora dell'esibit[io]ni fattemi da lei, quando mi Si diede à conoscere, Sperando che in q[ues]ta congiuntura Sia per farmene godere il frutto in maniera da rendermele tenuta. Prima p[er]ò d'ogn'altra cosa Stimo necessario dì far Sapere à V. S. che hauendo io Scritto al med[esim]o Rè di Polonia diverse uolte, così in occ[asio]ne della mia Convers[io]ne come anche dopoi in altri tempi Secondo le occorr[en]ze hauutene, non hò mai da S. M. riceuuta alc[un]a risposta, p[er]suadendomi p[er]ò che ciò fosse Seguito p[er] qualche accidente, ò impedim[en]to non vì feci altra rifless[io]ne; mà venendo poi il S[igno]r Card[ina]l Vidoni à Roma, e trouandosi à discorrer col s[igno]r Card[ina]l Azzolini Sì lasciò intender che S. M[aes]tà Si era dolùta di me perche non gl'havessi Scritto della mia Conuersione; il che partecipatomi poi da S. E. cagionò in me disturbo non ord[inari]o mentre io e la consapeuole à me Stessa d'haver Sodisfatto à questa parte colla M[aes]tà Sua e da Bruxelles, ove feci l'abiurat[io]ne Secreta, e poi anche da Jnspruck, come posso mandar tuttauia lé copie non Solo di queste Lett[er]e mà di tutte le altre, che gli hò Scritte dopoi in diverse congiunt[u]re; conoscendo p[er]ò che le mie Lett[er]e erano andate ìn Sinistro non poter far altro che rammarricarmi della mia disgratia: Prego p[er] tanto V. S. Se trouasse il Re, e la Reg[i]na disgustati per questo conto, di certificar l'vno, e l'altra vivam[en]te della constanza de miei affettuosi Sentim[en]ti verso dì loro, e della buona corrispondenza, ch'io desidero passi Sempre trà di noi, e V. S. m'obligherà in estremo di Stabilirla bene in q[ues]ta occ[asio]ne, nella quale uoglio Sperare d'hauer le Maestà loro propitie trattandosi di fauorire la n[ost]ra Relig[io]ne[.] Quello p[er]ò che V. S. hà da impetrare da S. M[aes]tà è vna Lett[er]a diretta al Rè di Danemarca, nella quale mostri efficacem[en]te che Se mè Si compiacerà nell'instanza ch'iò sono p[er] farle intorno al libero essercitio della n[ost]ra Relig[io]ne Si farà cosa tanto grata à S. M[aes]tà che Sentirà con estremo disgusto ìl Successo Sinistro. M'assicuro che S. M. Sarà disposta à fauorirmi in q[ues]to part[icola]re medianti anche le persuasiue, e prudenti maniere di V. S. nelle quali molto confido; onde uoglio Sperare di ricever quanto p[ri]ma la d[ett]a Lett[er]a pregandola Sopra il tutto p[er] l'efficacia di essa. Anzi p[er] toglier ogn'occ[asio]ne di disturbare ìl buon Successo di q[ues]to pensiero V. S. Si contenti di non far alt[r]o motiuo di ciò che dal S[igno]r Card[ina]l Azzolini l'è Stato Scritto intorno al testam[en]to del Rè tanto più che godendosi dalla Regina l'entrate che Sono nel Regno di Napoli, io non uoglio dar alla med[esim]a alc[un]a materia di disgusto premendomi Sopra ogn'altro interesse che Si promuoua questo della Relig[io]ne[.] Resta ch'io raccomandi à V. S., Si come fo, la Secretezza non convenendo p[er] ìl buon'esito del negotio di publicarne in al[tro] luogo i trattati, et inviandola acclusa la lett[er]a p[er] S. M[aes]tá resto con bramarle ogni prosperità &c.

p. s. Si manda à V. S. anche vna lett[er]a per la Reg[i]na colla quale Si contenterà di passar l'istesso offitio, e riceverà giuntam[en]te le copie per Sua notitia.

With modernised spelling:

Al nunzio di Polonia.
Amburgo 4 ottobre 1661.
Monsignore,
Dovendo io trattenermi anco per qualche tempo in queste parti per occasione delli miei interessi, mi stimo in debito di non trascurare di far qualche benefizio alli cattolici che sono in Danimarca ed in questa città col procurar loro per quanto posso coll'opera mia la libertà dell'esercizio della nostra religione; e, perché l'impresa ha bisogno d'esser promossa ed aiutata per più versi, perciò io ho richiesta l'assistenza e favore dell'imperatore, del re di Francia e del re di Spagna, valendomi del mezzo anche delli nunzi che risiedeno nelle corti di Madrid e Vienna acciò poturino che mi si diano efficacemente.

Desiderando però io d'aver ancora gl'uffici del re di Polonia come più d'ogn'altro potenti col re di Danimarca per la confederazione che passa tra di loro e per le obbligazioni che questi gli professa, piglio confidenza di scriverne a Vostra Serenità, non solo per esser materia degna della carica ch'ella tiene, ma in riguardo ancora dell'esibizioni fattemi da lei quando mi si diede a conoscere, sperando che in questa congiuntura sia per farmene godere il frutto in maniera da rendermele tenuta.

Prima, però, d'ogn'altra cosa stimo necessario di far sapere a Vostra Serenità che, avendo io scritto al medesimo re di Polonia diverse volte, così in occasione della mia conversione come anche dopoi in altri tempi, secondo le occorrenze avutene, non ho mai da Sua Maestà ricevuta alcuna risposta, persuadendomi però che ciò fosse seguito per qualche accidente o impedimento non vi feci altra riflessione.

Ma, venendo poi il signor cardinal Vidoni a Roma e trovandosi a discorrer col signor cardinal Azzolini si lasciò intender che Sua Maestà si era doluta di me, perché non gl'avessi scritto della mia conversione, il che partecipatomi poi da Sua Eminenza cagionò in me disturbo non ordinario, mentre io e la consapevole a me stessa d'aver soddisfatto a questa parte colla Maestà Sua e da Bruxelles, ove feci l'abiurazione segreta, e poi anche da Innsbruck, come posso mandar tuttavia le copie non solo di queste lettere, ma di tutte le altre che gli ho scritte dopoi in diverse congiunture.

Conoscendo però che le mie lettere erano andate in sinistro non poter far altro che rammaricarmi della mia disgrazia, prego pertanto Vostra Serenità se trovasse il re e la regina disgustati per questo conto di certificar l'uno e l'altra vivamente della constanza de' miei affettuosi sentimenti verso di loro e della buona corrispondenza ch'io desidero passi sempre tra di noi; e Vostra Serenità m'obbligherà in estremo di stabilirla bene in questa occasione, nella quale voglio sperare d'aver le Maestà Loro propizie, trattandosi di favorire la nostra religione.

Quello però che Vostra Serenità ha da impetrare da Sua Maestà è una lettera diretta al re di Danimarca, nella quale mostri efficacemente che se me si compiacerà nell'instanza ch'io sono per farle intorno al libero esercizio della nostra religione si farà cosa tanto grata a Sua Maestà che sentirà con estremo disgusto il successo sinistro.

M'assicuro che Sua Maestà sarà disposta a favorirmi in questo particolare medianti anche le persuasive e prudenti maniere di Vostra Serenità, nelle quali molto confido; onde voglio sperare di ricever quanto prima la detta lettera, pregandola sopra il tutto per l'efficacia di essa. Anzi, per toglier ogn'occasione di disturbare il buon successo di questo pensiero, Vostra Serenità si contenti di non far altro motivo di ciò che dal signor cardinal Azzolini l'è stato scritto intorno al testamento del re, tanto più che godendosi dalla regina l'entrate che sono nel regno di Napoli.

Io non voglio dar alla medesima alcuna materia di disgusto, premendomi sopra ogn'altro interesse che si promuova questo della religione. Resta ch'io raccomandi a Vostra Serenità (siccome fo) la segretezza, non convenendo per il buon'esito del negozio di pubblicarne in altro luogo i trattati; ed, inviandola acclusa la lettera per Sua Maestà, resto con bramarle ogni prosperità ecc.

P. S.
Si manda a Vostra Serenità anche una lettera per la regina colla quale si contenterà di passar l'istesso ufficio e riceverà giuntamente le copie per sua notizia.

Arckenholtz's transcript of the letter in his French translation from Italian (excerpted; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

... Sur-tout je juge nécessaire, Monsieur, de vous apprendre que comme j'ai écrit diverses fois au Roi de Pologne tant à l'occasion de ma conversion, que depuis dans d'autres occurrences, sans jamais y avoir reçu de réponse. J'ai au commencement cru, que cela seroit arrivé par quelque oublis ou autre empêchement. Mais le Cardinal Vidoni, étant depuis arrivé à Rome & parlant de chose & d'autre au Cardinal Azzolino, il fit entendre que S. M. s'étoit plainte de moi, de ce que je ne l'avois pas averti de ma Conversion. Ceci me causa bien du trouble, puisque je savois pour certain que j'avois satisfait à S. M. en ce point-là, & même de Bruxelles, où je fis l'abjuration secréte, & après d'Inspruck, dont je pourrois encore produire les copies de ces Lettres, aussi-bien que de toutes les autres que je lui ai écrites en diverses conjonctures. Apprenant depuis que ces Lettres s'étoient égarées, je n'ai pu que me plaindre de ce désastre. Cependant je vous prie, Monsieur, qu'en cas que vous trouviez le Roi & la Reine fâchés de cet accident, de les assurer l'un & l'autre vivement de la constance de mes sentimens affectueux à leur égard, & de la bonne correspondance que je souhaite qui subsiste entre nous. Vous m'obligerez grandement de la cimenter le mieux possible en cette occasion, où j'espére que Leurs Majestés seront portées à favoriser notre Religion. [Au surplus Christine recommande au Nonce de lui faire avoir des Lettres aussi efficaces, que celles qu'elle avoit demandées à d'autres Princes pour le Roi de Dannemarc & la Ville de Hambourg.] Et afin, lui dit-elle, de lever tout sujet de mesintelligence qui pourroit arrêter le succès de cette Négociation, vous éviterez de faire aucune mention de ce que le Cardinal Azzolino vous a écrit au sujet du Testament du Roi; d'autant plus que comme je compte de jouir des revenus de ses Terres situées dans le Royaume de Naples, je ne veux lui donner aucun sujet de déplaisir, estimant tout autre intérêt au-dessous de celui où il s'agit de l'avantage de la Religion. Reste à vous recommander le secret de l'affaire, parce qu'il importe pour son bon succès, de ne la publier nulle part, pendant qu'elle n'est qu'au terme de Traité.

French translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Au nonce de Pologne.
Hambourg, le 4 octobre 1661.
Monseigneur,
Devant séjourner quelque temps pour l'occasion de mes intérêts, je m'estime devoir rendre service aux catholiques qui sont au Danemark et dans cette ville, en leur procurant, autant que je le pourrai par mon travail, la liberté de l'exercice de notre religion. Et, comme cette entreprise a besoin d'être encouragée et aidée de plusieurs manières, j'ai donc sollicité l'aide et la faveur de l'empereur, du roi de France et du roi d'Espagne, profitant aussi des moyens des nonces qui résident dans les cours de Madrid et de Vienne, afin qu'ils puissent se donner à moi efficacement.

Cependant, désirant avoir encore les charges du roi de Pologne comme plus puissantes que toutes autres auprès du roi de Danemark à cause de la confédération qui existe entre eux et à cause des obligations que ce dernier lui professe, je prends la confiance d'écrire à Votre Sérénité, non seulement parce que c'est une affaire digne de la charge que elle occupe, mais aussi à l'égard des démonstrations que elle m'a faites lorsque elle s'est faite connaître à moi, espérant que dans cette conjoncture elle pourra m'en faire jouir du fruit de manière à me rendre obligé envers lui.

Mais je crois d'abord nécessaire de faire savoir à Votre Sérénité que, ayant écrit plusieurs fois au même roi de Pologne, tant à l'occasion de ma conversion, qu'ensuite à d'autres moments, selon les besoins que j'en avais, je n'ai jamais reçu aucune réponse de Sa Majesté, mais, étant persuadée que cela était arrivé par suite de quelque accident ou empêchement, je n'y ai pas fait plus de réflexion.

Mais, lorsque Monseigneur le cardinal Vidoni vint à Rome et se trouva en conversation avec Monseigneur le cardinal Azzolino, il laissa entendre que Sa Majesté s'était plainte de moi parce que je ne lui avais pas écrit au sujet de ma conversion, ce qui, lorsque Son Éminence m'en informa plus tard, ne me causa pas d'inquiétude ordinaire, alors que je savais avoir satisfait cette partie à Sa Majesté et de Bruxelles, où j'ai fait l'abjuration secrète, et puis aussi d'Innsbruck, comment puis-je encore envoyer des copies non seulement de ces lettres, mais de toutes les autres que je lui ai écrites ensuite à diverses époques.

Sachant cependant que mes lettres avaient mal passé et que je ne pouvais que regretter ma disgrâce, je prie donc Votre Sérénité, si elle trouve le roi et la reine mécontents à ce sujet, de leur certifier vivement à tous deux la constance de mes sentiments affectueux envers eux et de la bonne correspondance que je désire toujours passer entre nous; et Votre Sérénité m'obligera à l'extrême de bien l'établir dans cette occasion, dans laquelle je désire avoir Leurs Majestés propices, puisqu'il s'agit de promouvoir notre religion.

Ce que Votre Sérénité a à implorer de Sa Majesté, cependant, c'est une lettre adressée au roi de Danemark, dans laquelle il montre effectivement que si elle m'accordera la demande que je m'apprête à faire concernant le libre exercice de notre religion, ce sera quelque chose de si agréable à Sa Majesté qu'il ressentira avec un dégoût extrême le résultat malheureux.

Je m'assure que Sa Majesté sera disposée à me favoriser sur ce point, grâce aussi aux manières persuasives et prudentes de Votre Sérénité, en lesquelles j'ai une grande confiance; j'espère donc recevoir ladite lettre au plus tôt, lui priant avant tout pour son efficacité. En effet, afin d'écarter toute occasion de perturber le bon succès de cette pensée, que Votre Sérénité veuille bien se contenter de n'invoquer d'autre raison que celle écrite par Monseigneur le cardinal Azzolino au sujet du testament du roi, d'autant plus que la reine bénéficie des revenus du royaume de Naples.

Je ne veux pas donner à ce sujet de dégoût, en le faisant passer avant tout autre intérêt susceptible d'être défendu, celui de la religion. Il reste que je recommande à Votre Sérénité (comme je le fais) le secret, car il n'est pas opportun pour le succès de l'affaire de publier les traités ailleurs; et, en l'envoyant ci-joint à la lettre pour Sa Majesté, je lui souhaite une pleine prospérité, etc.

P. S.
Une lettre s'envoie aussi à Votre Sérénité pour la reine, dont elle se contentera de passer au même bureau et recevrez les copies en même temps pour ses nouvelles.

Swedish translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Till Polens nuntius.
Hamburg, 4 oktober 1661.
Monsignor,
Eftersom jag måste stanna kvar i dessa trakter under en tid på grund av mina intressen, anser jag att jag inte får underlåta att göra någon nytta för de katoliker som finns i Danmark och i denna stad genom att, så mycket jag kan med mitt arbete, säkra dem friheten att utöva vår religion; och eftersom företaget behöver främjas och underlättas på många sätt, har jag därför bett om hjälp och gunst från kejsaren, Frankrikes konung och Spaniens konung, och även utnyttjat medlen från nuntierna som är bosatta vid hoven i Madrid och Wien så att de effektivt kan ge sig åt mig.

Emellertid önskar jag fortfarande behålla Polens konungs tjänster som mäktigare än något annat hos Danmarks konung på grund av det förbund som råder mellan dem och på grund av de förpliktelser som denne bekänner sig gentemot honom, och jag tar mig tillförsikt att skriva till Ers Durchlauchtighet, inte bara för att det är en sak värdig det ämbete Ni innehar, utan också med avseende på de uppvisningar Ni gjorde mig när Ni gav Er till känna för mig, i hopp om att Ni i detta sammanhang skall kunna få mig att njuta av frukten av det på ett sådant sätt att jag blir Er förpliktad.

Men först anser jag det nödvändigt att informera Ers Durchlauchtighet om att jag, efter att ha skrivit till samme Polens konung flera gånger, både i samband med min omvändelse och även efteråt vid andra tillfällen, beroende på mitt behov, aldrig har fått något svar från Hans Majestät, men eftersom jag var övertygad om att detta hade skett på grund av någon olyckshändelse eller hinder, funderade jag inte vidare över det.

Men när monsignor kardinal Vidoni kom till Rom och fann sig själv i samtal med monsignor kardinal Azzolino, lät han förstå att Hans Majestät hade klagat på mig eftersom jag inte hade skrivit till honom om min omvändelse, vilket, när Hans Eminens senare informerade mig om det, inte orsakade mig någon vanlig störning, medan jag var medveten om att ha uppfyllt denna part hos Hans Majestät och från Bryssel, där jag avlade den hemliga avsvärjningen, och sedan också från Innsbruck, hur kan jag fortfarande skicka kopior inte bara av dessa brev, utan av alla de andra som jag har skrivit till honom efteråt vid olika tidpunkter.

Eftersom jag emellertid vet att mina brev hade gått illa bort och att jag inte kunde göra annat än att beklaga min onåd, ber jag därför Ers lugn, om Ni finner konungen och drottningen missnöjda på grund av detta, att levande bekräfta för dem båda mina tillgivna känslor gentemot dem och den goda brevväxling som jag alltid önskar mellan oss; och Ers Durchlauchtighet kommer att förplikta mig i yttersta grad att bevisa det väl vid detta tillfälle, där jag vill ha Deras Majestäter välvilligt gynnande, ty det gäller att främja vår religion.

Vad Ers Durchlauchtighet emellertid har att vädja till Hans Majestät är ett brev riktat till Danmarks konung, i vilket han effektivt visar att om Ni beviljar mig den begäran jag nu har att göra angående det fria utövandet av vår religion, kommer det att vara något så behagligt för Hans Majestät att han med yttersta avsky kommer att känna det olyckliga resultatet.

Jag försäkrar mig om att Hans Majestät kommer att vara benägen att gynna mig i detta avseende även genom Ers Durchlauchtighets övertygande och kloka sätt, för vilka jag har stort förtroende; jag hoppas därför få nämnda brev så snart som möjligt och ber framför allt för dess effektivitet. För att undanröja varje anledning att störa denna tankes goda framgång, må Ers Durchlauchtighet nöja sig med att inte anföra någon annan anledning än den som monsignor kardinal Azzolino har skrivit om konungens testamente, särskilt eftersom drottningen åtnjuter den inkomst som finns i konungariket Neapel.

Jag vill inte ge något avsky åt detsamma, utan företräde framför alla andra intressen som kan främjas, detta av religionen. Det återstår att jag rekommenderar Ers Durchlauchtighet (vilket jag gör) sekretess, eftersom det inte är lämpligt för affärens framgång att publicera fördragen någon annanstans; och, skickande det bifogat brevet för Hans Majestät, önskar jag Er all framgång osv.

P. S.
Ett brev skickas också till Ers Durchlauchtighet för drottningen, med vilket Ni nöjer Er med att passera samma ämbete och samtidigt får kopiorna för Era nyheter.

English translation (my own):

To the Nuncio of Poland.
Hamburg, October 4, 1661.
Monsignor,
Having to remain in these parts for some time on the occasion of my interests, I esteem that I must not neglect to do some benefit to the Catholics who are in Denmark and in this city by procuring for them, as much as I can with my work, the freedom of the exercise of our religion; and, as the enterprise needs to be promoted and helped in many ways, I have therefore requested the assistance and favour of the Emperor, of the King of France and of the King of Spain, availing myself also of the means of the nuncios who reside in the courts of Madrid and Vienna so that they can give themselves to me effectively.

However, I desiring to still have the offices of the King of Poland as more powerful than any other with the King of Denmark because of the confederation that exists between them and because of the obligations that the latter professes to him, I take the confidence to write to Your Serenity, not only because it is a matter worthy of the office that you hold, but also in regard to the exhibitions made to me by you when you made yourself known to me, hoping that in this conjuncture you will be able to make me enjoy the fruit of it in such a way as to make me obliged to you.

But firstly I deem it necessary to inform Your Serenity that, I having written to the same King of Poland several times, both on the occasion of my conversion and also afterwards at other times, according to the needs I had, I have never received any response from His Majesty, but, being persuaded that this had occurred due to some accident or impediment, I did not make any further reflection on it.

But, when Monsignor Cardinal Vidoni came to Rome and found himself talking with Monsignor Cardinal Azzolino, he let it be understood that His Majesty had complained about me because I had not written to him about my conversion, which, when His Eminence later informed me of it, caused me no ordinary disturbance, while I was aware of having satisfied this part with His Majesty and from Brussels, where I made the secret abjuration, and then also from Innsbruck, how can I still send copies not only of these letters, but of all the others that I have written to him afterwards at various times.

Knowing, however, that my letters had gone off badly and that I could do nothing but regret my disgrace, I therefore beg Your Serenity, if you find the King and Queen displeased on this account, to vividly certify to both of them the constancy of my affectionate feelings towards them and of the good correspondence which I desire to always pass between us; and Your Serenity will oblige me in the extreme to establish it well on this occasion, in which I want to have Their Majesties propitious, as it is a question of promoting our religion.

What Your Serenity has to implore from His Majesty, however, is a letter directed to the King of Denmark, in which he effectively shows that if you will grant me the request I am about to make concerning the free exercise of our religion, it will be something so pleasing to His Majesty that he will feel with extreme disgust the unfortunate outcome.

I assure myself that His Majesty will be disposed to favour me in this particular through also the persuasive and prudent ways of Your Serenity, in which I have great confidence; I therefore want to hope to receive the said letter as soon as possible, praying you above all for its efficacy. Indeed, so as to remove every occasion to disturb the good success of this thought, may Your Serenity be content to make no other reason than that which has been written by Monsignor Cardinal Azzolino about the King's will, especially since the Queen enjoys the income that is in the Kingdom of Naples.

I do not want to give any matter of disgust to the same, taking precedence over any other interest that may be promoted, this one of religion. It remains that I recommend to Your Serenity (as I do) secrecy, as it is not appropriate for the success of the affair to publish the treaties elsewhere; and, sending it enclosed with the letter for His Majesty, I remain in wishing you every prosperity, etc.

P. S.
A letter is also sent to Your Serenity for the Queen, with which you will content yourself with passing the same office and will receive the copies at the same time for your news.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Antonio Pignatelli (later Pope Innocent XII).

Wednesday, May 7, 2025

Kristina's letter to Fernando Joaquín Fajardo de Requeséns y Zúñiga, 6th Marquis de Los Vélez, viceroy of Naples, dated May 30/June 9 (New Style), 1679

Source:

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (Montpellier); Manuscrits de la reine Christine; VI: Lettere a principi d'altezza e d'eccellenza; Lettere a principi d'eccelenza : lettere al Vice-re di Napoli; Lettres au vice-roi de Naples (marquis de los Velez); 242: Christine de Suède au vice-roi de Naples, [s. l.], 9 juin 1679 (digitisation page 213v-214r)


Christine (1626-1689 ; reine de Suède), Manuscrits de la reine Christine: Lettere a principi d'altezza e d'eccellenza, : , 1601-1700.

The Foli@ online digital heritage library is here:


Copyright SCDI-UPV - Collections Université de Montpellier (shelfmark H 258).

Mémoires concernant Christine, reine de Suède, volume 3, page 457, compiled and edited by Johan Arckenholtz, 1759; original at the National Library of Naples (Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III)



"Par une Lettre postérieure de la Reine au Marquis de los Velos, Vice-Roi de Naples (li 9. Giug. E. A. [1679] ibidem p. 109.), on voit aussi que cette protestation a eu quelque effet, puisque Christine le remercie de l'assistance qu'il a prêtée à sa cause, de l'héritage du Roi Casimir, en le priant de vouloir y continuer sa justice & sa politesse, en quoi elle met toute sa confiance, & se flatte qu'il expédiera promptement cette affaire, le Nonce étant pleinement autorisé de sa part dans toutes les circonstances y relatives & nécessaires.

Ces sont les derniéres Dépêches qui se trouvent dans les Manuscrits de Christine reçus de Rome au sujet de l'héritage du Roi Jean Casimir. Nous ne pouvons pas non plus dire, si cette affaire a eu quelque suite, ni comment elle a été enfin terminée."

"From a later letter from the Queen to the Marquis de Los Vélez, Viceroy of Naples (June 9, same year [1679], ibidem, page 109.), we also see that this protestation had some effect, as Kristina thanks him for the assistance he has given to her cause, for the inheritance of King Kazimierz, in begging him to continue his justice and politeness in this affair, in which she places all her confidence and flatters herself that he will promptly expedite this matter, the Nuncio being fully authorised on her part in all relevant and necessary circumstances.

These are the last dispatches found in Kristina's manuscripts received from Rome concerning the inheritance of King Jan Kazimierz; nor can we say whether this matter had any follow-up, nor how it was finally resolved."

The letter:

al Vicerè di Napoli
9. Giug[n]o 1679.
Sig[nor] Vicerè Marchese de los Veles mio Primo, Essendo io Stata ragguagliata da cot[esto] Mons[igno]r Nunzio dell'assistenza che lei Si è compiaciuta di prestar alla mia causa dell'Heredità del Rè Casimiro, vengo ad attestarlene il mio gradim[en]to con ringraziarla del Zelo, e dell'affetto è hà dimostrato verso le mie conuenienze in q[ues]ta occ[asio]ne pregandola della continuat[io]ne della Sua giustizia, e cortesia in cui ripongo pienam[en]te la confidenza per la pronta Spedizione della med[esim]a causa, intorno alla quale Mons[igno]re Nunzio le dirà di mano in mano quanto farà di bisogno, et assicurandola della part[icola]re considerat[io]ne e stima che porto alla p[er]sona, et al merito di lei le aug[uro] ogni prosp[er]ità[.]
sta bene

With modernised spelling:

Al viceré di Napoli.
9 giugno 1679.
Signor viceré, marchese de Los Vélez, mio primo,
Essendo io stata ragguagliata da codesto monsignor nunzio dell'assistenza che lei si è compiaciuta di prestar alla mia causa dell'eredità del re Casimiro, vengo ad attestarlene il mio gradimento con ringraziarla del zelo e dell'affetto e ha dimostrato verso le mie convenienze in questa occasione, pregandola della continuazione della sua giustizia e cortesia, in cui ripongo pienamente la confidenza per la pronta spedizione della medesima causa, intorno alla quale monsignore nunzio le dirà di mano in mano quanto farà di bisogno; ed, assicurandola della particolare considerazione e stima che porto alla persona ed al merito di lei, le auguro ogni prosperità.
Sta bene.

French translation (my own):

Au vice-roi de Naples.
Le 9 juin 1679.
Monsieur le vice-roi, marquis de Los Vélez, mon cousin,
Ayant été informée par ce Monseigneur nonce de l'assistance qu'il lui a plu de donner à ma cause de l'héritage du roi Casimir, je viens l'assurer de ma satisfaction en la remerciant du zèle et de l'affection qu'elle a montrés à mon égard en cette occasion, la priant de continuer sa justice et courtoisie, dans lesquelles je place pleinement ma confiance pour la prompte expédition de la même cause, au sujet de laquelle Monseigneur le nonce lui dira de temps en temps ce qu'il fera selon les besoins; et, l'assurant de la considération et de l'estime particulières que j'ai pour sa personne et son mérite, je lui souhaite toute prospérité.
C'est bien.

Swedish translation (my own):

Till vicekonungen i Neapel.
Den 9 juni 1679.
Señor vicekonung, markis de Los Vélez, min kusin,
Efter att ha blivit informerad av denne monsignor nuntius om den hjälp Ni har behagat ge min sak gällande konung Kasimirs arv, kommer jag för att försäkra Er om min tillfredsställelse genom att tacka Er för den nit och tillgivenhet Ni har visat mig vid detta tillfälle, bedjande Er om fortsatt rättvisa och artighet, till vilken jag fullt ut sätter min tilltro till ett snabbt genomförande av samma sak, för vilken monsignor nuntien då och då kommer att berätta för Er vad han kommer att göra vid behov; och, försäkrande Er om den särskilda hänsyn och aktning jag har för Er person och Era förtjänster, önskar jag Er all framgång.
Det här är bra.

English translation (my own):

To the Viceroy of Naples.
June 9, 1679.
Señor Viceroy, Marquis de Los Vélez, my cousin,
Having been informed by this Monsignor Nuncio of the assistance that it has pleased you to give to my cause of the inheritance of King Kazimierz, I come to assure you of my satisfaction by thanking you for the zeal and affection that you have shown towards my convenience on this occasion, begging you for the continuation of your justice and courtesy, in which I fully place my confidence for the prompt expedition of the same cause, about which Monsignor the Nuncio will tell you from time to time what he will do as needed; and, assuring you of the particular consideration and esteem that I have for your person and your merit, I wish you every prosperity.
This is fine.


Above: Kristina.

Note: In accordance with the nobility's ideals in the early modern era, kings and queens considered themselves siblings; when talking to someone of a lower rank than their own, they would refer to that person as "my cousin", regardless of whether or not they were related.

Friday, April 18, 2025

Abraham de Wicquefort on King Jan II Kazimierz' title, years 1648 and 1651

Sources:

L'ambassadeur et ses fonctions, volume 1, book 1, section 20, page 308, by Abraham de Wicquefort, 1682 (1715 edition)


The embassador and his functions, pages 164 to 165, by Abraham de Wicquefort, translated by John Digby, 1716


The account:

Messieurs d'Arpajoux [sic] & de Bregy, Ambassadeurs de France, estant en Pologne pendant l'interregne, & aprés le decés du Roy Uladislas, donnoient le tître de Majesté au Prince Casimir, mesme devant son élection. La Reine Christine, qui consideroit qu'on ne lui pouvoit donner ce tître, sinon à cause de sa pretention sur la Couronne de Suede, en fut fort indignée, & en fit des reproches assés forts à Chanut, Ambassadeur de France à Stocolm. Ce Ministre, qui estoit fort bien avec elle, voyant que ses mauvaises excuses ne faisoient que l'aigrir davantage, dit enfin, que la Cour de France les avoit desavoüés. Cela satisfit la Reine en quelque façon; mais pour achever de se guerir de ses inquiétudes, elle demanda à Chanut, si le Roy & la Reine Mere, en escrivant au Prince Casimir, lui donnoient le tître de Majesté: & sur ce que Chanut dit, à tout hazard, que non, quoi qu'il n'en sceust rien; elle repartit, qu'elle n'avoit donc pas sujet de se plaindre, parce que les civilités des Ambassadeurs ne font point de consequence. Au traité de la tréve, que M. d'Avaux avoit fait conclure entre la Pologne & la Suede, le Roy de Pologne n'avoit pas pris la qualité de Roy hereditaire de Suede, & avoit donné celle de Reine de Suede à Christine; & neantmoins lorsque les Ministres des deux Couronnes s'assemblerent à Lubec en l'an 1651. les Ambassadeurs de Pologne vouloient donner la qualité de Roy hereditaire de Suede à Casimir, & refuserent celle de Reine de Suede à Christine. Ce qui fut la cause la plus apparente de la séparation de l'Assemblée: quoi que d'ailleurs il y eust, de part & d'autre, fort peu de disposition à l'accommodement. La Reine avoit raison de dire, que les civilités des Ambassadeurs ne font point de consequence, lorsque ce ne sont que de simples complimens: mais il faut avoüer qu'elles font consequence lorsqu'elles sont estudiées & affectées: comme il est certain, de l'autre costé, que le refus que l'Ambassadeur fait de rendre les civilités à ceux à qui il en doit, peut avoir des consequences trés-fascheuses. Il en doit au Prince auquel il est envoyé, à son Estat & à ses Ministres; & il n'y peut manquer, sans manquer à son devoir. En arrivant sur la frontiere, il doit se faite connoistre aux Gouverneurs, & rendre aux places & aux armes du Souverain le respect, que l'on ne peut lui refuser sans l'offenser. ...

With modernised spelling:

Messieurs [d'Arpajon] et de Brégy, ambassadeurs de France, étant en Pologne pendant l'interrègne et après le décès du roi Wladislas, donnaient le titre de Majesté au prince Casimir, même devant son élection. La reine Christine, qui considérait qu'on ne lui pouvait donner ce titre sinon à cause de sa prétention sur la Couronne de Suède, en fut fort indignée et en fit des reproches assez forts à Chanut, ambassadeur de France à Stockholm.

Ce ministre, qui était fort bien avec elle, voyant que ses mauvaises excuses ne faisaient que l'aigrir davantage, dit enfin que la Cour de France les avait désavoués. Cela satisfit la reine en quelque façon, mais, pour achever de se guérir de ses inquiétudes, elle demanda à Chanut si le roi et la reine-mère, en écrivant au prince Casimir, lui donnaient le titre de Majesté; et sur ce que Chanut dit, à tout hasard, que non, quoiqu'il n'en sût rien, elle repartit qu'elle n'avait donc pas sujet de se plaindre, parce que les civilités des ambassadeurs ne font point de conséquence.

Au traité de la trêve que M. d'Avaux avait fait conclure entre la Pologne et la Suède, le roi de Pologne n'avait pas pris la qualité de roi héréditaire de Suède et avait donné celle de reine de Suède à Christine; et néanmoins, lorsque les ministres des deux Couronnes s'assemblèrent à Lübeck en l'an 1651, les ambassadeurs de Pologne voulaient donner la qualité de roi héréditaire de Suède à Casimir et refusèrent celle de reine de Suède à Christine, ce qui fut la cause la plus apparente de la séparation de l'assemblée, quoique d'ailleurs il y eût, de part et d'autre, fort peu de disposition à l'accommodement.

La reine avait raison de dire que les civilités des ambassadeurs ne font point de conséquence lorsque ce ne sont que de simples compliments, mais il faut avouer qu'elles font conséquence lorsqu'elles sont étudiées et affectées, comme il est certain de l'autre côté que le refus que l'ambassadeur fait de rendre les civilités à ceux à qui il en doit peut avoir des conséquences très fâcheuses. Il en doit au prince auquel il est envoyé, à son État, et à ses ministres, et il n'y peut manquer sans manquer à son devoir. En arrivant sur la frontière, il doit se faite connaître aux gouverneurs et rendre aux places et aux armes du souverain le respect que l'on ne peut lui refuser sans l'offenser. ...

Swedish translation (my own):

Messieurs d'Arpajon och de Brégy, franska ambassadörer, som befann sig i Polen under interregnum och efter konung Vladislavs död, gav titeln Majestät till prins Kasimir, redan före hans val. Drottning Kristina, som ansåg sig inte kunna tilldelas denna titel annat än på grund av sitt anspråk på Sveriges Krona, var mycket upprörd och framförde starka förebråelser mot Chanut, den franske ambassadören i Stockholm.

Denne minister, som var mycket god hos henne, eftersom hon såg att hans dåliga ursäkter bara gjorde henne mer förbittrad, sa till sist att Frankrikes hov hade förkastat dem. Detta tillfredsställde drottningen på något sätt, men för att fullborda botandet av hennes oro frågade hon Chanut om konungen och drottningmodern, i skrift till prins Kasimir, gav honom titeln Majestät; och när Chanut av en slump sade »nej«, fastän han inte visste något om det, svarade hon att hon därför inte hade någon anledning att klaga, ty ambassadörernas artigheter inte har några konsekvenser.

Vid den vapenvila som monsieur d'Avaux hade slutit mellan Polen och Sverige, hade konungen av Polen inte tagit egenskapen som Sveriges arvkonung och hade givit den som Sveriges drottning till Kristina; och icke desto mindre, när de två Kronornas ministrar samlades i Lübeck år 1651, ville de polska ambassadörerna ge Kasimir egenskapen som Sveriges arvkonung och vägrade Kristina att vara Sveriges drottning, vilket var den mest uppenbara orsaken till församlingens separation, även om det dessutom fanns mycket litet mottagande på båda sidor.

Drottningen hade rätt i att säga att ambassadörernas artigheter inte har någon konsekvens när de bara är enkla komplimanger, men det måste erkännas att de får konsekvenser när de studeras och påverkas, ty det är säkert från andra sidan att ambassadörens vägran att återlämna artigheter till dem som han är skyldig dem kan få mycket olyckliga konsekvenser. Han är skyldig den furste till vilken han är sänd, till hans Stat och hans ministrar, och han kan inte underlåta att göra det utan att misslyckas med sin plikt. När han anländer till gränsen måste han ge sig till känna för guvernörerna och betala suveränens platser och vapen den respekt som inte kan vägras utan att förolämpa honom. ...

English translation (by Digby):

Messieurs d'Arpajoux [sic], and de Bregy, Embassadors of France, being in Poland during the Interregnum, after the Death of King Uladislas, gave the Title of Majesty to Prince Casimir, even before his Election. Queen Christina, who consider'd that this Title could not be given him, but by reason of his Pretension to the Crown of Sweden, was very angry thereat, and made great Expostulations thereupon to Chanut, the French Embassador at Stockholm. This Minister, who was much in her Favour, seeing his bad Excuses only serv'd to exasperate her, said at last that the Court of France had disown'd them. This satisfy'd the Queen in some Measure; but that she might be perfectly cur'd of her Inquietudes, she ask'd Chanut whether the King and the Queen Mother, when they wrote to Prince Casimir, gave him the Title of Majesty? And as Chanut said, at all Adventures, no, tho' he knew nothing of the matter; she reply'd, That then she had no reason to complain, because the Civilities of Embassadors are not to be minded, being of no Consequence. In the Treaty of the Truce that Monsieur d'Avaux had brought to a Conclusion between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the Quality of Hereditary King of Sweden, and had given that of Queen of Sweden to Christina; yet nevertheless, when the Ministers of the two Crowns met at Lubeck, in the Year 1551 [sic], the Embassadors of Poland were for giving the Quality of King Hereditary of Sweden to Casimir, and refus'd that of Queen of Sweden to Christina: Which was the most apparent Cause of the breaking up of the Assembly; tho' otherwise there was in either of the Parties but very little Disposition to an Accommodation. The Queen was in the right to say, that the Civilities of Embassadors are of no Consequence, when they are only mere Complements: But it must be own'd that they are of Consequence, when they are study'd and affected: As it is certain on the other side, that the Refusal an Embassador makes, to pay Civilities to those to whom he owes them, may have very vexatious Consequences. Now he owes them to the Prince to whom he is sent, to his Estate, and to his Ministers; and he cannot be wanting therein, without failing in his Duty. At his Arrival on the Frontiers he ought to make himself known to the Governors, and pay, to the Places and Arms of the Sovereign, that Respect which cannot be refus'd him without offending him. ...

With modernised spelling:

Messieurs [d'Arpajon] and de Brégy, ambassadors of France, being in Poland during the interregnum after the death of King Wladislas, gave the title of Majesty to Prince Kasimir even before his election. Queen Kristina, who considered that this title could not be given him but by reason of his pretension to the Crown of Sweden, was very angry thereat and made great expostulations thereupon to Chanut, the French ambassador at Stockholm.

This minister, who was much in her favour, seeing his bad excuses only served to exasperate her, said at last that the court of France had disowned them. This satisfied the Queen in some measure; but that she might be perfectly cured of her inquietudes, she asked Chanut whether the King and the Queen Mother, when they wrote to Prince Kasimir, gave him the title of Majesty; and as Chanut said, at all adventures, no, though he knew nothing of the matter, she replied that then she had no reason to complain, because the civilities of ambassadors are not to be minded, being of no consequence.

In the treaty of the truce that Monsieur d'Avaux had brought to a conclusion between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the quality of hereditary king of Sweden, and had given that of queen of Sweden to Kristina; yet nevertheless, when the ministers of the two Crowns met at Lübeck, in the year [1651], the ambassadors of Poland were for giving the quality of king hereditary of Sweden to Kasimir and refused that of queen of Sweden to Kristina, which was the most apparent cause of the breaking up of the assembly; though otherwise there was in either of the parties but very little disposition to an accommodation.

The Queen was in the right to say that the civilities of ambassadors are of no consequence when they are only mere compliments, but it must be owned that they are of consequence when they are studied and affected, as it is certain on the other side that the refusal an ambassador makes to pay civilities to those to whom he owes them may have very vexatious consequences. Now, he owes them to the prince to whom he is sent, to his Estate, and to his ministers; and he cannot be wanting therein without failing in his duty. At his arrival on the frontiers he ought to make himself known to the governors and pay to the places and arms of the sovereign that respect which cannot be refused him without offending him. ...

English translation (my own):

Messieurs d'Arpajon and de Brégy, French ambassadors, being in Poland during the interregnum and after the death of King Władysław, gave the title of Majesty to Prince Kazimierz, even before his election. Queen Kristina, who considered that he could not be given this title except because of his claim to the Crown of Sweden, was very indignant and made strong reproaches to Chanut, the French ambassador in Stockholm.

This minister, who was very good with her, seeing that his poor excuses only embittered her more, finally said that the court of France had disavowed them. This satisfied the Queen in some way, but, to complete the cure of her anxieties, she asked Chanut if the King and the Queen Mother, in writing to Prince Kazimierz, gave him the title of Majesty; and when Chanut said, by chance, "no", although he knew nothing about it, she replied that she therefore had no reason to complain, because the civilities of ambassadors have no consequences.

At the truce treaty that Monsieur d'Avaux had concluded between Poland and Sweden, the King of Poland had not taken the quality of hereditary king of Sweden and had given that of queen of Sweden to Kristina; and nevertheless, when the ministers of the two Crowns assembled at Lübeck in the year 1651, the Polish ambassadors wanted to give the quality of hereditary king of Sweden to Kazimierz and refused that of queen of Sweden to Kristina, which was the most apparent cause of the separation of the assembly, although, moreover, there was on both sides very little willingness to accommodate.

The Queen was right to say that the civilities of ambassadors have no consequence when they are only simple compliments, but it must be admitted that they have consequences when they are studied and affected, as it is certain from the other side that the ambassador's refusal to return civilities to those to whom he owes them can have very unfortunate consequences. He owes it to the prince to whom he is sent, to his State, and to his ministers, and he cannot fail to do so without failing in his duty. On arriving at the border, he must make himself known to the governors and pay the sovereign's places and arms the respect that cannot be refused without offending him. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.

Note: Monsieur d'Arpajon = Louis, duc d'Arpajon (1601-1679), marquis de Sévérac, comte de Rodez, vicomte de Montal, baron de Salvagnac, de Montclar, etc. Aside from his military career in the Thirty Years' War, he served as French ambassador to Poland.

Monsieur de Brégy = Nicolas de Flécelles, comte de Brégy (1615-1689), French ambassador to Poland, Holland, Sweden, Transylvania and Courland. His wife was Charlotte de Saumaize de Chazan (1619-1693), whose paternal uncle was Claude Saumaise (1588-1653), one of Kristina's friends and favourite scholars. She was the lady-in-waiting to Anne of Austria, Queen Regent of France, and possibly also Kristina's crush.

Monday, January 27, 2025

Kristina's open letter occasioned by the death of King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland, dated December 31, 1672/January 10, 1673 (New Style)

Sources:

Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (Montpellier); Papiers de Christine de Suède, complément; 2: Papiers de Christine de Suède, complément II; Lettre 43  Christine de Suède à ?, Rome, 10 janvier 1673 (digitisation page 82v-83r)


Christine (1626-1689 ; reine de Suède), Papiers de Christine de Suède, complément II, : , 1601-1700.

The Foli@ online digital heritage library is here:


Copyright SCDI-UPV - Collections Université de Montpellier (shelfmark H 258 bis 2).


The letter:

LA REGINA
CHRISTINA ALEXANDRA
Essendo vacata per la morte del Rè Casimiro di Polonia Nostro Zio la Superiorità della Chiesa e pertinenze di S. Brigida della Nostra Nazione di Suezia, porta in Roma nella Piazza farnese, e uolendo Noi prenderne l'attual possesso con il presente N[ost]ro Chirografo constituiamo à tal effetto nostro Procuratore il Duca di Poli n[ost]ro Camerier magg[ior]e concedendo al medemo ogni facoltà di prender à nostro nome il d[ett]o possesso, e confirmar per hora à nostro beneplacito e tutti gl'Vfficiali, e Ministri di d[ett]a Chiesa, e particolarm[en]te i Cappellani, et altri che assistono al seruizio di essa: Jn fede di che Sarà il pr[ese]nte n[ost]ro Chirografo Sottoscritto di n[ost]ra Real mano, e munito col n[ost]ro Sigillo Regio. Dato in Roma li X Gennaro 1673 —
Christina Alessandra
/ P Matteo Santinj

With modernised spelling:

La Regina Cristina Alexandra.
Essendo vacata per la morte del re Casimiro di Polonia, Nostro zio, la superiorità della chiesa e pertinenze di Santa Brigida della Nostra nazione di Svezia, porta in Roma nella Piazza Farnese, e volendo Noi prenderne l'attual possesso con il presente Nostro chirografo, constituiamo a tal effetto Nostro procuratore il duca di Poli, Nostro camerier maggiore, concedendo al medemo ogni facoltà di prender a Nostro nome il detto possesso e confermar per ora a Nostro beneplacito e tutti gl'uffiziali e ministri di detta chiesa, e particolarmente i cappellani ed altri che assistono al servigio di essa. In fede di che, sarà il presente Nostro chirografo sottoscritto di Nostra Real Mano e munito col Nostro Sigillo Regio. Dato in Roma, li 10 gennaro 1673. —
Cristina Alessandra.
Padre Matteo Santini.

French translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

La Reine Christine Alexandra.
Considérant que la mort du roi Casimir de Pologne, Notre cousin, a fait disparaître la prérogative de l'église et des dépendances de Sainte-Brigitte de Notre nation de Suède, sise à Rome sur la Place Farnèse, et que Nous désirons en prendre possession effective par ce chirographe, Nous nommons le duc de Poli, Notre grand chambellan, comme Notre procureur à cet effet, lui concédant toute faculté de prendre possession en Notre nom et de confirmer pour le moment à Notre gré tous les officiers et ministres de ladite église, et particulièrement les chapelains et autres qui aident à son service. En foi de quoi, ce chirographe sera signé de Notre Main Royale et apposé de Notre Sceau Royal. Donné à Rome, le 10 janvier 1673. —
Christine Alessandra.
Père Matthieu Santini.

Swedish translation (my own):

Drottningen Kristina Alexandra.
Såsom döden av konung Kasimir av Polen, Vår kusin, har lämnat privilegiet för kyrkan och tillhörigheter till den heliga Birgitta av Vår nation Sverige, belägen i Rom på Piazza Farnese, och eftersom Vi vill ta den i verklig besittning med detta Vår kirograf, utser Vi hertigen av Poli, Vår överkammarherre, till Vår prokurator för detta ändamål, och ger honom all förmåga att ta nämnda besittning i Vårt namn och för att tills vidare till Vårt nöje bekräfta alla tjänstemän och ministrar i nämnda kyrkan, och särskilt prästerna och andra som hjälper till i dess tjänst. Till yttermera visso skall denna Vår kirograf undertecknas av Vår Kungliga Hand och försättas med Vårt Kungliga Sigill. Given i Rom, den 10 januari 1673. —
Kristina Alessandra.
Fader Matteo Santini.

English translation (my own):

Queen Kristina Alexandra.
Whereas the death of King Kazimierz of Poland, Our cousin, has vacated the prerogative of the church and appurtenances of Saint Birgitta of Our nation of Sweden, located in Rome in the Piazza Farnese, and as We wish to take actual possession of it with this Our chirograph, We appoint the Duke of Poli, Our grand chamberlain, as Our procurator for this purpose, conceding to him all faculty to take said possession in Our name and to confirm for the time being at Our pleasure all the officers and ministers of the said church, and particularly the chaplains and others who assist in its service. In faith whereof, this Our chirograph shall be signed by Our Royal Hand and affixed with Our Royal Seal. Given in Rome, January 10, 1673. —
Kristina Alessandra.
Father Matteo Santini.


Above: Kristina.


Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.

Notes: The last Vasa ruler of Poland and Kristina's cousin, King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland, had just recently passed away on December 6/16 (New Style), 1672.

The Duke of Poli = Giuseppe Lotario Conti, 6th Duke of Poli and Guadagnolo (1651-1724).

Thursday, January 16, 2025

Abraham de Wicquefort on the differences between a sovereign who is forced out of power and one who voluntarily abdicates

Sources:

L'ambassadeur et ses fonctions, volume 1, book 1, section 3, page 38, by Abraham de Wicquefort, 1682 (1715 edition)


The embassador and his functions, pages 20 to 21, by Abraham de Wicquefort, translated by John Digby, 1716


The account:

Il y a grande difference entre le Souverain, qu'une force estrangere, ou une guerre civile chasse de ses Estats, & celui qui abdique volontairement. Celui qui abdique, ou qui resigne ne retient point la Souverainete, mais en y renonçant, il renonce aussi à tous les droits qui en dépendent, & entre autres à celui d'envoyer des Ambassadeurs & des Ministres Publics. La naissance imprime aux Princes un caractere qui ne s'efface jamais; tellement qu'à quelque extremité qu'ils se voyent reduits, on leur doit du respect: mais pour les droits de la Souveraineté, ils sont inseparables de celui qui la possede. On ne peut posseder l'un sans l'autre. Celui qui est appellé à une Souveraineté, par la naissance ou par l'élection, succede aussi à tous ses droits. Ils ne peuvent estre communiqués à qui que ce soit, ni reservés par celui qui abdique, renonce, ou resigne: & qui aprés l'abdication, renonciation, ou resignation n'a plus d'affaires d'Estat à faire negocier. Le Roy Casimir, en quittant la Couronne & la Pologne mesme, sortit en quelque façon du Monde, où il avoit toûjours fait une trés-meschante figure: que si la Reine Christine y en fait encore, & si on veut bien avoir quelque consideration pour ses Ministres, c'est parce qu'elle possede un merite, & une grandeur d'ame, dont elle n'a pû se défaire avec la Couronne de Suede. Je m'arresterois icy, & me contenterois d'y ajouster, que le Roy & la Reine estoient les derniers de la posterité de Jagellon, & que, si la Reine s'ennuyoit de porter une Couronne, parce qu'elle estoit au dessous d'elle, le Roy s'en défit, parce qu'il ne la meritoit point, & estoit incapable de regner aprés la mort de la Reine sa femme; n'estoit que depuis quelque temps on a bien voulu déterrer à Bruxelles, où l'on devroit avoir de la veneration pour cette Princesse, le Marquis Monaldeschi, & parler d'une estrange maniere de l'execution, qu'elle en avoit fait faire à Fontainebleau. Je ne doute point, que la Reine n'ait fait faire justice, & je sçais que les Souverains passent souvent par-dessus les formes: je sçais aussi que sans une trés-forte raison d'Estat, ils ne doivent ni ne peuvent s'en dispenser: & je ne crains point d'y ajouster, qu'en cette rencontre la Reine n'a pû agir en Souveraine. ...

With modernised spelling:

Il y a grande différence entre le souverain qu'une force étrangère, ou une guerre civile, chasse de ses États et celui qui abdique volontairement. Celui qui abdique, ou qui résigne, ne retient point la souveraineté; mais, en y renonçant, il renonce aussi à tous les droits qui en dépendent et, entre autres, à celui d'envoyer des ambassadeurs et des ministres publics. La naissance imprime aux princes un caractère qui ne s'efface jamais, tellement qu'à quelque extrêmité qu'ils se voyent reduits, on leur doit du respect; mais pour les droits de la souveraineté, ils sont inséparables de celui qui la possède. On ne peut posséder l'un sans l'autre.

Celui qui est appellé à une souveraineté, par la naissance ou par l'élection, succède aussi à tous ses droits. Ils ne peuvent être communiqués à qui que ce soit, ni réservés par celui qui abdique, renonce, ou resigne, et qui après l'abdication, renonciation, ou résignation n'a plus d'affaires d'état à faire négocier. Le roi Casimir, en quittant la Couronne et la Pologne-même, sortit en quelque façon du monde, où il avait toujours fait une très méchante figure; que si la reine Christine y en fait encore, et si on veut bien avoir quelque consideration pour ses ministres, c'est parce qu'elle possède un mérite et une grandeur d'âme, dont elle n'a pu se défaire avec la Couronne de Suède.

Je m'arrêterais ici et me contenterais d'y ajouter que le roi et la reine étaient les derniers de la postérité de Jagellon, et que, si la reine s'ennuyait de porter une couronne, parce qu'elle était au-dessous d'elle, le roi s'en défit, parce qu'il ne la méritait point et était incapable de régner après la mort de la reine sa femme n'était que depuis quelque temps on a bien voulu déterrer à Bruxelles, où l'on devrait avoir de la vénération pour cette princesse, le marquis Monaldeschi, et parler d'une étrange manière de l'exécution qu'elle en avait fait faire à Fontainebleau. Je ne doute point que la reine n'ait fait faire justice, et je sais que les souverains passent souvent par-dessus les formes. Je sais aussi que, sans une très forte raison d'état, ils ne doivent ni ne peuvent s'en dispenser; et je ne crains point d'y ajouter qu'en cette rencontre la reine n'a pu agir en souveraine. ...

Swedish translation (my own):

Det är stor skillnad mellan den suverän som drivs bort från sina stater av en främmande styrka eller ett inbördeskrig, och den som frivilligt abdikerar. Den som abdikerar, eller som avgår, behåller inte suveräniteten; men genom att avsäga sig det, avsäger han sig också alla rättigheter som är beroende av det, och bland annat att sända ambassadörer och offentliga ministrar. Födelse präglar prinsar en karaktär som aldrig bleknar, så mycket att till vilken ytterlighet de än ser sig reducerad, man är skyldig dem respekt; men när det gäller suveränitetens rättigheter är de oskiljaktiga från den som äger den. Man kan inte ha det ena utan det andra.

Den som kallas till suveränitet, genom födsel eller genom val, lyckas också med alla sina rättigheter. De kan inte meddelas till någon, och inte heller reserveras av någon som abdikerar, avsäger sig eller avgår, och som efter abdikationen, avståendet eller avgången inte längre har några statliga angelägenheter att förhandla om. Konung Kasimir lämnade, genom att lämna kronan och själva Polen, på något sätt världen, där han alltid hade skurit en mycket otäck gestalt; att om drottning Kristina fortfarande gör det, och om man är villig att ta lite hänsyn till hennes ministrar, så beror det på att hon besitter en förtjänst och en själsstorhet som hon inte har kunnat göra sig av med med Sveriges Krona.

Jag skulle stanna här och nöja mig med att tillägga att konungen och drottningen var de sista av Jagiellons efterkommande, och att om drottningen var uttråkad av att bära en krona, eftersom den låg under henne, så blev konungen av med den eftersom han gjorde det. inte förtjänade det och var oförmögen att regera efter döden av drottningen, hans hustru, som hade varit begravd en tid i Bryssel, där man borde ha vördnad för denna prinsessa, markisen Monaldeschi, och tala på ett märkligt avrättningssätt som hon hade utfört i Fontainebleau. Jag tvivlar inte på att drottningen gjorde rättvisa, och jag vet att suveräner ofta går längre än formaliteter. Jag vet också att de, utan ett mycket starkt statligt skäl, inte får och kan inte befria sig från det; och jag tvekar inte att tillägga att drottningen i denna renkonter inte kunde ha agerat som suverän. ...

English translation (by Digby):

There is a vast deal of difference betwixt a Sovereign, whom a foreign Force or a civil War drives from his Estate, and a Prince that abdicates voluntarily. He that abdicates or resignes, does no longer retain his Sovereignty; by renouncing it, renounces also to all the Rights that are dependent on it; and amongst the rest, to that of sending Embassadors or publick Ministers. Birth stamps such a Character on Princes as is indelible; so that to whatsoever Extremity they are driven, there is a Respect due to 'em; but as for the Rights of Sovereignty, they are inseparable from him that is in possession thereof. There is no holding the one without the other. Whosoever is call'd to Sovereignty, either by Birth or by Election, succeeds also to all the Rights that belong to it. They are not communicable to any body whatever, nor can they be reserv'd by him that abdicates, renounces, or resigns; who after Abdication, Renunciation, or Resignation, has no longer any Affairs of State to negotiate. King Casimir, by quitting the Crown and Poland it self, might be said to leave the World, where he had made a very indifferent Figure: and if Queen Christina makes any still, and if any Regard be had to her Ministers, it is because she has a distinguishing Merit, and a Greatness of Soul, which she could not deprive her self of, when she resign'd the Crown of Sweden. I would stop here, and be contented to add, that the King and Queen were the last of the Posterity of Jagellon; and that if the Queen grew tir'd with wearing a Crown that was beneath her, the King quitted it because he was not worthy of it, and was incapable of Governing after the Death of his Wife; were it not, that within some time, they have in a manner dug up at Brussels (where they ought to have had some Veneration for that Princess) the Marquis Monaldeschi, and spoke after a strange manner of the Execution she had caus'd him to undergo at Fontain[e]bleau. I do not doubt but what the Queen did was what he deserv'd, and I know very well that Sovereigns often pass over Formalities: I know also, that without a weighty Reason of State they neither ought nor can dispense with 'em: and I am not afraid to add, that on this occasion the Queen could not act as Sovereign. ...

With modernised spelling:

There is a vast deal of difference betwixt a sovereign whom a foreign force or a civil war drives from his estate, and a prince that abdicates voluntarily. He that abdicates or resigns does no longer retain his sovereignty; by renouncing it, renounces also to all the rights that are dependent on it; and amongst the rest, to that of sending ambassadors or public ministers. Birth stamps such a character on princes as is indelible, so that, to whatsoever extremity they are driven, there is a respect due to 'em; but as for the rights of sovereignty, they are inseparable from him that is in possession thereof. There is no holding the one without the other.

Whosoever is called to sovereignty, either by birth or by election, succeeds also to all the rights that belong to it. They are not communicable to anybody whatever, nor can they be reserved by him that abdicates, renounces or resigns; who, after abdication, renunciation, or resignation, has no longer any affairs of state to negotiate. King [Kazimierz], by quitting the Crown and Poland itself, might be said to leave the world, where he had made a very indifferent figure; and if Queen Kristina makes any still, and if any regard be had to her ministers, it is because she has a distinguishing merit and a greatness of soul which she could not deprive herself of when she resigned the Crown of Sweden.

I would stop here and be contented to add that the King and Queen were the last of the posterity of Jagellon, and that if the Queen grew tired with wearing a crown that was beneath her, the King quitted it because he was not worthy of it and was incapable of governing after the death of his wife; were it not that within some time they have in a manner dug up at Brussels (where they ought to have had some veneration for that princess) the Marquis Monaldeschi and spoke after a strange manner of the execution she had caused him to undergo at Fontainebleau, I do not doubt but what the Queen did was what he deserved, and I know very well that sovereigns often pass over formalities. I know also that without a weighty reason of state, they neither ought nor can dispense with 'em; and I am not afraid to add that on this occasion the Queen could not act as sovereign. ...

English translation (my own):

There is a great difference between the sovereign who is driven from his states by a foreign force or a civil war, and the one who voluntarily abdicates. He who abdicates, or who resigns, does not retain sovereignty; but, by renouncing it, he also renounces all the rights which depend on it, and, among others, that of sending ambassadors and public ministers. Birth imprints on princes a character which never fades, so much so that to whatever extreme they see themselves reduced, one owes them respect; but as for the rights of sovereignty, they are inseparable from the one who possesses it. One cannot have one without the other.

He who is called to sovereignty, by birth or by election, also succeeds to all his rights. They cannot be communicated to anyone, nor reserved by anyone who abdicates, renounces, or resigns, and who after the abdication, renunciation, or resignation no longer has any state affairs to negotiate. King Kazimierz, in leaving the Crown and Poland itself, in some way left the world, where he had always cut a very nasty figure; that if Queen Kristina still does it, and if one is willing to have some consideration for her ministers, it is because she possesses a merit and a greatness of soul which she has not been able to get rid of with the Crown of Sweden.

I would stop here and content myself with adding that the King and Queen were the last of the posterity of Jagiellon, and that if the Queen was bored of wearing a crown, because it was beneath her, the king got rid of it because he did not deserve it and was incapable of reigning after the death of the Queen, his wife, who had been buried for some time in Brussels, where one should be to have veneration for this princess, the Marquis Monaldeschi, and to speak in a strange way of the execution that she had carried out at Fontainebleau. I have no doubt that the Queen did justice, and I know that sovereigns often go beyond formalities. I also know that, without a very strong reason of state, they must not and cannot exempt themselves from it; and I do not hesitate to add that in this rencontre the Queen could not have acted as a sovereign. ...


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.


Above: King Jan II Kazimierz of Poland.


Above: Abraham de Wicquefort.