Showing posts with label Carl Christoffer Schlippenbach. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Carl Christoffer Schlippenbach. Show all posts

Monday, October 20, 2025

Francis William Bain on Kristina's resentment of Axel Oxenstierna burning out, on Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie's jealousy of her other favourites, and on his fall from her grace

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 198 to 209, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


Kristina's famous letter of December 5/15 (Old Style) to Magnus de la Gardie is here:


Magnus's letter of November 28/December 8 (Old Style), 1653 to Axel Oxenstierna, is here:


Kristina's letter to Axel Oxenstierna, written sometime in early or mid-December 1653, is here:


Oxenstierna's reply to her, of December 22, 1653/January 1, 1654 (Old Style), is here:


His letter of December 24, 1653/January 3, 1654 (Old Style), to his son Erik Oxenstierna is here:


The account:

The opposition between Christina and the Chancellor had arisen from, and depended upon, their antagonistic view of the proper policy to be followed in settling the affairs of Germany. Having gained her object in the Peace of Westphalia, this cause of difference ceased to exist, especially as she had now long since established her independent position. In view, too, of her resignation, she was desirous of standing well with all parties in the State; and hence, as the factitious party formed by her for a special end, to oppose that of the Chancellor, began to fall to pieces, being no longer required, the influence of Oxenstiern and the aristocracy began once more to regain its old position. This was agreeable to the nobles, who therefore strongly opposed any scheme of abdication in favour of Prince Charles, carefully though he paid his court to all; he himself, on the other hand, and then the generals of the army, who looked forward to a war, were prepared to support it. To these belonged Count Magnus, who depended either on the Queen or on the Prince, and was hated by the nobles for his connection with France. His position was now becoming ambiguous. Christina's new relations with Pimentelli, and the comparative shelving of himself and the French, as he thought, gave him cause for great uneasiness. He began to suspect his favour was declining, and sought to remedy this by expostulating with her, accusing her of allowing herself to be influenced against him by backbiters. His petulant suspicions irritated her to an extreme degree, partly because they assumed her capable of such meanness, partly because they seemed to imply he had claims upon her. In spite of all that has been said to her disadvantage, there is not the shadow of a proof that she ever regarded him from any other point of view than that of a patron, and the summary way she dismissed him, as one of her biographers has said, is clear evidence that she never was anything else to him. The base character of De la Gardie, who never lost a chance of damaging her afterwards, would have caught at any straw in his power to blacken her reputation in order to save his own. During the whole time he was in favour, he was not two years in all at Court; and the facts now to be related will show that Christina saw through him long before the crash came, through his own folly.

Already, as has been noticed, the Count fixed his suspicions on Bourdelot as the author of his declining influence; he complained to the Queen of him, who told him she did not believe him; and Bourdelot himself happening to come by, "told her Majesty that he knew well he had many enemies at Court, who endeavoured to ruin him in the opinion of the great, but that no one would ever be able to prove that he had spoken to any one's detriment." The Count produced two witnesses; but in the presence of the Queen they did not dare to charge Bourdelot to his face with their accusations, and the Queen declared they were impostors. She forbade them to appear again in her sight, saying "they were all French, and creatures of the Count."

Finding that he had only done himself harm by this attempt, De la Gardie demanded permission to retire from Stockholm to his country house, which the Queen refused, telling him that his presence was necessary on business (he was Grand Treasurer at the time). Soon after this the Count finally ruined himself by a somewhat similar endeavour.

Having to speak to the Queen, on matters connected with the state of the finances, one day after a meeting of the Senate she retained him alone with her. The Count immediately began to harangue her on her present misinterpretation of his sentiments, and regretted that she should have complained of him, saying "that he had acted treacherously towards her, but that she would not punish him for his bad faith herself, but leave it to the Prince to do so; yet would not be displeased should others affront him;" this he said he had learned from some one very near her Majesty's person, who told him he had it from her Majesty's own mouth. The Queen, much surprised, told him he ought to know her better than to suppose her capable of such a thing, ... and she bade him tell her who was his informant. He said it was Steinberg, her chief Equerry. "I cannot believe it", said the Queen, "he is a man of too much honour to tell such lies." She averred that if Steinberg allowed he had said it, she would admit having made the complaint. Accordingly, Steinberg and some senators were summoned from the antechamber by the Queen herself, who told him what the Count had said, and bade him say whether he acknowledged it. Steinberg replied he was astonished that Count Magnus, for whom he had always had respect and affection, should calumniate him to the Queen and seek his ruin in this way; he solemnly swore he had never heard her Majesty say any such thing. ... The Queen, satisfied with Steinberg's disavowal, and feeling pity for the Count, did not wish to proceed any further in the matter; but Steinberg considered it concerned his own honour to know who had told this to the Count, and the Queen approved his judgment, not sorry to see that he wished to sift the matter, as she was beginning to get tired of the Count's repeated attempts to prejudice her against others. Accordingly Steinberg went to the Count's house, and begged him to give him the name of the person who had slandered him; the Count, with profuse apologies, said he was quite willing to take his word for it, that his informant was a rascal. This did not satisfy Steinberg, but as he could not induce De la Gardie to disclose his authority, he went to the Queen to beg her to interfere. Christina sent Prince Adolphus to require the Count to give his informant's name; but the latter begged to decline to do so, as he had promised to keep his name a secret. The Queen sent the Prince to him again, telling him that he must; she had taken upon her to defend Steinberg's honour. Count Magnus thereupon declared, after deprecating any disgrace for him, that it was Schlippenbach, Colonel and Grand Seneschal at Stockholm. The Queen bade him write to him, as she would herself, to come to Upsala. "The Count wrote him a rigmarole which no one could understand." Schlippenbach came immediately; the day after[,] the Count sent him four friends to ask him whether he would not maintain that Steinberg had said the thing. He said positively, "No; he saw well that they were trying to ruin him; but he would speak the truth to her Majesty, and show himself a man of honour." On December 18, the Queen summoned Schlippenbach, Count Magnus, Steinberg, the senators, and the other chief men in the Court, who had been present before. She made a speech on the whole question, and told the Count to restate the matter alleged to have come from Schlippenbach; she then took the latter by the button of his doublet, and said to him, "Understand that I am prepared to own it, if Steinberg says I said it." Schlippenbach answered, that he did not know what Count Magnus meant; that he had never told him what he alleged; that Steinberg had never spoken to him of it, nor he himself to the Count, of Steinberg: except that once, dining with the Count, he had said to him, that it was obvious the Queen no longer had the same esteem for him as formerly, and that Steinberg was in great favour; on which point the Count had often spoken to him, as a thing he could not bear. The Count thereupon told him he was a rascal, and lied like a Schelm. Schlippenbach answered he was himself a man of honour, but as to the Count, he was not acting like an honourable man. The Count said it was true there were no witnesses, because the affair had taken place in private: Schlippenbach protested he had never spoken to him tête-à-tête, on which the Count fell into great confusion. The Queen, taking pity on him, said this was a matter which did not concern her, and withdrew. The Count sent to beg permission to bring Schlippenbach to justice: the Queen replied, such a course would only end in his own confusion. After dinner on the same day, the Count, through Prince Adolphus, begged her to let him go into the country to settle his domestic affairs, not to suffer Schlippenbach at the Court, and not to speak of the matter to his disadvantage. The Queen, astonished at these demands, sent to him to say, she not only permitted but ordered him to leave town, and go wherever he chose, except to her Court, to which he was not to return till he had cleared himself to his honour; as for Schlippenbach, she could not think of it; as to his third demand, he might console himself in his disgrace by the thought that, had she not retained some goodwill towards him, severer measures would have been used; all she could do for him was to pity his self-inflicted misfortune. The Count, though he ought to have gone that evening, waited till the next day, in hopes she might relent; finding she did not, he sent her a letter by Prince Adolphus, which she read twice, saying each time, "Poor Count!" She sent no answer, and the Count departed on the following day to a country house ten leagues from Stockholm. He was dissuaded from challenging Schlippenbach by the representations of the nobles, that being the fifth man in the Senate, the inequality of rank forbade it. Subsequently he wrote to the Queen, and received the following crushing reply: —

"SIR,
"As you express a wish to see me again after your disgrace, I am obliged to tell you how opposed this wish is to your advantage; and I write this letter to remind you of the reasons which prevent me from listening to it, and which ought to convince you, too, that the interview is useless to your repose. It is not for me to bring remedies for your misfortune: it is to yourself you must look for the reparation of your honour. What can you hope from me? or what can I do, except pity you and blame you? The friendship I had for you compels me to do both; and whatever indulgence I have had for you, I cannot, without giving myself the lie, pardon you the crime you have committed against yourself. Do not imagine I am angry with you — I assure you I am not. I am henceforth incapable of feeling any other sentiment for you than that of pity, which can do you no good, since you have yourself rendered useless the sentiments of goodwill I had for you. You are unworthy by your own confession, and you have yourself pronounced the decree of your banishment in the sight of several persons of rank who were present. I have confirmed this decree because I found it just, and I am not ready to undo it, as you are given to suppose. After what you have done and suffered, dare you show yourself to me? You make me feel ashamed when I think how many base actions you have stooped to, how often you have submitted to those whom you have so grievously injured. In this unfortunate affair, no spark of magnanimity or generosity has appeared in your conduct. Were I capable of repenting, I should regret having ever contracted a friendship with a soul so feeble as yours; but this weakness is unworthy of me, and, having always acted as reason dictated, I ought not to blame the veil I have thrown over the course of events. I would have preserved this all my life had not your imprudence compelled me to declare myself against you. Honour compels me to do it openly, and justice forces it upon me. I have done too much for you these nine years, in that I have always blindly taken your part against all. But now that you abandon your dearest interests, I am released from all further care of them. You have yourself betrayed a secret which I had resolved to keep all my life, by showing that you were unworthy of the fortune I built for you. If you are determined to hear my reproaches, you can come to me; I consent on this condition. But do not hope that tears or submission will ever force me to yield a hair's-breadth. The only favour I can do for you is to remember you but little, and speak of you less; being determined never to mention you except to blame you. For I ought to show you that you are unworthy of my esteem after a fault like yours. That is all I had to do for you. Remember, however, that you are yourself to blame for what has occurred to your disgrace, and that I am just towards you as I always will be for all the world.
"CHRISTINA.
"Upsala, Dec. 5, 1653."

Throughout the whole of this narration the native baseness of the Count is clearly seen. And when we remember that the Count's household were nearly all French, and that he was especially connected with the French interests, we have the solution of many a slander directed against the Queen in later years. Even he did not venture to apply again to Christina directly, but great efforts were made by his friends to revoke her decision. Prince Charles wrote in his behalf, but Christina sent him an account of the transaction, and remained inflexible. Count Magnus actually applied to his old enemy the Chancellor, to get him to use his reviving influence with Christina; to which appeal Oxenstiern retorted, it is said, by quoting the words De la Gardie had in his sunny days used of the Chancellor, "that he doted, being already in his second childhood, and no longer capable of giving counsel", at the same time bidding him observe that he could now do nothing for him but bewail his misfortune. To the Queen, who wrote to appeal to his judgment, Oxenstiern replied that he approved her action, yet was inclined to mercy; to his son Eric he described the Count as having brought it upon himself, and as little capable of supporting bad as good fortune. Although the Senate interceded for him, Christina refused to alter her resolution; saying that on his accession the Prince might do what he liked, but that she did not wish to hear of him again. Count Magnus took the mean revenge of testifying his joy when he heard of her resolution to resign, and expected that Charles would restore him to favour as soon as he came to the throne; but the latter declared that his gratitude to Christina would never permit him to let any person approach him who had been in her bad graces. Notwithstanding, the Count did return, and was foremost in thwarting all Christina's wishes and projects in later years, as will be seen. He lived to display his baseness on a grander stage by taking bribes from Louis XIV., as Chancellor of Sweden, and contributing largely to the downfall and degradation of his country; but Nemesis overtook him under Charles IX. The state in which he closed his contemptible and consistent career is an ironical commentary on its brilliant outset, and furnishes an edifying instance of retributive justice such as history does not often afford.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.

Notes: Schelm = rogue (skälm).

"The Italics are ours." - Bain

Tuesday, April 15, 2025

Summary of Peder Juel's letter to Christoffer Urne, the Grand Chancellor of Denmark, and the government of Denmark in Copenhagen, dated May 12/22 (Old Style), 1654

Source:

Handlingar rörande Sverges historia, volume 1, pages 101 to 102, published by Anders Fryxell, 1836



The letter summary:

... [Stockholm] 12 Maj 1654. Whitelockes och Beuningens audiens; den förre fick skänker, den sednare icke. — Två riksråds anspråk på riksmarskals-platsen. Joh. Oxenstjernas ord om Schlippenbach. — Riksdagens begynnelse och drottningens sjelfgjorda proposition. — Arfprinsen väntas.

With modernised spelling:

... [Stockholm] 12 maj 1654. Whitelockes och Beuningens audiens; den förre fick skänker, den senare icke. — Två riksråds anspråk på riksmarskalksplatsen. Johan Oxenstiernas ord om Schlippenbach. — Riksdagens begynnelse och drottningens självgjorda proposition. — Arvprinsen väntas.

English translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

... Stockholm, May 12, 1654. Whitelocke's and Beuningen's audience; the former received gifts, the latter did not. — Two councilmen's claims to the position of grand marshal. Johan Oxenstierna's words about Schlippenbach. — Beginning of the Riksdag and the Queen's self-made proposition. — The Hereditary Prince is expected.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Bulstrode Whitelocke.


Above: Coenraad van Beuningen.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Christoffer Urne.

Summary of Peder Juel's letter to Christoffer Urne, the Grand Chancellor of Denmark, and the government of Denmark in Copenhagen, dated May 5/15 (Old Style), 1654

Source:

Handlingar rörande Sverges historia, volume 1, page 101, published by Anders Fryxell, 1836



The letter summary:

... [Stockholm] 5 Maj 1654. Om hofvets afbetalning och recompens. — Schlippenbach är post mellan drottningen och arfprinsen. — Adolf Johans pension på 4000 r:dr. — Ebba De la Gardies, född Brahes, ansökning hos arfprinsen för sina barn. — Dohnas återkomst. — Skålar vid Whitelockes banquet på ladugården. — Riksdagen utblåst.

With modernised spelling:

... [Stockholm] 5 maj 1654. Om hovets avbetalning och rekompens. — Schlippenbach är post mellan drottningen och arvprinsen. — Adolf Johans pension på 4,000 riksdaler. — Ebba de la Gardies, född Brahes, ansökning hos arvprinsen för sina barn. — Dohnas återkomst. — Skålar vid Whitelockes bankett på ladugården. — Riksdagen utblåst.

English translation (my own):

... Stockholm, May 5, 1654. On the court's installment and compensation. — Schlippenbach is mail between the Queen and the Hereditary Prince. — Adolf Johan's pension of 4,000 riksdalers. — Ebba de la Gardie's, born Brahe's, application to the Hereditary Prince for her children. — Dohna's return. — Toasts at Whitelocke's banquet at the ladugård. — The Riksdag blown out.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Adolf Johan.


Above: Ebba Brahe.


Above: Christoph Delphicus zu Dohna.


Above: Bulstrode Whitelocke.


Above: Christoffer Urne.

Saturday, April 12, 2025

Sven Lagerbring on Kristina's abdication and maintenance lands and life afterwards

Source:

Sammandrag af Swea Rikes Historia, ifrån de äldsta til de nyaste tider, volume 1, part 3, pages 103 to 109, by Sven Lagerbring, 1778


The account:

§. 9. På detta sätt war förnämare Adeln kommen til sit högsta afstånd ifrån almänheten under Dr. Christina, och tillika utsat för hela det öfriga Samfundets hat och mißunsamhet, som sent eller bittida borde kullkasta hela stälningen. Drotningen ökade sjelf oredan genom et waklande sinnelag och bewågenhetens omkastning, än til en, än til en annan gunstling. En lång tid hade Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie warit den högst flygande Nåde-Herren; Steinberg och Schlippenbach, blefwo sedan gynnade Hofmän, och när Schlippenbach, som war Öfwerste, fant sig föranlåten at utmana de la Gardie för obetänksamt förhållande, blef den senare öfwerhopad med Drotningens hela hat och förakt, efter han intet wille duellera med Schlippenbach, hwarifrån likwäl så wäl hans höga Ämbete som des Swågerskap med Drotningen borde frikalla honom. Strax derefter utmante Grefwe Thott Hertig Adolf Johan, Carl Gustafs Broder til enwige; denna öfwerilning hämmades likwäl utaf Drotningen, utan at något mißhag emot sjelfwa saken betygades. När sådant Berserkeri gynnas af sjelfwa Öfwerheten, blifwer den rätta äran antingen bortglömd eller förqwafd. Alt detta skedde på slutet af hennes Regering, hwilket, sammanfogat med flera oordenteligheter, icke kunde annat än förminska den besynnerliga högaktning och wördnad, som hon hitintil förwärfwat sig af hela Europa. Denna högaktning skulle wäl ökas genom friwilliga Nedlägningen af Kronan, hwilket anses gemenligen för et ganska dråpeligt Storwerk, om man allenast kunde begripa hwaruti Storheten bestod. At förakta all werldslig höghet kan wara stort; men det är större at nyttja den til Samfundets och mennisklighetens wälgång. Om man wißte rätta afsigten med detta steg, kunde man med större tryghet döma derom; men det är så mycket swårare at utgrunda rätta anledningen och ändamålet deraf, som Drotningen, kan hända, icke wißte det sjelf. Enwishet och nycker kunna ock wara werkande hos höga Sinnen. Drotningen hade en gång sagt, at hon wille öfwergifwa Regeringen; det borde då ske, huru det måtte wara och huru det kunde anses: wißa Sinnelag, då de satt sig före at göra en dårskap, anse för nedrigt at wara eller blifwa kloke. Axel Oxenstierna, som kunde ofelbart tänka så wäl som någon annan, gaf tilfälle til et Beslut i Rådet, at den borde anses för skjelm, som rådde til Drotningens Afsäjelse. Grefwe Pehr Brahes yttrande war aldeles af samma art, at ingen ärlig man kunde råda dertil. Bägge fortforo til det yttersta i samma öfwertygelse. Oxenstierna war icke tilstädes wid Afsäjelsen, som skedde i Junii månad 1654; kan wäl wara, at han hindrades af ålder och sjukdom, ty han dödde i Augusti månad samma år, öfwer 70 år gammal. Brahe war wäl närwarande, och borde, såsom Drotz, wid Regeringens högtideliga afträde, taga Kronan af Drotningens hufwud; men gjorde det likwäl icke, utan hon blef nödsakad at sjelf taga Kronan af. At Drotning Christina hade werkeligen hat eller wederwilja til Swerige och de Swenske, är intet twifwel: skulle det wara en af drifwande orsakerne til denna högt prisade Försakelsen, kan den werkeligen aldrig så någon fördelaktig färg. Hon war född i Swerige, hade sådeles där fåt sina oförlikneliga naturs-gåfwor; här hade hon njutit sin upfostran, som tilskyndat henne Europas förundran; aldrig hade någon Regerande warit bemött med mera lydnad och kärlek; de Swenske, som omgåfwo hennes Person, woro genom Resor och Biskikningar [sic] til utländska Hof så fulkomligen öfwade uti utländsk artighet, at ingen hade at klaga i den delen. Om ändteligen utländningar woro nödwändiga til Wetenskapers, Konsters och Smaks utwidgande, kunde de fås. Skulle åter afseendet warit, at lämna Regementet i andra händer, til bättre ordnings winnande, sedan alt war kommit i största oreda, hade det warit berömligt, i synnerhet, om hon efter sina resor kommit tilbaka i Landet, och tilbragt sin tid med Wetenskapers hägn och wälgörande: ty då hade hon både lefwat och dödt med hela werldens förundran och wördnad. Men hela förhållandet är twärt emot et sådant ändamål, och Fäderneslandets förmån och wälgång synes på intet sätt hafwa warit werkande. Spanska Ministern Piementel war utan twifwel bättre underrättad om orsakerne til Kronans Afsäjelse, och för Drotningens heder gjorde förmodeligen ganska wäl, at han ej uptäkte dem, så framt de stämma öfwerens med Drotningens egna utlåtelser uti des Bref ifrån Brüßel 1655 til Ebba Sparre. Häruti beskrifwer hon sin lycksalighet och sina förrätningar, som bestodo uti äta, sofwa, läsa något, prata, skratta, gå på Comedien, och slippa at höra predikan, med den slutmeningen: »chacun doit vivre content en mangeant, bûvant & chantant«. Skulle något sådant hafwa warit förnämste driffjädern i detta Storwerk, sätter man alt annat öfwerwägande å sido, och påminner sig allenast med tyst och häpen förundran, at man talar om Gustaf Adolfs Doter.

§. 10. Men det är möjligt, at små och wanliga Snillen icke kunna finna sig uti stora och höga Själars tänkesätt; sjelfwa naturen och mer tiläfwentyrs styrka åt en sådan gißning; här gifwas de, som icke känna hwad tact eller cadence är, utan de gå fram sin minuet med lika behag, antingen man spelar en liksång eller catillon. De, som icke hafwa stark lukt, kunna icke känna den wederqweckande känsel, som rönes på et blomsterfält, utan föredraga köks-osen, fastän de ej äro hungrige; andre känna samma rörelse, wid twå gånger twå är fyra, som wid den sinrikaste sinnebild och öfwerskrift, nästan på samma sätt, som Des Cartes eller Cartesius ej kunde tycka om någon flicka, som icke war snedögd. Man låter således Dr. Christina förblifwa uti sin högd, och anser det för lika stort, när hon aflägger Regeringen, som när hon 1660, efter K. Carl Gustafs död, wille hafwa den tilbaka, i fall K. Carl XI skulle dö utan manliga arfwingar, och när hon sedermera wille blifwa Konung i Polen. Man wil ock anse för ganska stort, at hon utan at erkänna fel uti Protestantiska läran, likwäl öfwergaf densamma och blef Påfwisk, och at hon sedan war ganska nitisk uti sin antagna lära, men ansåg likwäl Jesuiter och Munkar för et elakt följe, race maudite, och försäkrade, at hon känt fyra Påfwar, som, oaktat sin egenskap at intet kunna fela, hade intet mänskligt wett eller sens commun. Man lämnar fördenskul alla deßa höga tankar, och håller sig wid det, som af alla kan begripas. Wid sit afträde förbehöll sig Drotning Christina alla inkomsterna af Norrköping, Gothland, Öland, Ösel, Pöl och Neuenkloster, samt Wolgast och de lediga Tafelgodsen i Pommern. Gouverneurer, Landshöfdingar, Lagmän och andre betjenter skulle af henne tilsättas. Uti Juridiska mål eller Rättegångs-saker, borde första och andra Instantien höra henne och hennes Ämbetsmän til, men alla wad eller beswär derifrån borde gå til de wanliga högre Domstolar. Likaledes skulle alla Regale Prästegäll af henne förses med Lärare, dock af dem som woro Augsburgiska Bekännelsen tilgifne. Drotningen utlofwade tillika, at alle hennes Tjenstemän uti des underhålls-länder skulle wara infödde Swenske. Men för öfrigt bibehölls hon sjelf uti sin förra höghet, så at hon icke war någon menniska undergifwen eller answarig för sina gärningar, hwilket widare af sjelfwa Abdications-Acten kan inhämtas, dat. d. 1 Junii 1654. Inkomsterne af deßa länder ansågos stiga något öfwer 200000 Riksdaler: dock war tillika förbehållet, at Drotningen intet hästade för någon skuld, som hitintil kunde wara gjord: ty utom detta wilkor hade hon warit litet belåten med alla sina betingade räntor. I anledning af det gjorde förbehåll af en fulkomlig oundergifwenhet synes följa, at det stod henne fritt at wälja hwilken Religion henne behagade, och tillåta almänna Gudstjensten förrättas uti sit Hof, efter det skick, som med hennes antagna Guda-lära kunde wara öfwerenstämmande. Henne gjordes icke heller några inkast deremot ifrån Swerige, utom då hon 1660 och 1668 [sic] kom tilbaka til Fäderneslandet, och lät hålla offentelig meßa med alla Påfwiska Ceremonier. Regeringen ansåg då detta steg för betänkeligt, och lät Drotning Christina förstå, at det intet kunde tillåtas. Hwarföre hon ock i största hast wände tilbaka, och stadnade efter wanligheten i Rom, hwar hon uprättade sig et slags Rike öfwer hela den lärda werlden. Hennes Samlingar af Böcker, Handskrifter, Mynt, m. m. woro oförlikneliga; men hon lämnade alt wid sin död åt sin hushållande Cardinal Azolini, och Swerige, som hon war skyldig sig sjelf och alt sit, fick intet, om man undantager några årliga Nådegåfwer eller Pensioner, som hon meddelte sin fordne Läromästare, Biskopen Johannes Matthiä i Strengnäs, och någre andre få, samt en slags beskyddande bewågenhet, som hon wisade åt alle Swenske Romresare.

With modernised spelling:

§. 9. På detta sätt var förnämare adeln kommen till sitt högsta avstånd ifrån allmänheten under drottning Kristina, och tillika utsatt för hela det övriga samfundets hat och missunnsamhet, som sent eller bittida borde kullkasta hela ställningen. Drottningen ökade själv oredan genom ett vacklande sinnelag och bevågenhetens omkastning än till en, än till en annan gunstling.

En lång tid hade Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie varit den högst flygande nådeherren; Steinberg och Schlippenbach blevo sedan gynnade hovmän, och när Schlippenbach, som var överste, fant sig föranlåten att utmana de la Gardie för obetänksamt förhållande, blev den senare överhopad med drottningens hela hat och förakt, efter han inte ville duellera med Schlippenbach, varifrån likväl såväl hans höga ämbete som dess svågerskap med drottningen borde frikalla honom.

Strax därefter utmante greve Tott hertig Adolf Johan, Karl Gustavs broder till envige; denna överilning hämmades likväl utav drottningen utan att något misshag emot själva saken betygades. När sådant berserkeri gynnas av själva överheten, bliver den rätta äran antingen bortglömd eller förkvavd. Allt detta skedde på slutet av hennes regering, vilket, sammanfogat med flera oordentligheter, icke kunde annat än förminska den besynnerliga högaktning och vördnad som hon hitintill förvärvat sig av hela Europa. Denna högaktning skulle väl ökas genom frivilliga nedläggningen av kronan, vilket anses gemenligen för ett ganska dråpligt storverk om man allenast kunde begripa varuti storheten bestod.

Att förakta all världslig höghet kan vara stort, men det är större att nyttja den till samfundets och mänsklighetens välgång. Om man visste rätta avsikten med detta steg, kunde man med större trygghet döma därom; men det är så mycket svårare att utgrunda rätta anledningen och ändamålet därav, som drottningen kanhända icke visste det själv.

Envishet och nycker kunna ock vara verkande hos höga sinnen. Drottningen hade en gång sagt att hon ville övergiva regeringen; det borde då ske, huru det måtte vara och huru det kunde anses. Vissa sinnelag, då de satt sig före att göra en dårskap, anse för nedrigt att vara eller bliva kloka. Axel Oxenstierna, som kunde ofelbart tänka så väl som någon annan, gav tillfälle till ett beslut i Rådet att den borde anses för skälm som rådde till drottningens avsägelse. Greve Per Brahes yttrande var alldeles av samma art, att ingen ärlig man kunde råda därtill. Bägge fortforo till det yttersta i samma övertygelse.

Oxenstierna var icke tillstädes vid avsägelsen, som skedde i juni månad 1654; kan väl vara att han hindrades av ålder och sjukdom, ty han dödde i augusti månad samma år, över 70 år gammal. Brahe var väl närvarande och borde, såsom drots, vid regeringens högtidliga avträde taga kronan av drottningens huvud; men gjorde det likväl icke, utan hon blev nödsakad att själv taga kronan av.

Att drottning Kristina hade verkligen hat eller vedervilja till Sverige och de svenska är intet tvivel; skulle det vara en av drivande orsakerna till denna högt prisade försakelsen, kan den verkligen aldrig så någon fördelaktig färg. Hon var född i Sverige, hade sådeles där fått sina oförlikneliga natursgåvor; här hade hon njutit sin uppfostran, som tillskyndat henne Europas förundran. Aldrig hade någon regerande varit bemött med mera lydnad och kärlek. De svenska som omgåvo hennes person voro genom resor och beskickningar till utländska hov så fullkomligen övade uti utländsk artighet att ingen hade att klaga i den delen. Om äntligen utlänningar voro nödvändiga till vetenskapers, konsters och smaks utvidgande, kunde de fås.

Skulle åter avseendet varit att lämna regementet i andra händer till bättre ordnings vinnande sedan allt var kommet i största oreda, hade det varit berömligt, i synnerhet om hon efter sina resor kommit tillbaka i landet och tillbragt sin tid med vetenskapers hägn och välgörande, ty då hade hon både levat och dött med hela världens förundran och vördnad. Men hela förhållandet är tvärtemot ett sådant ändamål, och Fäderneslandets förmån och välgång synes på intet sätt hava varit verkande.

Spanske ministern Pimentel var utan tvivel bättre underrättad om orsakerna till kronans avsägelse och för drottningens heder gjorde förmodligen ganska väl att han ej upptäckte dem såframt de stämma överens med drottningens egna utlåtelser uti dess brev ifrån Bryssel 1655 till Ebba Sparre. Häruti beskriver hon sin lycksalighet och sina förrätningar, som bestodo uti äta, sova, läsa något, prata, skratta, gå på komedien, och slippa att höra predikan, med den slutmeningen: »chacun doit vivre content en mangeant, buvant et chantant«.

Skulle något sådant hava varit förnämsta drivfjädern i detta storverk, sätter man allt annat övervägande åsido och påminner sig allenast med tyst och häpen förundran att man talar om Gustav Adolfs dotter.

§. 10. Men det är möjligt att små och vanliga snillen icke kunna finna sig uti stora och höga själars tänkesätt; själva naturen och mer till äventyrs styrka åt en sådan gissning. Här givas de som icke känna vad takt eller kadens är, utan de gå fram sin minuett med lika behag, antingen man spelar en liksång eller kotiljong. De som icke hava stark lukt kunna icke känna den vederkveckande känsel som rönes på ett blomsterfält, utan föredraga köksosen, fastän de ej äro hungriga. Andra känna samma rörelse vid två gånger två är fyra, som vid den sinnrikaste sinnebild och överskrift, nästan på samma sätt som Descartes eller Cartesius ej kunde tycka om någon flicka som icke var snedögd.

Man låter således drottning Kristina förbliva uti sin höjd, och anser det för lika stort när hon avlägger regeringen som när hon 1660, efter konung Karl Gustavs död, ville hava den tillbaka, i fall konung Karl XI skulle dö utan manliga arvingar, och när hon sedermera ville bliva konung i Polen. Man vill ock anse för ganska stort att hon utan att erkänna fel uti protestantiska läran likväl övergav densamma och blef påvisk, och att hon sedan var ganska nitisk uti sin antagna lära, men ansåg likväl jesuiter och munkar för ett elakt följe, — race maudite, — och försäkrade att hon känt fyra påvar som, oaktat sin egenskap att inte kunna fela, hade inte mänskligt vett eller sens commun.

Man lämnar fördenskull alla dessa höga tankar och håller sig vid det som av alla kan begripas. Vid sitt avträde förbehöll sig drottning Kristina alla inkomsterna av Norrköping, Gotland, Öland, Ösel, Poel och Neuenkloster, samt Wolgast och de lediga taffelgodsen i Pommern. Guvernörer, landshövdingar, lagmän och andra betjänter skulle av henne tillsättas. Uti juridiska mål eller rättegångssaker borde första och andra instantien höra henne och hennes ämbetsmän till, men alla vad eller besvär därifrån borde gå till de vanliga högra domstolar.

Likaledes skulle alla regala prästgäll av henne förses med lärare, dock av dem som voro augsburgska bekännelsen tillgivna. Drottningen utlovade tillika att alla hennes tjänstemän uti dess underhållsländer skulle vara infödda svenska, men för övrigt bibehölls hon själv uti sin förra höghet, så att hon icke var någon människa undergiven eller ansvarig för sina gärningar, vilket vidare av själva abdikationsakten kan inhämtas, daterad den 1 juni 1654.

Inkomsterna av dessa länder ansågos stiga något över 200,000 riksdaler; dock var tillika förbehållet att drottningen inte hästade för någon skuld som hitintill kunde vara gjord, ty utom detta villkor hade hon varit litet belåten med alla sina betingade räntor. I anledning av det gjorda förbehåll av en fullkomlig oundergivenhet synes följa att det stod henne fritt att välja vilken religion henne behagade och tillåta allmänna gudstjänsten förrättas uti sitt hov efter det skick som med hennes antagna gudalära kunde vara överenstämmande.

Henne gjordes icke heller några inkast däremot ifrån Sverige, utom då hon 1660 och 1668 [sic] kom tillbaka till Fäderneslandet och lät hålla offentlig mässa med alla påviska ceremonier. Regeringen ansåg då detta steg för betänkligt och lät drottning Kristina förstå att det inte kunde tillåtas, varföre hon ock i största hast vände tillbaka och stannade efter vanligheten i Rom, var hon upprättade sig ett slags rike över hela den lärda världen.

Hennes samlingar av böcker, handskrifter, mynt m. m. voro oförlikneliga, men hon lämnade allt vid sin död åt sin hushållande kardinal Azzolini, och Sverige, som hon var skyldig sig själv och allt sitt, fick intet, om man undantager några årliga nådegåvor eller pensioner som hon meddelte sin forne läromästare, biskopen Johannes Matthiæ i Strängnäs, och några andra få samt en slags beskyddande bevågenhet som hon visade åt alla svenska romresare.

English translation (my own):

§. 9. In this way the higher nobility had reached its highest distance from the public under Queen Kristina, and at the same time it was exposed to the hatred and envy of the entire rest of society, which sooner or later should overturn the whole situation. The Queen herself increased the disorder by a wavering attitude and the shifting of attention now to one, now to another favourite.

For a long time Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie had been the most flying lord of grace; Steinberg and Schlippenbach then became favoured courtiers, and when Schlippenbach, who was a colonel, found himself compelled to challenge de la Gardie for reckless conduct, the latter was heaped with the Queen's entire hatred and contempt after he did not want to duel with Schlippenbach, from which, however, both his high office and his being the Queen's in-law should have exonerated him.

Shortly afterwards Count Tott challenged Duke Adolf Johan, Karl Gustav's brother, to abdication; this rashness was nevertheless restrained by the Queen without showing any displeasure with the matter itself. When such berserkness is favoured by the authorities themselves, the proper honour is either forgotten or stifled. All this happened at the end of her reign, which, combined with several irregularities, could not but diminish the extraordinary esteem and respect which she had hitherto acquired from all Europe. This esteem would certainly be increased by the voluntary abdication of the crown, which is generally considered a rather ghastly feat if one could only understand in what greatness consisted.

To despise all worldly greatness may be great, but it is greater to utilise it for the welfare of society and humanity. If one knew the true intention of this step, one could judge of it with greater certainty; but it is so much more difficult to fathom the true reason and purpose of it, which the Queen herself perhaps did not know.

Stubbornness and caprice can also be effective in high minds. The Queen had once said that she wanted to abandon the government; it should then be done, however it might be and however it might be considered. Certain minds, when they set out to do a foolish thing, consider it base to be or become wise. Axel Oxenstierna, who could infallibly think as well as anyone else, gave occasion to a decision in the Council that it should be considered a scoundrel who advised the Queen's abdication. Count Per Brahe's statement was of exactly the same nature, that no honest man could advise it. Both continued to the utmost in the same conviction.

That Queen Kristina really had hatred or aversion to Sweden and the Swedes is beyond doubt; if it were one of the driving reasons for this highly praised renunciation, it can certainly never have any favourable colour. She was born in Sweden, had thus there received her incomparable natural gifts; here she had enjoyed her upbringing, which had prompted her to the wonder of Europe. Never had any ruler been received with more obedience and love. The Swedes who surrounded her person were, through travels and missions to foreign courts, so completely practiced in foreign courtesy that no one had anything to complain about in that respect. If, finally, foreigners were necessary for the expansion of sciences, arts and taste, they could be obtained.

If her intention had been to leave the regiment in other hands for the sake of better order after everything had fallen into the greatest disorder, it would have been commendable, especially if after her travels she had returned to the country and spent her time in the pursuit of knowledge and charity, for then she would have both lived and died with the wonder and reverence of the whole world. But the whole situation is contrary to such an aim, and the benefit and prosperity of the Fatherland does not seem to have been in any way influential.

The Spanish minister Pimentel was undoubtedly better informed about the reasons for the abdication of the crown, and for the Queen's honour he probably did quite well not to discover them, as long as they agree with the Queen's own statements in her letter from Brussels in 1655 to Ebba Sparre. Here she describes her happiness and her activities, which consisted of eating, sleeping, reading a bit, talking, laughing, going to the comedy, and avoiding hearing the sermon, with the final sentence: "chacun doit vivre content en mangeant, buvant et chantant" — "everyone should live content in eating, drinking and singing".

If something like that had been the main driving force in this great work, one puts everything else aside and only reminds oneself with silent and astonished wonder that one is talking about Gustav Adolf's daughter.

§. 10. But it is possible that small and ordinary geniuses cannot find their way in the way of thinking of great and lofty souls; nature itself and more to the point the strength of adventure for such a guess. Here are given those who do not know what beat or cadence is, but they go on with their minuet with equal pleasure, whether one plays a funeral song or a cotillion. Those who do not have a strong sense of smell cannot feel the refreshing sensation that is experienced in a field of flowers, but prefer cooking juice, although they are not hungry. Others feel the same movement at two times two is four, as at the richest symbol and heading, almost in the same way that Descartes, or Cartesius, could not like any girl who was not cross-eyed.

Queen Kristina is thus allowed to remain in her position, and it is considered as great when she abdicates the government as when in 1660, after the death of King Karl Gustav, she wanted it back in case King Karl XI should die without male heirs, and when she later wanted to become king of Poland. It is also considered quite great that, without recognising the errors in Protestant doctrine, she nevertheless abandoned it and became a Papist, and that she was then quite zealous in her adopted doctrine, but nevertheless considered Jesuits and monks to be a wicked following, — race maudite, — and assured that she had known four popes who, despite their quality of not being able to make mistakes, did not have human sense, or sens commun.

Therefore, one abandons all these lofty thoughts and sticks to what can be understood by everyone. At her abdication, Queen Kristina retained all the revenues of Norrköping, Gotland, Öland, Ösel, Poel and Neukloster, as well as Wolgast and the vacant royal estates in Pomerania. Governors, lawmen and other servants were to be appointed by her. In legal cases or trial affairs, the first and second instance should belong to her and her officials, but all bets or appeals from there should go to the ordinary high courts.

Likewise, all regal pastorates were to be provided by her with teachers, but from those who were devoted to the Augsburg Confession. The Queen also promised that all her officials in her maintenance lands would be native Swedes, but otherwise she herself was maintained in her former highness, so that she was not subject to any man or responsible for her actions, which can be gathered from the act of abdication itself, dated June 1, 1654.

The income from these lands was estimated to rise somewhat above 200,000 riksdalers; however, there was also a stipulation that the Queen would not default on any debt that had hitherto been incurred, for apart from this condition she had been little satisfied with all her conditional interest. In view of the stipulation of complete unsubmission made, it seems to follow that she was free to choose which religion she pleased and to allow public worship to be performed at her court according to the conditions that could be consistent with her adopted doctrine.

She was not given any insinuations from Sweden, except when she returned to her homeland in 1660 and 1668 [sic] and had public mass held with all the papal ceremonies. The government then considered this step to be too dubious and let Queen Kristina understand that it could not be permitted, which is why she also returned in great haste and stayed, as usual, in Rome, where she established a kind of empire over the entire learned world.

Her collections of books, manuscripts, coins, etc. were incomparable, but she left everything at her death to her householder Cardinal Azzolino, and Sweden, to which she owed herself and everything she owned, received nothing, with the exception of a few annual gifts of grace or pensions that she gave to her former teacher, Bishop Johannes Matthiæ of Strängnäs, and a few others, as well as a kind of protective care that she showed to all Swedish travellers to Rome.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Kristina.

Note: Ösel is the old German and Swedish name for the Estonian island of Saaremaa.

Tuesday, April 8, 2025

Summary of Peder Juel's letter to Christoffer Urne, the Grand Chancellor of Denmark, and the government of Denmark in Copenhagen, dated April 28/May 8 (Old Style), 1654

Source:

Handlingar rörande Sverges historia, volume 1, page 101, published by Anders Fryxell, 1836



The letter summary:

... [Stockholm] 28 April 1654. Drottningens återkomst från Nyköping. — Begge drottningarnas disput i Nyköping. — Kristina rekommenderar hos arfprinsen sin mor, Tott, C. Ulfeld och Schlippenbach, som gjordes till friherre. — Riksdagens dilation.

With modernised spelling:

... [Stockholm] 28 april 1654. Drottningens återkomst från Nyköping. — Bägge drottningarnas dispyt i Nyköping. — Kristina rekommenderar hos arvprinsen sin mor, Tott, C. Ulfeldt och Schlippenbach, som gjordes till friherre. — Riksdagens dilation.

English translation (my own):

... Stockholm, April 28, 1654. The Queen's return from Nyköping. — The dispute between the two Queens in Nyköping. — Kristina recommends to the Hereditary Prince her mother, Tott, C. Ulfeldt and Schlippenbach, who was made a baron. — Dilation of the Riksdag.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Maria Eleonora.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Claes Tott.


Above: Corfitz Ulfeldt.


Above: Christoffer Urne.

Tuesday, January 2, 2024

Per Brahe's diary entry on Magnus de la Gardie being in Kristina's disgrace, December 1653

Source:

Svea Rikets Drotset Grefve Per Brahes Tänkebok, efter dess i Skoklosters Bibliotek förvarade originala handskrift, page 81, Per Brahe, published 1806
The diary entry:

Litet för Jul kom RiksSkattmästaren Grefve Magnus (de la Gardie) i största ogunst hos Hennes Maj:t Drottningen. Genom Schlippenbach brast det ut.

With modernised spelling:

Lite före jul kom Riksskattmästaren greve Magnus [de la Gardie] i största ogunst hos Hennes Majestät drottningen. Genom Schlippenbach brast det ut.

French translation (my own):

Un peu avant Noël, le grand trésorier comte Magnus [de la Gardie] tomba dans la plus grande disgrâce auprès de Sa Majesté la reine. Elle a éclaté à Schlippenbach.

English translation (my own):

A little before Christmas, the Grand Treasurer Count Magnus [de la Gardie] came into the greatest disgrace with Her Majesty the Queen. It erupted through Schlippenbach.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Magnus de la Gardie.


Above: Per Brahe.