Showing posts with label Form of Government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Form of Government. Show all posts

Friday, June 27, 2025

Erik Gustaf Geijer on Kristina's regency, part 1

Sources:

Svenska folkets historia, volume 3, pages 283 to 300, by Erik Gustaf Geijer, 1836; original at Harvard University


The History of the Swedes, pages 288 to 293, by Erik Gustaf Geijer, translated by J. H. Turner, Esq., M. A., 1845; original at the New York Public Library


The account:

Så snart Konungens död blef i riket kunnig, kallade Rådet samteliga Ständerna till allmän Riksdag i Stockholm d. 6 Febr. 1633, samt öfversände genast Gref Per Brahe till Tyskland att uppvakta Enkedrottningen och inhämta Rikskanslerens råd "om alla saker och i synnerhet på hvad sätt det Tyska kriget skulle utföras". I bref till Kansleren säga de sig förnummit, att ingen Regeringsform vore af salig Konungen underskrifven eller stadgad, hvilket de af hjertat hade önskat. De begära derföre få del af den författning Kansleren förmäler sig ha uppsatt, att de deraf för tiden måtte äga någon rättelse.

Rikskanslerens första bref till Rådet efter Gustaf Adolfs död är dateradt Frankfurt am Mayn den 14 Nov. 1632. "Jag vet att det är kommet till edra öron" — skrifver han — "förrän mitt bref kan komma fram; och jag lemnar en utförlig relation (den jag ej heller sjelf ännu bekommit hafver) åt andra, eller bättre tid. Men jag beklagar mitt fädernesland, min Drottning, det allmänna väsendets fara härute, och min lifslängd, att jag denna dag skulle lefvat. I verlden finnes nu ej sådan Konungs like, och är i mång hundrade år icke funnen, vet icke heller, om han så lätteligen kommer härefter. — Min hjertans ånger (sorg) och defuncti desiderium (den bortgångnes saknad) betager mig så, att jag icke vet hvad jag skrifver. Dock är härmed litet uträttadt. Olyckor äro till att beklaga men icke till att förändra. Det Gud hafver lagt oss uppå är tåligen att draga, Hans nåd om hjelp att påkalla, och med tidigt råd, fast mod och manlig resolution all ytterligare olycka söka att undvika och afböja". Den 5:te derpå följande December skref Kansleren, att Konungen velat genom de fem Collegier regera riket, närvarande och frånvarande, lefvande och död; så att riket under en klok Konung kunde väl förestås och en fåvisk Konung ej straxt kastat omkull. Åt Capita för de fem Collegier hade Konungen ock velat uppdraga styrelsen under den regerandes minderårighet, och och [sic] hafver lång tid före sin död befallt Rikskansleren concipera en regeringsform. Kansleren hafver liten tid haft dertill, och sedan hafver det varit honom in privato något farligt, efter det ett hett jern var att röra: dock har han i Preussen gjort den färdig, och tedt Hans Maj:t conceptet, det honom, så vidt realia vidkommer, hafver behagat, — Han hade befallt skrifva det rent för att undertecknas, hvilket dock för hastige och månge occupationers skull blifvit förgätit.

Tvenne gånger sedermera har emellan Konungen och Kansleren blifvit handladt om Sveriges framtid. Först i Frankfurt am Mayn, hvarom Oxenstjerna lemnar följande berättelse i bref till Rådet, dateradt Berlin d. 4 Febr. 1633: "Kongl. Maj:t, christelig i åminnelse, den tid han var i Frankfurt am Mayn för ett år sedan, föreslog sjelf åt Kurförstens af Brandenburg gesandter ett giftermål emellan sin dotter och den unge Kurförsten, och befallte mig att communicera med gesanterna vidare deröfver; såsom jag ock åtskillige gånger gjort hafver, efter som Hans Maj:t ock, ifrån sin resa till Bäyern, skrifteligen befallte och repeterade. Principal motionen var, att Hans Maj:t intet ville cedera Pommern, och fann likväl att det ej kunde erhållas utan Kur-Brandenburgs märkeliga skada och stort missförstånd, — sedan, att Hans Maj:t ock derpå såg, att, så framt Sverige och Brandenburg med deras dependentier kunde conjungeras, vore näppeligen i Europa en sådan stat att finna, och kunde bjuda hufvudet åt hvem som helst. Att försöka detta medel, om det går an, och åtminstone njuta affectionen denna tid till goda, hafver Hans Maj:t genom mig låtit göra den proposition, att han vore resolverad gifva Kurförstens son sin dotter och deröfver handla med Riksens Ständer i Sverige, om han dem kunde förmå att dertill samtycka, på följande vilkor såsom de förnämsta: 1:o finge Hans Maj:t någon som med sin gemål, så skulle Kungens son behålla Sveriges krona, Lifland och hvad i Preussen vore eröfradt, men Kurherren allt hvad Hans Maj:t hade eller kunde få in, och göras en fast alliance emellan båda staterna. 2:o finge Kongl. Maj:t ingen mansarfvinge, så skulle Kurherren med Hans Maj:ts dotter få Sveriges krona, och skulle på det fallet en sådan alliance göras, att Konungen i Sverige skulle ock vara Kurförste i Brandenburg, och vice versa; i Konungens frånvaro borde Sverige regeras efter sin egen stat och form, och Brandenburg efter sin, så att hvarderas höghet och regalier blefve oförkränkt, men dock med starke, oupplöslige band förenade: 3:o på det att Kurförsten måtte uppfödas i vår Religion och vänjas till vårt tungomål och seder, skulle han i Sverige upptuktas; — Med denne communication har åtskilligt annat tal fallit, om icke differentien i Religionen kunde på något sätt förlikas, och huru med alliancen blifva skulle, på fall af Prinsessans död; men för de idkelige krigsexpeditioner har intet blifvit vidare tillgjordt, allenast att Brandenburgska gesandterne refererat saken till Kurförsten, som ock sedan varit vårt parti mera affectionerad." — Det andra tillfället har varit i lägret för Nürnberg, enligt hvad Kansleren äfven förmäler till Rådet, som ber honom meddela desse "Konungens discurser, emedan der Kansleren något dödligt vidkomme, det eljest blefve dem alla fördoldt". Derom är oss likväl ej vidare kunnigt, än att Sekreteraren Grubbe, som hemsändes från Tyskland, tillfrågad af Rådet, svarade, att hos Rikskansleren skulle något skrifteligt finnas, som Konungen yttrat vid Nürnberg, och Kansleren kunde frambära, i fall några oroligheter sig yppa ville. — Troligen har detta afseende på Enkedrottningens uteslutande ur regeringen, hvarom tvenne bref från Konungen till Kansleren, skrifna under vistandet i Nürnberg, ännu finnas. Christina, som säger om sin moder, "att hon ägde alla sitt köns både svagheter och dygder", har utan tvifvel afseende på dessa bref, då hon angående sin faders sista meddelanden till Oxenstjerna sjelf yttrar sig: "Han påminte Kansleren de befallningar han redan gifvit, i fall någon olycka skulle träffa hans person, böd honom gifva mig en uppfostran, värdig en dotter, som skulle ärfva hans thron, ålade honom tjena, hedra, hjelpa och trösta Drottningen, min mor, men aldrig lemna denna Prinsessa del hvarken i regeringen eller i min uppfostran".

Axel Oxenstjernas egenhändiga utkast till 1634 års Regeringsform, under titel: "Förordning om Riksens stat och Regering", finnes på Upsala Bibliothek. Detta utkast, i några omständigheter ej så utförligt, och i andra (ehuru ej betydligt) afvikande från det sedermera af Ständerna antagna, är utan datum, men i Gustaf Adolfs namn författadt. Inre kännetecken synas tillkännagifva att detta skett flere år före Konungens död (troligen efter hans blessurer i Preussiska kriget). Att Rikskanslerens förslag i det hela af Gustaf Adolf blifvit gilladt, derom äro vi, med hans dotter, öfvertygade, ehuru Konungen sjelf ansåg det blott för ett utkast, och betviflas må, om han på sin vidtutseende bana i detta mer än andra afseenden oåterkalleligt bestämt sina tankar. För hans afsikt, att ordna och bestämma Rikets författning, derför tala hans ord, då han gick i Tyska kriget: "En Monarki består ej i personer, utan i lagar", och dessutom hela andan af hans regering, som i detta afseende gör epok. Uppgiften sådan den föll i hans hand, var närmast att sluteligen försona den af hans fader kufvade Adeln med arfriket. Emot Adeln satte han ett från Konungen utgående ämbetsmannavälde. 1634 års Regeringsform utbildar i detta afseende blott hvad hans regering grundlagt. Att ämbetsmannaväldet blef ett nytt adelsvälde, det låg i omständigheterna af en förmyndareregering, som dertill bidrog, kanske ännu mer genom sina förtjenster, än genom sina fel.

Intill Ständernas sammankomst fördes regeringen af Rådet gemensamt. Riksens Råd — heter det i bref till Kansleren — hafver sig allt hittills i regeringen hållit, och varder sig ock deruti hållandes, tills Riksdagens mening kan inhämtas om Regeringsformen: emellertid har man ett vakande öga på gränsfästningarna och flottan, och uppmuntrar de högre ämbetsmännen till trohet: hvad utlagorna angår, så är intet tvifvel, att såsom i salig Konungens tid, ej ringa klagomål deröfver hörts, sådana nu fast mera skola yppas, i synnerhet öfver förhöjningen på Qvarntullen och de Licenter (tullen på Spannemål och Salt), som en lång tid utan något Riksdagsbeslut äro upptagne; men såsom stora olägenheter skulle följa om de genast afskaffades, så vill Regeringen åtminstone hålla dem uppe, så länge Hans Maj:ts lik är öfver jord; dock torde någon lindring blifva nödvändig hellre än att obestånd deraf skulle uppkomma. Utländska stämplingar hade ej varit overksamme. Bland bönderna, i synnerhet i Småland och Finland, utspriddes, att Sigismunds söner erbudit sig att öfvergå till Augsburgiska bekännelsen, och komma från Polen in i riket, samt att den aflidne Konungen sjelf önskat dem till efterträdare på Svenska thronen, då han ej hade manliga arfvingar. "Hvem är denna Christina", — berättas en bonde vid Riksdagens början ha ropat — "vi känna henne ej, och ha aldrig sett henne." Då den sexåriga Drottningen framstäldes för honom och hans medbröder och de betraktat henne, sade den samme: "det är hon: det är Gustaf Adolfs näsa, ögon och panna: vare hon vår Drottning"!

I 1633 års Riksdagsbeslut säga Ständerna, att, efter Gud behagat från dem skilja deras hufvud, konung och fäderneslandets fader, utan mansarfvingar, som på hans stol sitta kunde, så hafva de icke obilligt sig påmint, hvad uti Norrköping år 1604 vid arfföreningens förnyelse om Konungars och Arfförstars döttrar bebrefvadt är, och enkannerligen hvad i Stockholm år 1627 d. 4 December är beslutadt, att, om Hans Kongl. Maj:t utan mansarfvinge afginge, de då hans dotter för deras Drottning hålla ville; hvarföre de nu enhälligt förklara den Stormäktigsta, Högborna Förstinna och Fröken, Fröken Christina, Salig Konung Gustaf den Andres och Stores dotter, för Sveriges utkorade Drottning och Arfförstinna: de hade väl önskat, att någon stadig och fullkomlig ordning, huru regeringen i Drottningens omyndiga år skulle föras, af Salig Kongl. Maj:t, med Ständernas samtycke hade gjord blifvit, men alldenstund sådant icke är skedt, och de likväl förnimma, att Konungen i lifstiden derom upptäckt sin mening för Rikets Råd, och befallt författa en ordning, hvars innehåll han gillat, och som nu blifvit några af Ständerna meddelad, så måga, tills den af samteliga Ständerna hinner bekräftas och offenteligen utgå, de gode Herrar af Rådet, synnerligen de fem höga ämbeten, Drots, Marsk, Amiral, Kansler och Skattmästare, såsom Rikets föreståndare i Drottningens omyndiga år, emellertid samma regeringsordning till fäderneslandets bästa lämpa och i verket ställa. Af dessa Rikets höga ämbeten voro nu tvenne lediga. Riksdrotsen Gref Magnus Brahe afled d. 3 Mars 1633, man säger af sorg öfver Gustaf Adolfs död. Riksskattmästaresysslan hade Konungen lemnat obesatt, men sluteligen uppdragit göromålen åt sin svåger Pfaltzgrefven Johan Casimir, som i denna befattning visat stor skicklighet. — På Rådets anhållan fortfor han dermed till Ständernas sammanträde. Den unga Drottningen uppfostrades framgent under hans gemåls ögon; men i förmyndarestyrelsen lemnades honom intet rum. Man har härutinnan snarast misstänkt en afvikelse från Gustaf Adolfs vilja; såsom oss synes, utan tillräcklig grund. Pfaltzgrefven var ej Svensk; han var reformert: på en eventuell succession till kronan lät Pfaltziska Huset redan nu förstå sina anspråk. Allt detta var skäl, för tiden af vigt. "Hennes Maj:t Enkedrottningen, Pfaltzgrefven och Pfaltzgrefvinnan voro i stor disput med Riksens Råd om Regeringssättet och andra pretentioner" — säger Gref Per Brahe. — "Men Riksens Råd gingo allt framgent deras kosa, intet låtandes sig hindra af ett och annat."

Den 17 Januari 1634 blef förmyndarenas antal fullständigt, då genom omröstning inom Rådet Drots och Skattmästare tillsattes. Bägge valen föllo på Oxenstjernor. Gabriel Gustafson (Rikskanslerens bror) blef Riksdrots, och Gabriel Bengtsson Oxenstjerna Riksskattmästare. Bägge voro af Kansleren föreslagne. Men redan d. 5 April 1633 hade Förmyndarne svurit sin ed. Den aflades då i Drotsens ställe af Gref Per Brahe, i Skattmästarens af Clas Fleming, i den frånvarande Kanslerens af Per Baner, och var af följande hufvudsakliga innehåll: "Alldenstund jag, enligt hvad uppå denna nu hållne Riksdag enhälligt stadgadt är, skall, jemte fyra andra mine Colleger i Rådet, min allernådigste utkorade Drottnings förmynderskap och Riksens regering uppå mig taga och förestå, med de andre Herrar Riksens Råd, oförkränkt Riksens Ständers rätt; — alltså skall jag uppehålla de fem Collegia och Broderskap, som bestå i Hofrätten, Krigsrådet, Amiralitetet, Cantzliet, och Räkningekammaren, såsom de af framfarne Konungar, men särdeles af Kongl. Maj:t, var sist regerande Konung, äro införde, — hålla hand öfver Hennes Maj:t och Riksens rätt och hvars och ens välfångna frihet, handhafva och försvara Sveriges Lag, Justitien, Politien, och Riket företräda och förfäkta, såsom jag för Gud, min allernådigste Drottning, Riksens Ständer och hvar ärlig man vill till ansvar stånda: Så sant mig Gud hjelpe till lif och själ".

Angående Regeringsformens sluteliga affattande hade Rådet till Kansleren utsändt tvenne af sina medbröder, med uppdrag att härom öfverlägga, i följe hvaraf det första utkastet äfven erhöll åtskilliga förändringar. En af dessa är kanhända mer betydande i sin syftning än i orden. Rikskanslerens utkast begynner sålunda: "Till Sverige är Konungen ärfvande, ej väljande." Rådet hemställer, om ej detta har betänklighet med sig, och om det är så afgjordt, att arfföreningen bör förstås äfven inpå den unga Drottningens tillkommande gemål och arfvingar. Det synes, som vore den gamla benägenheten för valriket ej alldeles slocknad. De nämnda orden uteslötos äfven. Man undvek att uttala grundsatsen i allmänhet, och åberopade endast arfföreningarna af 1544 och 1604, tillika med beslutet af år 1627, hvarigenom Christinas rätt till kronan erkändes. Rikets utkorade Drottning blef för öfrigt även hennes titel. Troligen ville man också härigenom så mycket säkrare möta den Polska Vasagrenens arfsanspråk. Dessa anspråks upplifvande efter Gustaf Adolfs död föranledde ett märkeligt Svenska Regeringens bref till Kurförsten af Brandenburg, som i de öppnade fredsunderhandlingarna med Polen erbudit sin bemedling. — "Eders kärlighet vet" — sådana äro de ord, som läggas i Christinas mun — "att Sveriges rike af ålder varit ett valrike, och att det genom vår farfarsfaders förtjenster förskrefs ärfteligt till hans slägt; ej oinskränkt, utan på vissa vilkor emellan Konung och Ständer: med dessa vilkors iakttagande af Konungen förbindas undersåtarne till lydnad, med deras kränkelse och vanvårdande löses undersåtarnes plikt: uppstår derom tvist, är Gud endast domare, och, utom Rikets Ständer, erkännes ej någon annan domsrätt". [Novit Dilectio vestra Regnum Sveciæ ab antiquo electiovum fuisse, datum vero id meritis Proavi Nostri, ut suæ familiæ hæreditarium transcriberetur: Non absolute, sed certis pactis inter Regem et ordinis, quibus a Rege servatis, subditi obsequio tenentur, solvuntur violatis et neglectis; Et cum de ea re controversia inciderit, Deum solum judicem, nec, præter Comitia Regni, nullius alterius forum esse. — Electori Brandenburgensi d. 28 Martii 1635. Registr.]

Den af Rikskansleren åter öfversedda Regeringsformen blef genom Riksdagsbeslutet d. 29 Juli 1634 af samtelige Ständerna antagen. Det är en ordning för de allmänna ärendernas förvaltning, väl inverkande både på utöfningen af Konungens makt och Ständernas rättigheter, men ej egenteligen bestämmande någondera, utan tvertom förutsättande begge. Om Konungen i förhållande till den här stadgade regering heter det: "hans rätt och höghet oförkränkt och i ingen måtto förminskad"; om Ständerna: "att dessas sammankomster, möten och beslut skola aktas och hållas för rätta, allmänna Riksdagar, emot hvilka ingen hafver att säga, som Konungen och Riket med hörsamhet och lydno är underkastad". Dock funnos de, som redan nu yttrade, att de ansågo det införda regeringssättet nytt i Sverige och farligt för konungamakten. — Regeringen föres under Konungen, i hans frånvaro, sjukdom eller omyndiga år, af de fem höga ämbeten, Drots, Marsk, Amiral, Kansler, Skattmästare, med Rådet, och i spetsen för fem Collegier, Hofrätten, Krigsrådet, Amiralitetet, Kansliet och Räkningekammaren. Hofrätter äro fyra, den förnämsta i Stockholm, med Riksdrotsen till President, och såsom Bisittare, fyra Rikets Råd, sex af Ridderskapet och sex andre lärde och skickelige män: de öfrige i Jönköping, Åbo, Dorpt, med en af Rikets Råd till President och likaledes sex adelige samt sex oadelige ledamöter. För öfrigt förekommer äfven en Riksrätt med bibehållande af det gamla begreppet, att Riksdag var Rikets högsta Domstol. "Försåge sig" — heter det — "någon af så hög condition eller i så högst ärende, att det Konungens och kronans Majestät anginge, och icke beqvämligen annars än genom Ständers sammankallelse ransakas och åtskiljas måtte — då skola alle desse Hofrätter, jemte resten af Rikets Råd och Höfdingarne i riket som tillstädes äro, så ock en Borgmästare af Stockholm, Upsala, Göteborg, Norrköping, Åbo, Wiborg företräda Ständernas rum och hafva makt att dömma öfver samma ärende." Det andra Collegium, Krigsrådet, dirigeras af Marsken, med bisittare, tvenne Rikets Råd, som varit eller äro i krigstjenst och fyra Officerare, äfven Fältmarskalken, Rikstygmästaren och General-Vaktmästaren. Det tredje är Amiralitetet, hvarest Riks-Amiralen præsiderar, och hafver till Assessorer två af Rikets Råd (helst de till sjös tjent hafva) och fyra vice-Amiraler eller de äldste och förståndigaste Skepps-Kaptener, ibland dem Holm-Amiralen (befälhafvaren på Skeppsholmen i Stockholm): ingen af dessa Collegier må äga att disponera öfver någon ränta, utan skall sådant alldeles hänga vid Räkningekammaren, der ock redogöres för all uppbörd och utgift. Det fjerde Collegium är Kansliet under Rikskansleren med fyra Assessorer och Rikets Råd, en Hofkansler och två Statssekreterare, helst af Adel. Riksskattmästarens Collegium, det femte och sista, är Räkningekammaren, hvarest sitta tvenne af Rikets Råd, trenne andre af Adel, och två de äldste Kammererare. Desse fem Collegier (välförståendes af Hofrätterna allena den Stockholmske), hvilkas speciella instructioner tillika åberopas, skola alltid sitta i Stockholm, med mindre ej Konungen för pest eller annan olycka sitt residens för någon tid förflyttar. Lands-regeringen fördelas i vissa Höfdingedömen, hvilka utom Stockholms stad, som styres af en Öfverståthållare, utgöra tre och tjugu under lika många Landshöfdingar. I gränseländerna kunna Öfver-Landshöfdingar eller General-Gouverneurer förordnas: de böra liksom Öfverståthållaren i Stockholm vara af Rikets Råd. Lagsagor i Sverige äro fjorton under lika många Lagmän, hvilka utgöra secunda instantia i landet, och upptaga alla lagvadda saker från Häradstingen. På Rådstufvan i städerna skall alltid præsidera en fogde, som Konungen dertill förordnar, och hvarken Landshöfdingen eller Slottshöfvidsmännen härefter hafva med Rådstufvan att göra. — Ingen må vara Landshöfding i den Lagsaga, der han Lagman är: ingen Landshöfding hafve någon fästning i sin värjo, eller hafve något att bjuda öfver kronans slott och fästen, med mindre Konungen gifver Höfdingarna i gränselandskapen synnerlig fullmakt dertill. Hvarken Landshöfding eller Slottshöfvidsman sitte, om ej Konungen annorlunda förordnar, öfver tre år i sitt ämbete, efter hvilkas förlopp han den 1 Juni skall i hufvudstaden sig infinna, att för alla fem Rikets Collegier göra redo för sin administration. Befinnes någon otrogen eller försumlig, han ställes för Hofrätten, anklages af Riksens Fiskal och umgälle hvad Rätten medgifver. — Lands-öfverstarna och Regementen till häst och fot, hvart och ett stort efter som Landskapen äro store till, skola vara till antalet tjuguåtta, nemligen åtta till häst (Rusttjensten inberäknad) och tjugu till fot. Ingen Landshöfding hafve öfver krigshären något att bjuda (vidare än till vidmakthållande af lag och landsfred) utan Konungens speciella fullmakt: ingen krigsofficerare befatte sig med landräntorna, vid lifsstraff. Dessa äro de förnämligaste ämbetsmän, som Konungen hafver sig till handa i sin och rikets tjenst: och skall hvart ämbete vara skyldigt att göra räkenskap och reda inför Konungen sjelf, så ofta han behagar, eljest hvar för sitt Collegium, — Lagmän, Häradshöfdingar och alla Domare inför Hofrätten, — Tygmästaren, Landsöfverstarne, Slottshöfvidsmännen inför Krigsrådet, alla de, som Riksens flottor hafva under händer, för Amiralitetet, Sändebud och Agenter inför Kanslirådet, sist alle som hafva med Riksens utgift att göra inför Kammarrådet. Öfvermarskalken för Hofvet, Stallmästaren och Jägmästaren för kronans stuteri och skogar, sedan alle Lagmän, Landshöfdingar, Landtöfverstar i Sverige skola årligen finnas i Stockholm till Helga tre Konungars dag och der göra redo för sig: den som har laga förfall skall likvisst räkenskap göra genom sin handskrifvare, bokhållare eller annan fullmäktig. Lagmännen, Landshöfdingarne och Landsöfverstarna i Finland, Ingermanland, Lifland och Preussen skola vara enskyllade, men icke dess mindre årligen d. 1 Sept. hafva sina fullmäktige tillstädes i Stockholm. De fem Riksens Consilia skola från Trettondagen till Kyndelsmässen årligen öfverse och ransaka förbemälte ämbetsmäns handlingar i Hof- och Landtregeringen: i lika måtto skola de sjelfve ifrån Kyndelsmässodagen intill Fastelagen göra reda inför Konungen sjelf, der han är tillstädes och gitter, men eljest inför de fem höga ämbeten, så tillförståendes, att den femte alltid står upp med sine Assessorer och göre reda, hvarunder hans ställe i regeringen beklädes af Öfverståthållaren i Stockholm. Hvar nu så stora och besvärliga ärenden riket påkommer, att denne ransakning icke så hastigt ske kan, då måga till vissa ärenders ransakning deputeras förtrogne och discrete män af Collegiernas Assessorer, på det allt må vintern igenom nå sin riktighet, och intet år skjutas in på det andra. Finnes någon i det ena eller andra Collegium brottslig, då skall han stånda till rätta inför de fem höga ämbeten, hvilka skola tillförordnas två ur hvarje Collegio; och desse skola hafva makt att näpsa med ord eller straffa med infamia och remotion, efter som saken är till, dock att Konungens resolution tages, om han är tillstädes. Men finnes ett helt Collegium, eller något af de fem höga ämbeten, brottsligt, då beror af Konungens allena, om han vill med ord näpsa eller låta saken komma till rätta inför sig och Rådet. — Alla desse ransakningar, möten och rättegångar skola hållas i ett dertill förordnadt mak på Stockholms slott, och dervid af de bägge Stats-Sekreterarne den ene alltid vara åklagare, den andre Notarius; med mindre någon af dem sjelfva vore interesserad eller sjuk och frånvarande, på hvilket fall en annan beskedlig man må dertill förordnas. — Vid förenämnda Riksens ämbetsmäns årliga sammankomst skall intagas god underrättelse om hela Rikets tillstånd, och kan tillika berådslås och förafskedas de ärender, som icke tarfva allmännelig Riksdag; kommer ock understundom, att man Ständernas betänkande behöfver, och tiden eller andra orsaker ej tillåta tryggeligen ett allmänneligt samqväm, då skola, jämte förrberörde Riksens ämbetsmän, äfven till samma möte förskrifvas två af Ridderskapet från hvar Lagsaga, Biskopar och Superintendenter af Sverige och Finland, samt en fullmäktig af städerna Stockholm, Upsala, Göteborg, Norrköping, Åbo och Wiborg. I Konungs frånvaro, sjukdom eller omyndighet må ingen ny lag göras, inga nya privilegier gifvas, ej adelskap utdelas, ej krono- och skattegods, eller andra kronans rättigheter afhändas eller bortskiftas; utan stånde allt sådant, liksom alla utnämningar och beslut, till den regerandes stadfästelse: dock så, att om något på allmän Riksdag blifvit beslutadt, det också endast på allmän Riksdag må stadfästas eller upphäfvas.

Omständigheter, ännu mer än grundsatserna, gjorde 1634 års Regeringsform framdeles för Svenska folket misshagelig. Den kom aldrig i alla delar till utförande. För sin tid är den ett verk af statsmannavishet, af hvilket vår kanhända ännu hade att lära.

English translation (by Turner):

As soon as the king's death was known in his dominions, the council convoked the collective estates to a general diet in Stockholm, for Feb. 6, 1633, and immediately sent count Peter Brahe to Germany, to wait upon the queen-dowager, and take the advice of the chancellor upon all affairs, and especially upon the manner in which the German war should be waged. In a letter to the chancellor, the councillors say, they had understood that no form of government had been subscribed or appointed by the late king, which yet they would have wished from their hearts. They requested, therefore, that the chancellor might communicate to them that constitution which he mentioned as drawn up by himself, that they might thereby in time have some rule for their guidance.

The first letter of the chancellor to the council, after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, is dated from Frankfort on the Maine, November 14th, 1632. "I know that it will have come to your ears", he writes, "ere my letter arrive; and I leave the more detailed account (which I have not yet myself received) to others, or spare it to a more convenient season. But I lament for my fatherland, my queen, the commonwealth imperilled herein, and my longsomeness of life, that I should have lived to see this day. Such a king the world hath not now, and his like it hath not had in many hundred years, nor knoweth whether one will come soon again. My heart's woe and longing for him that hath departed do so engross me, that scarcely I know what to write. Yet herewith is little to be done. Calamities are to be deplored, but not to be altered. It beseemeth us to bear with patience what God hath laid upon us, and to call upon his grace for help, that mature counsel, firm courage, and manly resolve, may prevent and avert all further disaster." On the 5th December following, the chancellor wrote that the king had wished to govern the realm by the five colleges, whether he were present or absent, living or dead; so that under an able sovereign its affairs might be well managed, and under a feeble prince not so speedily brought to ruin. The king had also wished to entrust the government during the minority of the ruler to the heads of these five colleges, and had long before his death commissioned him, the chancellor, to draw out a form of government. For this he had had little time, and afterwards it would have been somewhat dangerous to him as a private person, seeing that the matter was as a hot iron to the touch; yet he had prepared the draught in Prussia, and shown it to his majesty, who had been pleased to approve the part which concerned the regalities. In order that it might be signed, he had given orders that a clean copy should be made, which had been forgotten in the multitude of pressing occupations.

On two subsequent occasions Sweden's prospects were a subject of discussion between the king and the chancellor. First at Frankfort on the Maine, of which Oxenstierna gives the following account in a letter to the council, dated Berlin, Feb. 4, 1633: "His majesty, of Christian memory, when he was a year ago at Frankfort on the Maine, himself proposed to the commissioners of the elector of Brandenburg, a match between his daughter and the young elector, and commanded me to communicate further regarding it with the envoys, as I have also divers times done, according as his majesty, upon his journey to Bavaria, repeated by written order. The principal motive was, that his majesty would not cede Pomerania, and yet found that it could not be kept without notable detriment and great umbrage to the elector of Brandenburg; next, that the king also perceived, that if Sweden and Brandenburg, with their dependencies, might be conjoined, hardly such a state would be found in Europe, and they might offer the headship to whomsoever they would. To try means thereto, if it were possible, and at least to use this affection for the moment, the king caused a proposition to be made through me; that he was resolved to give his daughter to the son of the elector, and to treat of the matter with the estates of Sweden, in the hope of their consent under the following conditions as the principal: — 1. If the king should have a son by his wife, he should possess the crown of Sweden, Livonia, and what had been conquered in Prussia, and the electoral prince all that the king had already acquired, or might acquire, a fast alliance being made between the two states. 2. If the king should have no male heirs, the electoral prince should receive with the king's daughter the crown of Sweden, and in this case such an alliance was to be concluded, that the king of Sweden might also be elector of Brandenburg, and conversely; in the absence of the king, Sweden was to be governed by its own constitution, as also Brandenburg; that the dignity and regalities of each might be unimpaired, and both united with strong, indissoluble bonds. 3. In order that the electoral prince might be instructed in our religion, and accustomed to our language and manners, he was to receive his education in Sweden. With this communication another matter was separately fallen upon, — whether the differences as to religion might not be adjusted in some way, and how it would go with the alliance in case the princess died; but on account of the frequent expeditions of the war nothing further was done in the matter, than that the commissioners of Brandenburg referred the same to the elector, who was afterwards better affectioned to our party." The second occasion was in the camp at Nuremberg, as the chancellor likewise informs the council, who request him "to impart to them these discourses of the king, since if any thing mortal happened to himself the whole would otherwise be concealed from them." Upon this, however, nothing farther is known to us, than that the secretary Grubbé, who was sent home from Germany, being questioned by the council, replied, that the chancellor held in keeping some written record of what the king had declared at Nuremberg, which his excellency might produce in case any disturbances arose. Probably this relates to the removal of the queen dowager from the government, whereon two letters from the king, written to the chancellor during his stay at Nuremberg, are preserved. Christina, who says of her mother, that she "had all the weaknesses as well as virtues of her sex", undoubtedly alludes to this letter, when she states, in reference to her father's last directions to Oxenstierna, "He reminded the chancellor of the command which he had already given, in case of any accident to his person, enjoined to give me an education worthy of a daughter who was to inherit his throne, bound him to serve and aid the queen my mother, to honour and comfort her, but never to let her take any share in the government, or in my education."

Axel Oxenstierna's concept, drawn up by his own hand, for the form of government of the year 1634, under the title, Ordinance anent the State and Government of the Realm, is preserved in the library of Upsala. This sketch, in some heads not so minute, and in others (although unimportant) differing from that afterwards adopted by the estates, is without date, but composed in the name of Gustavus Adolphus. Internal signs appear to indicate that this was done several years before the king's death, probably after his wounds in the Prussian war. That Gustavus Adolphus approved in the main his chancellor's project we are along with his daughter convinced, although the king himself looked upon it only as an outline; and we may doubt whether he, upon his far-reaching career, had irrevocably fixed his views on this head more than on others. His intention to regulate and determine the constitution of the realm is attested by his words at his setting out for the German war, — "A monarchy consists not in persons, but in the laws", and furthermore by the whole spirit of his government, which in this respect constitutes an epoch. The problem, as it was presented to him, was to reconcile finally to the hereditary monarchy, as soon as possible, that nobility which his father had oppressed. To their power he opposed that of an official class dependent on the sovereign. The form of government of 1634, in this respect, merely developes the fundamental principles laid down by his administration. That this official class rose to be a new aristocracy was occasioned by circumstances inevitable to a government of guardians, which perhaps contributed thereto still more by its merits than by its faults.

Until the assemblage of the estates affairs were administered by the councillors conjointly. The councillors of the realm, — it is observed in their letter to the chancellor, — have constantly managed the government hitherto, and will manage it henceforth, until the opinion of the diet can be taken upon the form of government; meanwhile we keep a watchful eye upon the border fortresses and the fleet, and incite the superior functionaries to fidelity in their charge. For what concerns the taxes, it is undoubted that in the late king's time not a few complaints were heard thereupon, such will now be still more loudly uttered, especially anent the enhancement of the mill-toll and licences (grain and salt taxes), which for a long time have been collected without any statute of the diet; but since great inconveniences would follow if they should be abolished instantly, the government will at least maintain them so long as the body of his majesty is still above ground; yet some alleviation might be necessary to prevent any disorders arising. Foreign intrigues had not been ineffectual. Among the peasants, especially in Smaland and Finland, a report was propagated that the sons of Sigismund had offered to pass over to the Augsburg Confession, and to come from Poland into the kingdom; as also, that the deceased king had himself wished them to be his successors on the Swedish throne, seeing that he had no male heirs. "Who is this Christina", a peasant at the opening of the diet is said to have called out, "we know her not, and have never seen her." When the six years' old queen was placed before him and his associates, and they had viewed her, the same person said: "It is she, it is Gustave Adolph's nose, eye, and brow; let her be our queen."

In the dietary statute of 1633, the estates say that as it had pleased God to take from them their head, the king and father of the country, without male heirs who could sit upon his chair, so they had not unseasonably called to mind what had been covenanted at Norrkœping in 1604, on the renewal of the hereditary settlement, respecting the daughters of kings and hereditary princes, and especially what had been resolved at Stockholm on the 4th December, 1627, that if the king's majesty died without male heirs, they would then take his daughter for their queen; wherefore they now unanimously declare the most mighty and high-born princess and lady Christina, daughter of the late king Gustavus the Second and Great, for the queen elect and hereditary princess of Sweden. They would indeed have wished that some stable and consummate ordinance, as to how the government should be carried on during the queen's minority had been made by his late majesty with the assent of the estates. But inasmuch as this had not been done, and they natheless understood that the king in his lifetime had intimated his opinion thereupon to the council, and given command to draw up an ordinance whose contents he had approved, and which had now been communicated to some of the estates; therefore until the same should be confirmed by the collective estates, and made publicly known, the good lords of the council, especially the five high officers, the steward, the marshal, the admiral, the chancellor, and the treasurer, as administrators of the realm during the queen's yet immature years, might meanwhile adapt and bring into operation this ordinance of government to the well-being of the country. Of these high offices of state only two were vacant. The steward, count Magnus Brahe, died on the 3rd March, 1633, as is said from grief for the death of Gustavus Adolphus. The office of treasurer the king had left unfilled, while he latterly committed the business to the palsgrave John Casimir, his brother-in-law, who showed great skill in its management. At the solicitation of the council he continued in it until the convention of the estates. The young queen's education remained under the constant supervision of his wife; but no place was left for him in the administration of the guardians. It has been frequently suspected, that in this point there was a departure from the will of Gustavus Adolphus, as appears to us, without sufficient ground. The count Palatine was not a Swede; he was a Calvinist; and the Palatine house was already giving intimations of its claims to the eventual succession to the throne. All this was of importance at the time. "Her majesty the queen-dowager, the palsgrave and palsgravine, were in great dispute with the council of state regarding the manner of government and other pretensions", says count Peter Brahe, "but the council held on their course, without letting themselves be hindered by the one or the other."

On the 17th January, 1634, the number of the guardians was complete, a steward and treasurer being nominated by the votes of the council. In both cases their choice devolved upon an Oxenstierna. Gabriel Gustaveson (brother of the chancellor) was made high-steward, and Gabriel Bennetson Oxenstierna, high-treasurer. Both were proposed by the chancellor. But already on the 5th April, 1633, the guardians had been sworn in. Count Peter Brahe then took the oath instead of the steward, Clas Fleming in place of the treasurer, Peter Baner in that of the absent chancellor, and the following was the sum of the subject-matter: "Forasmuch as I, according to what hath been unanimously resolved at this diet now holden, together with four others my colleagues in the council, will take upon me the guardianship of my most gracious queen elect, and direct the government of the realm, with the other lords of the council of state, without prejudice to the rights of the estates of the realm; even so will I uphold the five colleges and fraternities (broderskap), which consist of the palace-court, the council of war, the admiralty, the chancery, and the chamber of accounts, as the same have been established by former kings, but especially by his majesty our last reigning sovereign, — maintain the rights of her majesty and of the realm, and every man's well-won freedom, — dispense and defend the law, justice, and polity of Sweden, — represent and dispute for the realm, as I shall stand to answer before God, my most gracious queen, the estates of the realm, and every honourable man: so may God send me help for body and soul!"

With respect to the final version of the form of government, the council of state had sent two of its members to the chancellor with charge to deliberate thereon, in consequence of which the first draught received sundry alterations. One of them is perhaps more important in its tendency than in the literal significance. The chancellor's concept begins thus: "In Sweden the sovereign is hereditary, not elective." The council refers it to him whether this may not be ambiguous, and be construed to mean that the hereditary settlement should be applicable likewise to the future consort and heirs of the young queen. It appears as if the old leaning to an elective monarchy were not yet fully extinct. The words quoted were omitted. The enunciation of general principles was avoided, and appeal was made only to the hereditary settlements of 1544 and 1604 together with the statute of the year 1627, whereby Christina's right to the throne was acknowledged. For the rest, her title ran in this phrase: "Queen elect of the realm." Probably it was intended in this way to meet the more securely the hereditary pretensions of the Polish branch of the Vasas. The revival of these claims, after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, led to a remarkable letter from the Swedish government to the elector of Brandenburg, who had tendered his mediation in the negotiations which had been opened for peace with Poland. "Your lovingness knows", thus run the words which were placed in the mouth of Christina, "that the monarchy of Sweden was of old elective, and that through the merits of our great-grandfather, it was assigned to his family as hereditary; not without limitations, but upon certain conditions, agreed to between the king and the estates, on the acceptance of which by the king, his subjects are bound to obedience, but with their impairment and neglect these are released from their obligation; if strife arise therefrom, God alone is judge, and saving the estates of the realm, no other judicatory is acknowledged." [Novit Dilectio vestra regnum Sveciæ ab antiquo electivum fuisse, datum vero id meritis proavi nostri, ut suæ familiæ hæreditarium transcriberetur; non absolute, sed certis pactis inter regem et ordines, quibus a rege servatis, subditi obsequio tenentur, solvuntur violatis et neglectis; et cum de ea re controversia inciderit, Deum solum judicem, nec, præter comitia regni, nullius alterius forum esse. Electori Brandenburgensi, d. 28 Martii, 1635.]

The form of government, again revised by the chancellor, was adopted by the collective estates, through the dietary statute of July 29, 1634. It is an ordinance for the administration of public affairs, affecting both the exercise of the regal authority, and the privileges of the estates, though properly defining neither of them, but, on the contrary, presuming both. Of the sovereign, in his relation to the government here created, it is laid down that his rights and dignity are unimpaired, and in no wise prejudiced; of the estates, "that their congresses, meetings, and resolutions must be esteemed and held true general diets, against which no one is to speak, that is subject to the king and realm in fealty and obedience." Yet there were some who already declared that they regarded the mode of government introduced as new in Sweden, and dangerous to regal authority. — The government is conducted under the king, and in his absence, illness, or minority, by the five grand officers, the steward, marshal, admiral, chancellor, treasurer, with the advice, and at the head of five colleges, the palace-court, the council of war, the admiralty, the chancery, and the chamber of accounts. The palace-courts are four in number, the principal in Stockholm, with the high-steward (Drots) as president, and four councillors of state as assessors, six of the baronage, and six other learned and discreet men; the others in Jenkœping, Abo, Dorpt, with a member of the council as president, and six noble, six unnoble colleagues. A court of state (Riksrätt) is besides mentioned, with reservation of the old view that the diet was the highest court of the realm. "If any man should be delinquent", it is laid down, "of so high condition, or in such highest concernment, that it toucheth the majesty of the king and the crown, and inquiry and decision in the matter cannot be conveniently had otherwise than by the convocation of the estates, then shall all these palace courts, with the rest of the councillors of state and the provincial lieutenants who are present, as well as one burgomaster of the towns of Stockholm, Upsala, Gottenburg, Norrkœping, Abo, Wiborg, fill the place of the estates, and have power to pass sentence in this cause." The second college, the council of war, is directed by the marshal, with two councillors of state as assessors, who have served, or still serve, in the army, and four officers, with the field-marshal, the ordnance-master, and the general watchmaster. In the third college of the admiralty presides the high-admiral, and has for assessors two councillors of state (those who have served at sea being preferred), and four vice-admirals, or the oldest and most intelligent ship captains, among them the Holm-admiral (governor of Skeppsholm, or Ship Island at Stockholm). No one of these colleges is allowed to dispose of any public funds, but this is wholly the business of the chamber of accounts, where also an account is to be rendered of all and every receipt and expenditure. The fourth college is the chancery, under the high-chancellor, with four assessors, councillors of state, one chancellor of the household, and two secretaries of state, if possible of the nobility. The high-treasurer's college, the fifth and last, is the chamber of accounts, in which sit two councillors of state, three others of the nobility, and two of the oldest chamberlains. These five colleges (the Stockholm palace-court alone being understood), to whose special instructions reference is also made, shall at all times sit in Stockholm, unless the king, on account of the plague or other disaster, should remove his residence for some time. — The government of the provinces is divided into certain prefectures, of which, besides the town of Stockholm, under its own chief lieutenant, there are twenty-four, under as many prefects (or land-captains, landshöfdingar). In frontier provinces, a supreme prefect, or governor-general, may be appointed; these must be councillors of state, like the chief lieutenant of Stockholm. The assizes (lagsagor) in Sweden are fourteen, under as many justiciaries or lawmen, whose tribunals form the second instancy of the country, and receive all appeals from the court of the hundred. In the council-chambers of the towns shall always preside a bailiff, whom the king appoints thereto, and neither the prefect nor any captain of a castle shall intermeddle with the council-chamber. — No one shall be prefect in the jurisdiction where he is lawman; no prefect shall have the command of a fortress, or any authority in the castles and strengths of the crown, unless the king grant special warrant thereto to the governors of the frontier provinces. Neither a prefect nor a captain of a castle shall remain, unless the king shall otherwise appoint, more than three years in his office; and after the expiration of these he shall repair, on the 1st of June, to the capital, to give an account of his administration before all the five colleges. If any one be found unfaithful or negligent, he is to be called before the palace-court, arraigned by the state-fiscal, and to be mulcted as the court shall award. Colonels in the provinces and regiments of foot and horse, the strength of each being proportioned to the size of the prefecture, shall be twenty-eight in number, namely, eight of horse (including the troopers of the trained bands) and twenty of foot. No prefect has any command (further than for the maintenance of the law and peace) over the military force, without especial warrant from the king; no officer of the latter is to interfere in matters of taxation on pain of death. — These are the principal functionaries whom the king has at hand in his service and the realm's, and every officer is bound to give account and answer to the king himself, as often as he may please to make demand, and also every one before his college, — lawmen, judges of hundreds, and all justiciaries before the palace-court; the ordnance-master, colonels of regiments, captains of castles, before the council of war; all those who have the fleets of the realm in their hands, before the admiralty; ambassadors and agents, before the council of chancery; and finally, all who have to do with the public disbursements, before the council of the exchequer. The marshal of the household, the equerry of the stud, and ranger of the forests of the crown, with all justiciaries, prefects, and colonels of regiments in Sweden, shall yearly come to Stockholm on the day of the Epiphany, to render account; if any one have lawful excuse of non-appearance, he is to give an account by his clerk, book-keeper, or other deputy. The lawmen, prefects, and colonels in Finland, Ingermanland, Livonia, and Prussia, are not indeed bound to appear, but shall, nevertheless, yearly send their deputies to Stockholm, on the first day of September. The five "councils" of the realm are holden from Twelfth-day to Candlemas, to revise and examine the papers of the specified functionaries of the government of the household and country; in like manner they shall themselves, from Candlemas to Lent, render an account to the king, if he be present and can receive it, but otherwise before the five grand officers, it being understood that the fifth, with his assessors, is constantly ready to make account, during which his place in the government is filled by the chief lieutenant of Stockholm. If affairs of state arise so onerous and difficult, that this examination cannot possibly be made in the appointed term, then trustworthy and discreet men, from the assessors of the colleges, may be deputed for the investigation of particular matters, in order that all may be set to rights during the winter, and nothing deferred from one year to another. If any one in a college is found culpable, he is to appear before the court of the five high officers, who shall appoint in addition two members of each of the colleges, and with these rests the power of reprimanding, or punishing with infamy and removal, according to the nature of the case, yet taking the king's decision, if he be present. But if any offence is brought home to a whole college, or one of the five high officers, then it depends on the king alone, whether the matter shall be stayed with a reprimand, or be referred to him and the council to adjudge. All these investigations, congresses, and processes, shall be held in a chamber in the castle of Stockholm thereto appointed, one of the two secretaries of state being permanent prosecutor, the other notary; unless one of them be himself interested in the matter, sick, or absent, in which case another upright man may be named to those functions. — At the before-mentioned yearly conventions of the official servants of the state, exact information is to be taken as to the whole condition of the realm, and the affairs which do not require to be brought before a general diet, may be discussed and disposed of. If it should occur sometime, that the opinion of the estates is required, where yet the time or other circumstances do not allow the like general deliberations, then besides the above-mentioned officers of state, two of the baronage from every assize, the bishops and superintendents of Sweden and Finland, with one deputy from the towns of Stockholm, Upsala, Gottenburg, Norrkœping, Abo, and Wiborg, shall be summoned to consultation. In the absence, illness, or minority of the sovereign, no new laws can be made, no new privileges conferred, no letters of nobility granted, no crown or taxed estates or other dues of the crown be alienated or exchanged, but all such matters, as all nominations and resolutions, shall await the confirmation of the reigning person; yet so that if any resolution has been passed at a general diet, it can only be confirmed or abrogated in the general diet.

Circumstances, yet more than principles, afterwards made the constitution of 1634 distasteful to the people of Sweden. It never was carried into effect in all its branches. For its epoch, the work was one of statesmanlike wisdom, from which our own might still learn.


Above: "Queen Christina's Accession to the Throne", by Joseph de Buelow.


Above: Erik Gustaf Geijer.

Notes: Åbo is the Swedish name for the Finnish city of Turku.

Dorpat is the old German name for the Estonian city of Tartu.

Sunday, June 15, 2025

Henry Woodhead on the succession of the Polish Vasas, Kristina's accession to the throne, her regency, and the 1634 Form of Government

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 34 to 47, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

COMMUNICATIONS were so slow at this time, that even such important news as the death of Gustavus Adolphus took two months [sic] to reach Sweden.

The sad event was for some time kept secret from the people. Several of the leading nobles attended a meeting, at which the question was mooted whether Christina should be set aside, and a Republic formed on the model of Venice. The party in favour of such a change was not sufficiently strong, and the Senate declared her title incontestable, and ordered her to be proclaimed.

The conduct of the army in Germany had, no doubt, considerable weight in Sweden. The troops declared unanimously that the child of their hero should be his successor. This was far from being the case in Sweden. Sigismund of Poland died in the same year as his cousin and rival. He had never relinquished his title to the Swedish throne, although he had given up all hope of wresting the crown from Gustavus Adolphus. He had, of late years, merely called himself King of Sweden, had strengthened his position at home by his marriage with an Austrian Princess, and had annoyed his cousin by intrigues in Sweden, and by sending a few Polish troops to assist the Imperialists in Germany.

His son Uladislaus, who succeeded to his Polish throne, and to his Swedish claims, was not inclined to lose so favourable an opportunity of asserting the latter.

The death of Gustavus, the critical position of the Swedish army, and the youth of Christina, made a combination very favourable to the Polish Monarch. He felt that if ever his family was to sit on the throne of Gustavus Vasa, now was the time to exert himself. His first step was to make overtures to some of the great nobles, to the Oxenstierns, Bielke, and Wrangel. They all considered a minority more favourable to their own power, than the rule of one who was already the Sovereign of a warlike state, and whose subjects, although tenacious of their own privileges, might not have the same respect for the privileges of a rival nation, or of a different creed. Oxenstiern was actuated by a more generous motive, for neither at this time nor at any subsequent period did he swerve from the faith he had pledged to Gustavus. They all rejected the offers of Uladislaus. He then spread a report in Sweden that one of his sons was inclined to embrace the Lutheran religion. He hoped that, towards a claimant of their own creed, the clergy would not be insensible to the divine right of legitimate succession, now so warmly supported by their order. The people might be expected to have prejudices against the rule of a female, for although the Salique law had never been formally acknowledged in Sweden, the succession of a female had hitherto been almost impossible, because the incessant civil and foreign wars required the Sovereign to be a soldier. The only exception had been in the case of Margaret, and all patriotic Swedes remembered her reign with horror. The victories of Gustavus Adolphus were, however, still fresh in the minds of the Poles, and Uladislaus felt that he could not invade Sweden successfully without the aid of a strong party in the country. Even then his Polish forces would not be available without a powerful navy, for, although not an island, Sweden was almost as inaccessible as an island to external aggression, except by sea. Finland, however, was nearer to Poland, and was not so well defended either by its position or by its internal resources, and it was to Finland that he chiefly directed his attention. The people here, in general, believed that his son was a Lutheran, and that Gustavus himself had named a Polish prince as his successor.

Even in Sweden, Polish emissaries spread the same report, with some success, among the peasants.

The States met in February, 1633, when the assembly was addressed by Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern. He announced the death of the King amidst the tears and lamentations of his hearers. Then he proposed that Christina should be recognized as successor to the Crown. A murmer [sic] immediately rose among the deputies of the peasants, many of whom were in favour of the King of Poland. One of these peasants, named Lars Larsson, interrupted Oxenstiern, and said: — "Who is this daughter of King Gustavus? We have never seen her. We do not know her!"

"You shall see her directly", replied Oxenstiern, who left the hall, and returned leading the little Princess. The deputy approached and examined her countenance attentively.

"Yes", he said, "these are the eyes, the nose, the forehead of the King. She is his daughter; she shall be our Queen."

The next step was to determine how the Government should be carried on during her minority. The old-established way was to appoint an administrator (Riksföreständare) during the absence or minority of the Kings. Many of the council were of opinion this great office should now be revived. The Stures had held it last, and their memory was justly dear to the people. Axel Oxenstiern, the Chancellor, was still in Germany, but this great man was so highly esteemed, that nothing was decided without consulting him, especially as it was understood that to him had been confided the King's last wishes on the subject. Oxenstiern's own prepossessions were in favour of an Administrator, because he considered that office the most constitutional.

He might reasonably have expected that he would have been chosen himself to fill this great place, a King in everything but name[,] but neither his private opinion nor his ambition disturbed for a moment his loyalty or his religious veneration for the late King's wishes.

Gustavus had desired that, in case of his death, a regency should be formed, composed of the five great dignitaries of the kingdom, and Oxenstiern now confined himself to pointing out the advantages of this course. With such an administration Sweden could not be endangered by the ambition of an individual, and if one of the Regents should die, the policy of the country would not be liable to be reversed, as might be the case in event of a new administrator succeeding to the power. Oxenstiern also said that the King had ordered such a constitution to be written out fairly for him to sign while he was in Prussia, but that it had been deferred on account of the urgency of other matters.

The five dignitaries to whom the government of Sweden was committed were: —

The Grand Seneschal, Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern,
The Grand Constable, Jacob de la Gardie,
The High Admiral, Baron Gyldenhielm,
The High Treasurer, Gabriel Oxenstiern, and
The Grand Chancellor, Axel Oxenstiern.

These officers were at the same time Presidents of the Councils, or, as they were termed, the Colleges of Justice, War, Marine, Finance, and Chancery.

Axel Oxenstiern was now in Germany, and his colleagues entrusted him with absolute authority to make war, peace, and alliances, as he thought best for Sweden.

The Seneschal, Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern, was a man of great experience. He was remarkable for his industry, his probity, and his calm and amiable temper.

Axel Oxenstiern and Jacob de la Gardie, the two most distinguished of the Regents, were both high-spirited, and accustomed to command. Gabriel Gustaf, by his good offices, preserved a friendship between them which was sometimes threatened by their impetuosity, but which had its foundation in mutual esteem.

Jacob de la Gardie was one of the most eminent men in Sweden for wealth, character, and ability. He was married to the beautiful and virtuous Ebba Brahe, to whom Gustavus Adolphus had been so deeply attached, but who broke off the intended marriage with her royal lover, on account of his intrigue with the daughter of a merchant, notwithstanding his prayers and repentance. Jacob de la Gardie's eminent services had been performed in Russia and Poland, where Gustavus learned from him the art of war. Successful in most of his campaigns, De la Gardie was on one occasion abandoned by all his mercenary troops, and, with only 400 Swedes, made good his retreat all the way from the heart of Russia.

The Poles had such a dread of his name, that when they threatened to attack Sweden, after the expiration of the truce, they were deterred chiefly by the information that an army was being assembled under Jacob de la Gardie. Although allied to Brahe, who was the leader of the extreme aristocratic party, De la Gardie supported Oxenstiern in opposing its extravagant pretensions. Oxenstiern has been accused, without sufficient proof, of belonging to this party himself. Although an aristocrat by birth and feeling, he was also a statesman, who desired the general welfare of his country, and not the exclusive advantage of one class. His wise and moderate conduct helped to avert a civil war at this period, although the feelings which lead to civil war were rife in Sweden, as well as in England, France, Naples, Poland, and Portugal. He wished to keep the most important offices in the hands of the nobles, but he said the people should be considered as younger brothers, yet still as brothers.

The High Admiral, Charles Gyllenhielm, was a natural son of Charles IX. He was much attached to the royal family, and appears to have been free from the envious feelings common to men in his situation. He had been twelve years a prisoner of war in Poland, where he was harshly treated, and his character thus acquired a degree of gravity which often passed for wisdom, but he appears to have had less ability than any of his colleagues. The most eminent by far of the Regents, and one of the most eminent men in Europe, was Axel Oxenstiern, the chancellor. He was descended from an ancient and powerful family, which had been the equal and rival of the Vasas, before it became their ornament and support, and, on his mother's side, he was allied to the royal family. In the course of his education he studied at several of the German universities, at Rostock, Wittemberg, and Jena. He passed through the usual terms with credit, and took the degree of Master of Arts. His family intended him for the clerical profession, and hoped that his great interest would gain for him the chief prize in the Swedish Church, the Archbishopric of Upsala. With this view, Oxenstiern studied theology, ecclesiastical history, and the learned languages; but he also studied law and politics.

In 1605, being then twenty years of age [sic], he appeared at the Court of Charles IX., by whom he was well received; and the young nobleman appears to have given up the idea of entering the Church almost immediately.

He was made a senator, the highest rank in Sweden, at the age of twenty-six, and possessed so entirely the confidence of the King, that at his death he was left in charge of the royal children.

It was Oxenstiern who first perceived the great ability of Gustavus Adolphus, and who persuaded the senate to shorten the period of his minority. Gustavus never forgot this service, and remained all his life warmly attached to his great minister.

An old oak still exists a few miles from Stockholm where they used to meet and talk of public affairs, and Gustavas [sic] III. erected a monument under the shadow of its branches, which represented the king and his chancellor conversing.

During the German war Oxenstiern was entrusted with the government of Prussian Poland. It was his knowledge of the resources of this country that made him oppose so vehemently its cession to Uladislaus.

The constitution now announced and adopted as the legacy of Gustavus Adolphus, was believed to be at least as much the work of Oxenstiern.

The interest of the nobles was certainly never lost sight of, but a great deal of foresight and sagacity was displayed: the power of the council and Regency was defined with much care and precision, and it is said to have been the first example in Europe of a regular written constitution.

The Lutheran religion was declared to be that of the Sovereign and of the State. The decrees of Gustavas [sic] Vasa and of Charles IX. regarding the succession were confirmed, as well as the act of the States by which Christina had been recognized. The Sovereign was to rule according to constitutional laws, and the Senate was his council, of which he appointed the members, subject to the condition that they must be natives and noblemen. The number of senators was fixed at twenty-five, although under certain circumstances it might be increased. The five dignitaries already named were senators by virtue of their office, and had precedence over the others.

Persons of high rank, accused of any serious offence, were to be tried before a grand council, composed of the senators, of members of the superior courts, and of the magistrates of the principal towns.

The supreme command of the army was given to the Sovereign. In case it became necessary to raise extraordinary levies, to impose fresh taxes, or to change existing laws, a Diet, or General Assembly of the States, was to be convened.

The Diet consisted of the Senate and the nobles, of the clergy represented by a certain number of bishops and ministers, of the citizens represented by a burgomaster from every town, and of the peasants represented by some of their own order from each bailiwick.

In case the Sovereign should die, without a recognized heir, the government was to be carried on by the five dignitaries and the Senate, until a successor was appointed in a general meeting of the States.


Above: "Queen Christina's Accession to the Throne", by Joseph de Buelow.

Tuesday, June 7, 2022

Excerpt from the Council's letter to Axel Oxenstierna, dated July 5/15 (Old Style), 1634

Source:

Handlingar rörande Skandinaviens historia, volume 30, page 33, published by Hörbergska Tryckeriet, 1849


The letter excerpt:

Wälborne Her Cantzler, Broder, Swåger,
Frände och Besynnerlige gode Wän.
Sedan Wij sidst adverterade Wår Broder ifrå Nyköpingh aff den 12. Junij, uthj hwadh lagh Sakerne då här hemma stodo, eenkannerligen dedh Wij wore resolverade att låtha Kongl. M:tz Sahlige lijkz uttfärdh skee uppå then 15. Junij, der näst efter; Så ähr samma högstbedröffwelige Vttfärdh på bestämdan dagh förrättadh, Såsom och högpriseligste Sahl: Kongl. Maij:ttz iordefärdh sedan celebreradh här j Stockholm den 22 j samma Månadh, på bästa Sätt, som thett sigh widh närwarande tijdh haffuer göra låtidt, och Wår Broder aff sielffue Begraffningsprocessen här bijfogadh, medh mehre warder förnimmandes. Elliest ankom här dagen tillförende, att thett Sahlige Konungzlige lijket skulle nedsettias, Secreteraren Grubbe medh een Memorial ifrå Wår Broder, och någre andre acter nödige uppå denne Richzdagh, så well som hwadh der uthe nyligen kan wara föreluppet, och betacke Wij Wår Broder wänligen så för skedde Communication, desslikest, att han Oss sin meningh och goda betänkiande, så uthförligen haffuer welatt optäckia, hålle och thett att böra skattas iblandh the månge andre Wår Broders merita, igenom hwilke han allaredo haffwer giordt sigh emott Hennes Maij:tt och Fäderneslandett well förtient; Wij haffwe sedan giordt præparatoria till sielffwe huffuudhsaken aff hwadh som på nu warande Richzdagh först bör tracteras, och then 1 Julij hafft Propositionen till Ständerne; hade och meentt att låtha Hennes Maij:tt Wår Vnga Drottningh medh thett samma komma in på RichzSalen; Men är then gången thett medh förbliffuidt, emedan Hennes Maij:tt tå aff någon opassligheett war belastadh, utaf hwilken H:nes M:t dess Gudi loff nu ähr bätter blifwen; Wij hade och fuller då Propositionen skedde, skolatt proponera Ständerne Regeringsformen, effter som hon nu aff Wår Broder ähr öffuersedd och corrigeradh; Så ähr then dock befunnen aff så stor consideration, att hon nu sedermehre haffwer requirerat någre dagars förlopp, innan som altt exacté och öffuer hwar och een punct j synnerheett Oss emillan haffwer kunnatt debatteras. Nu sedan thett ähr skedt, och Wij om henne eense ähre, haffwe Wij låtidt sammankalla ett uthskått aff Ständerne, och ärne henne them j dagh att communicera, för än hon Ständerne samptlig proponeradh och föreläsin bliffwer...

With modernised spelling:

Välborne herr kansler,
Broder, Svåger, Frände och besynnerlige gode Vän,
Sedan vi sist averterade vår Broder ifrån Nyköping av den 12 juni, uti vad lag sakerna då här hemma stodo, enkannerligen det vi voro resolverade att låta Kungliga Majestäts saliga liks utfärd ske uppå den 15 juni, därnäst efter, så är samma högstbedrövliga utfärd på bestämdan dag förrättad, såsom ock högprisligsta Saliga Kungliga Majestäts jordefärd sedan celebrerad här i Stockholm den 22 i samma månad, på bästa sätt, som det sig vid närvarande tid haver göra låtit, och vår Broder av själva begravningsprocessen här bifogad, med mera varder förnimmandes.

Eljest ankom här dagen tillförne att det saliga konungsliga liket skulle nedsättas, sekreteraren Grubbe med en memorial ifrån vår Broder, och några andra akter nödiga uppå denne Riksdag, såväl som vad därute nyligen kan vara föreluppet, och betacka vi vår Broder vänligen så för skedde kommunikation, desslikest att han oss sin mening och goda betänkande så utförligen haver velat upptäcka, hålla ock det att böra skattas ibland de många andra vår Broders merita, igenom vilka han allaredo haver gjort sig emot Hennes Majestät och Fäderneslandet väl förtjänt.

Vi hava sedan gjort præparatoria till själva huvudsaken av vad som på nuvarande Riksdag först bör trakteras, och den 1 juli haft propositionen till Ständerna. [Vi] hade ock ment att låta Hennes Majestät vår unga Drottning med det samma komma in på Rikssalen; men är den gången det med förblivit, emedan Hennes Majestät då av någon opasslighet war belastad, utav vilken Hennes Majestät dess Gudi lov nu är bättre bliven.

Vi hade ock fuller, då propositionen skedde, skolat proponera Ständerna Regeringsformen, eftersom hon nu av vår Broder är översedd och korrigerad; så är den dock befunnen av så stor konsideration att hon nu sedermera haver rekvirerat några dagars förlopp, innan som allt exacte och över var och en punkt i synnerhet oss emellan haver kunnat debatteras. Nu sedan det är skett, och vi om henne ense äro, hava vi låtit sammankalla ett utskott av Ständerna, och ärna henne dem idag att kommunicera, förrän hon Ständerna samtlig proponerad och föreläsen bliver...

English translation (my own):

Well-born Lord Chancellor of the Realm,
Brother, Brother-in-law, Cousin and especial good Friend,
Since we last told our Brother from Nyköping on June 12 in what state things were then here at home, we were unequivocally resolved to let the funeral of His Late Majesty's body take place on the 15th of June, then afterwards, the same sad outing is performed on a decided day, as also the most glorious Late Royal Majesty's funeral was then celebrated here in Stockholm on the 22nd of the same month, in the best way, as it has at present time allowed, and told our Brother of the funeral process itself attached here, so as to allow him to understand it more.

Otherwise, the day before the late royal body's burial, Secretary Grubbe arrived with a memorandum from our Brother, and some other acts necessary for this Riksdag, as well as what may have recently happened out there, and we thank our Brother for the communication that took place so much for that he has so thoroughly wished to discover to us his opinion and good consideration. We hold also that it should be appreciated sometimes among our Brother's many other merits, through which he has already made himself well deserved to Her Majesty and the Fatherland.

We have since made preparations for the chief thing which should first be dealt with in the present Riksdag, and on July 1 had the proposition for the Estates. We had also intended to let Her Majesty our young Queen enter the Hall of State immediately; but that time it remained as it was, for Her Majesty was then burdened by some indisposition, from which Her Majesty has now gotten better, thank God.

We also had intended that we, when the proposition took place, should propose the Form of Government to the Estates, because it is now looked over and corrected by our Brother; however, it was found to be of such great consideration that we subsequently required a few days before it was possible for us to debate everything exactly and over each point in particular. Now that this has happened, and we are in agreement about it, we have had a committee of the Estates convened and intend to communicate it today, before it is proposed and read aloud to all the Estates. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.

Excerpt from the council meeting of June 25/July 5 (Old Style), 1634

Source:

Svenska riksrådets protokoll. 4, 1634, page 132, Severin Bergh, 1886


The council meeting excerpt:

[Den 25 Junij [1634]] effter middagen om 2 kommo åter ... R. Rådh in Senatum.

Inträdde H. M:tz unge Drottningens Lijfmedici, nämligen Doct. Robersonius och Licentiaten Clevius, berettandes att H. M:t var fallen uthi een sjukdom, den de kallade in generali vocabulo exantemata eller moebellos, germanice steenpoggen. Och om icke tijdigt gjordes der till hvadh der till hörer, står till att befruchta att någott accidens sig der till slåås, så att medh H. M:tz sjukdom något farligare blefve.

Feltherren frågade hvadh deres mening och begäran var, om Senaten skulle gå till H. M:t Enckjedrottningen och öfvertala H. M:t, att medici motte få bruka sådan medicament, som samma sjukdom medh cureras kunde. R[esponderade]: De voro allenast komne till att optäkja detta Senaten och taga deres resolution der öfver.

Doctor Salvius höltt rådeligit, att alla medici skulle gå tillsamman och hålla consilium, huru H. M:tz sjukdom bäst och tijdigt kan stå till att curera och förekomma, att icke något accident der till kommer.

Sädan gick Fälltherren, Her Gabriell Bengtsson och Her Jahan Skytte så och Doctor Salvius op till H. M:t Enckjedrottningen till att tala medh H. M:t om unge Dronningens sjukdom.

När de ifrån H. M:t tillbaka kommo, blef regimentsformen opläsen och någre dess puncta debatterade.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Maria Eleonora.