Source:
Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 166 to 184, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan
Kristina's letter of August 2/12 (New Style), 1648 to Grotius' widow Maria van Reigersberch is here:
The account:
One of Christina's servants, not less illustrious than Oxenstiern, died a few months before his friend and colleague received this new dignity. Hugo Grotius was believed by many to be th[e] most universal genius that had appeared since the time of Aristotle.
Unfortunately Christina had not time to appreciate this great man as he deserved.
It can hardly be supposed she would have esteemed him less than she did Salmasius and Vossius, but his stay in Sweden was very short, and he did not appear there to advantage. Christina received him well, but the philosopher was dissatisfied, and would not comply with her desire to send for his family, and take up his residence in Sweden. His success as minister at Paris had not corresponded with his great intellect and learning. His manners were not attractive, and he was deficient in the ready wit and lively repartee which would have served him better in that gay [cheerful] capital than all his vast stores of knowledge.
He felt himself that on the whole his embassy had been a failure, and for that reason he solicited his recall. It was natural after this that he should be sensitive. A little longer acquaintance with Christina would have set all right, for she could appreciate excellence of every kind, and did not expect to find the most profound learning combined with the graceful manners of a courtier.
One of her greatest favourites was Salmasius, and although he was very inferior to Grotius, she did not esteem him the less that he was a little unpolished.
She always treated him with the greatest cordiality, although on one occasion she smiled at his awkwardness, and said that Salmasius knew how to name a chair in every language, but had not learned to sit upon one.
Grotius had not learned the art so useful to diplomatists, of making himself generally agreeable.
Before he was driven out of Holland[,] he had been sent to England to settle some differences between the Dutch and English East India Company.
He performed his mission satisfactorily, but his character was very little understood in England[,] as may be seen from a letter of the Archbishop of Canterbury to Sir Ralph Winwood, in which he calls Grotius "tedious, and full of tittle-tattle."
Another English divine, a certain Doctor Stewart, ventured a still stronger opinion, and pronounced Grotius to be "a smatterer, and simple fellow."
Few would now dispute that the man who uttered this judgment was the "simple fellow."
Grotius wrote his "Marc Liberum" [sic] in support of the Dutch right to trade with India, which was then disputed by the Portuguese. He showed that the latter had no right of conquest, and that it was absurd to suppose the first navigators of a sea acquired a right of possession, although their visit might leave no more traces than the keels of their vessels.
Oxenstiern had always steadily supported Grotius against Richelieu's complaints. The Swedish Minister's duties at Paris were not of a nature to make him very acceptable there. He was obliged to urge Lewis XIII. continually to fulfil his promise of sending troops and money to Germany. When Bernhard of Weimar died, several competitors arose for his army. The Elector Palatine Charles Lewis, son of the unfortunate Frederick, was among the number, and Richelieu arrested him in his journey through France, in order to gain time for his own negotiations with the mercenaries. Grotius and the minister of England made sharp remonstrances at this illegal act.
He also had some disputes about precedence with the Cardinal, and although he only followed the example of other ambassadors in refusing to visit Richelieu so long as the latter insisted on taking precedence of them, yet this punctiliousness was more resented in a man who had lately been a pensionary of France, than in ministers who were powerful nobles in their own country.
It is probable also that the honest Dutchman did not assert his claims in so courtly a manner as Lord Leicester and Lord Scudamore (Madame Grotius also was far from being an elegant person. An anecdote is told of her, from which it is probable many similar stories have originated. Madame Grotius was extremely fat, and one day, at the Court, Cardinal la Valette whispered to a lady near him, "Who is that great she-bear sitting by the Queen?" "It is my mother!" was the reply.).
Grotius appears to have been very tenacious on this subject. In 1637 the Swedes and English had a fight for precedence in the streets of Paris. The Swedes began the attack, but the English were the most numerous, and won the day. The English ambassadors sent to ask Grotius whether his people had acted by his orders. He answered that "he had ordered them to maintain the dignity of the Swedish monarchy, the oldest and greatest among Christians."
The French appear to have preferred the claims of the English, and Grotius had the folly to threaten the editor of a Gazette for representing this; but the Frenchman answered that he only obeyed the King and the Cardinal. Even then Grotius would not let the matter drop: he continued to discuss with Lord Leicester their relative claims to precedence, and among other arguments he gravely quoted the authority of Tacitus, regarding the antiquity of the Swedish nation. Leicester quietly observed that a long period had elapsed since Tacitus, during which no mention had been made of Sweden. To the credit of both ambassadors, it must be remarked that they lived on terms of great cordiality, notwithstanding this difference. The extravagant estimate he formed of the importance of his adopted country, is perhaps the only folly or weakness with which Grotius can be reproached.
He observed a degree of moderation on religious subjects which rendered him an object of suspicion to the zealous Lutherans.
Although he was sincerely religious, and employed much of his time and learning on religious subjects, he showed no animosity in the controversies between the different creeds. During his residence in France he took no notice of the Huguenots nor of the Dutch refugee clergy. When he was minister at Paris, his chaplain was a zealous Lutheran named Brandanus. Grotius appointed him on the conditions that he should observe moderation in his sermons, and should avoid any public controversy with either Catholics or Calvinists. When Brandanus found that his patron's chapel had become crowded and fashionable, he could not resist the opportunity of launching into invectives against both the rival churches. Grotius was much provoked at this. He reprimanded Brandanus several times, and at last dismissed him.
At one time Grotius resided with his friend the President de Même, whose fine library was of great use in the completion of his great work "De Jure Belli et Pacis." Grotius then carried his complaisance so far as to abstain from meat on Fridays, and from the public exercise of the reformed religion; yet his whole life may well shield him from the charge of religious indifference. Even among professed divines, few could equal him in the laboriousness of his efforts in defence of Christianity. He composed his "Tractatus de Veritate Religionis", while he was ambassador at Paris. It was highly esteemed by both Catholics and Protestants, and was translated into twelve languages.
One Englishman translated it into Turkish, and Pocock rendered it into Arabic, a circumstance which afterwards gave some enemies occasion to say that Grotius had copied his book from an ancient work in Arabic. Among his profound and multifarious labours, the one he had most at heart was the reconciliation of the various hostile sects of Christians. We may now see that his design was so hopeless as the search after the philosopher's stone; but in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries men of great learning and judgment thought differently. Erasmus, Melancthon, Cassander, Casaubon, and Arminius, all entertained the project. The amiable Matthiæ earnestly desired this reconciliation, and Christina endeavoured in vain to bring it about. Oxenstiern at one time wished to unite the Lutheran and Reformed churches, but soon found the impracticability of such a course, and from that time he resisted any change in the established form of worship. The learned Huet, Bishop of Avranches, although a zealous Catholic, did not despair of all Christians being brought into one fold by means of a little mutual concession.
The Lutherans were less inclined to peace than the Calvinists, with the exception of one eminent man, George Calixtus, who held the same views as Grotius.
The Synod of Charenton had considered the subject in 1631, and the reformed doctors then admitted that the Lutheran religion was conformable with the spirit of true piety, and that it was free from fundamental errors; but as the Lutheran divines did not exhibit equal charity, nothing was accomplished.
Uladislaus of Poland had also made an attempt to unite the two Protestant Churches with the Catholic; for this purpose a Conference was held at Thorn in 1645; but this attempt was even less successful than the former ones, and "the persons employed by the three churches to heal their divisions, returned from the conference with a greater measure of party zeal, and a smaller portion of Christian charity than they brought to it."
If such a reconciliation had been possible, the only mode of carrying it out would have been that of Grotius and Casaubon. They knew that the Catholics would not openly renounce any position they had long maintained, and that the side from whence the divergence arose, must make some concessions. The honour of the ancient Church being thus saved, it was hoped that pious men, who felt the evils which were caused by the contentions of Christians, would be disposed to relax some points, and to dispense with an absolute conformity of opinion, which had been proved to be impossible by the experience of ages.
Everything was reasonable in this except the belief that rival theologians would act reasonably, that Protestants would be peaceable, and Catholics liberal.
Grotius had the moderation of a man who is accustomed to examine all sides of a question, but his feeling for the Catholics was not one of mere indulgence; he undoubtedly drew nearer and nearer to their doctrines, and when he found it was hopeless to get a church free from error, he preferred what he thought the most ancient and respectable error. As a similar process took place in the minds of several of the greatest thinkers in the 17th century, and in the mind of Christina herself, it will not be out of place to notice the gradual approach of Grotius to Catholicism. The fact cannot be disposed of in his case by attributing the change to levity, as has been done by some writers with regard to Christina.
Three natural feelings, which have long been the allies of the Roman Church, are, respect for antiquity, admiration for art, and the desire to be at rest from the doubts by which the mind is unwillingly oppressed. In the case of Grotius, the first of these was the predominant motive. His studies were chiefly directed to the ancient writers; and several of his own works were inspired by the love of antiquity. His immortal work, "De Jure Belli et Pacis", is an attempt to deduce rules of conduct from opinions expressed by ancient poets and philosophers.
He was inclined to look most favourably on those maxims which could show the longest pedigree, and he carried the same feeling into religion.
He was well versed in the study of the fathers, and had great reverence for their authority. He resembled Laud and the English High-Church party in this respect, and although their violence and intolerance were quite contrary to his character, he often expressed approbation of their doctrines. So early as 1614 he commended the Anglican Church for the respect it paid to primitive authority. In 1638 he praised it more unequivocally for keeping its eyes fixed on better ages, and for admitting nothing new.
His religious opinions did not remain stationary. In 1640 he published his annotations on Cassander, in which he defends the doctrine of transubstantiation, the authority of the Pope, the celibacy of the clergy, and the communion in one kind. He also speaks in favour of purgatory, and it would be difficult to say in what respect he differed from the Church of Rome.
He became more and more adverse to the reformed religion, and in 1644 he stated clearly that private individuals would do better to keep silence regarding their own opinions, and interpret the decisions of the Church the best way they can, rather than expect the Catholic Church to accommodate itself to their separate judgments.
He seems to have arrived at the conclusion that it would be even more difficult to unite the Protestant churches among themselves than to unite them all to Rome. He speaks with disgust of the "partes distractæ, greges segregres", among which an emulation of railing at each other prevailed, which was described by Dryden in the lines, —
"Not one reformed can with another join,
But all from each as from damnation fly:
No union they pretend but in non-Popery."
If Grotius had lived a short time longer he would have probably proclaimed openly his adhesion to the Roman Church, and it is said that he promised his friend Monsieur Bignon to do so as soon as he returned from Sweden.
When Grotius could not be persuaded to remain in Sweden, the Queen made him handsome presents, and sent a frigate to take him to Lübeck. The voyage was a stormy one, and the hardships and fatigues he underwent were fatal to Grotius. He died at Rostoc, in August 1645, and his death corresponded with his innocent and exemplary life.
A Lutheran minister attended him in his last moments, and in the course of his exhortations he mentioned the publican in the parable. Grotius said, "I am that publican." He then repeated several prayers after the minister, who afterwards read some passages from the Bible. He asked the dying man if he heard. Grotius replied, "I hear your voice, but I cannot understand."
These were the last words of the wise and good man who had spent so much of his life in the study of the holy volume.
He had the singular good fortune to die at peace with both religions. The Lutheran minister performed the last offices of his Church, and after Grotius was dead, his friend the Jesuit, Father Petan, said mass for his soul.
Among the many absurd and abominable accusations against Christina, was one that she had poisoned a man who was the ornament of his age, and one of her most faithful servants. This accusation, like most of the rest, had not a shadow of foundation.
The letter that she wrote to the widow of Grotius was full of the kindest expressions, and was dictated by a sincere veneration for his learning and virtue. She says, "My ambassador will have told you the high esteem I had for your late husband, on account of his admirable talents, and of the services he performed for me. But he cannot have expressed to you how dear the remembrance of your husband is to me. If gold and silver could redeem so illustrious a life, there is nothing I possess that I would not give willingly for such a purpose."
Christina purchased his library, which was a valuable one, and in fact his own works almost made a library.
His fame is inseparably connected with his book on the rights of war and peace, but in his own time some of his other productions were more esteemed.
His first poem, "Adamus Exul", was published at Leyden in 1601. It is little known now, and is chiefly interesting because it is supposed to have suggested the theme of Paradise Lost to Milton.
The greatest critics in his own time, Casaubon and Scaliger, admired it very much. Casaubon considered him a great poet, and Scaliger said that some of his smaller poems were equal to the choicest relics of antiquity.
His own favourite work was his History of Holland, which he intended to have dedicated to Christina. Although few men had suffered more from the violence of party than Grotius had done, yet this book was so impartial, that it was said it might have been the work of a foreigner who took no interest in the Dutch factions.
It was only proved to be written by a Dutchman by the profound and intimate knowledge it displayed of the subject.
One of his writings was so little in accordance with the ideas then prevalent, that it was never published. It was a dissertation to prove that belligerents ought never to interfere with the commerce of neutrals. This doctrine was far in advance of his age, and it is only since the middle of the present century that it has been seriously entertained. Few men have ever lived whose talents were more constantly employed for the benefit of his fellow-creatures, or whose own life was more blameless.
His character has been summed up by Sir James Mackintosh as follows: —
"Grotius was almost equally celebrated as an historian, a scholar, a poet, and a divine; a disinterested statesman, a philosophical lawyer, a patriot who united moderation with firmness, and a theologian who was taught candour by his learning. Unmerited exile did not damp his patriotism: the bitterness of controversy did not extinguish his charity.
"The sagacity of his numerous and fierce adversaries could not discover a blot on his character, and in the midst of the hard trials and galling provocations of a turbulent political life, he never once deserted his friends when they were unfortunate, nor insulted his enemies when they were weak. In times of the most furious civil and religious factions, he preserved his name unspotted, and he knew how to unite fidelity to his own party with moderation towards his opponents."
Above: Kristina.
Above: Hugo Grotius.
Above: Claude Saumaise.
Note: Thorn is the German name for the city of Toruń in what is now Poland's Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship.
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