Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 14

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 80 to 83, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto

https://archive.org/details/memoirsofcelebra02jameuoft/page/80/mode/2up

The biography:

Christina returned to Rome [sic]; but the remembrance of France, and the gaieties and festivities which had distinguished her reception there, the honours which had been paid to her, and the curiosity and admiration she had excited, had apparently left a strong impression on her fancy. Within a few months, she found some pretext for repeating her visit, and reached Fontainebleau on the 15th of October 1657; no longer conducted by the Duke de Guise, nor welcomed by royal pomp, nor followed by admiring or wondering crowds of the noble, the learned, or the gay [cheerful], but in "an old worn-out vehicle, an old yellow petticoat, an old red jacket, and a dirty hood." She was accompanied by the Chevalier Santinelli, who bore the title of Captain of her guards; and the Marquis Monaldeschi, her Grand Ecuyer or Chamberlain. She was lodged in the Palace of Fontainebleau; and here, about a fortnight after her arrival[,] she enacted that horrible tragedy, which, upon consideration of all the circumstances, seems to afford additional proof that this extraordinary woman was really disordered in her intellects.

It appears that she had reason to suspect Monaldeschi of having betrayed her interests, or at least her secrets; but her reasons for doubting him, and the nature of the trust reposed in him, have never been explained. Having satisfied herself of the justice of her suspicions, she resolved to put him to death, and executed her resolve with the most deliberate barbarity.

On the 6th of November she sent for Père le Bel, the Prior of a neighbouring convent, and placed in his hands a sealed packet of papers. They were standing together in an apartment called the Gallerie des Cerfs, and she desired him to note the day, the hour, and the place in which she had given him these papers. Four days after, the monk was again sent for, and in the same gallery found the queen, with Monaldeschi, Santinelli, and two others. She desired Père le Bel to produce the packet she had formerly given him, and unfolding the letters, turned to Monaldeschi and asked him whether he knew them? The letters were copies and he denied them, but with a faltering voice; she immediately produced the originals in his own hand-writing and held them up before him. The unfortunate man, who read his fate in her countenance, fell on his knees and entreated mercy; at the same moment Santinelli and the others drew their swords. Monaldeschi hung upon her dress, and shedding a flood of tears endeavoured to move her to compassion. The queen, without reply, turned quietly to the monk, "Father", said she, "bear witness that I give this man time and opportunity to justify himself, if possible." She then listened calmly to Monaldeschi for about an hour and a quarter, but neither his excuses nor his supplications for mercy appeared to make the slightest impression upon her. She desired Père le Bel to confess and absolve the unhappy culprit, and turned away: the monk ventured to implore her compassion, urging her by every motive of humanity, religion, and even policy, to change her fatal resolve; he represented that the French king would never forgive an act of such cruelty committed within the precincts of his own palace. The queen listened with the same cool self-possession, but remained inflexible, and retired to an adjoining room, while the three executioners, or rather assassins, fell upon Monaldeschi, and put him to death by repeated wounds. He wore a cuirass under his dress [outer clothing], and defended himself with the strength of despair, so that his death was not immediate; and the queen remained coolly listening to the fatal struggle, and to his cries and supplications for mercy, till all was over; she then desired the body to be interred in the convent of Père le Bel, to whom she gave two hundred franks to pray for the soul of Monaldeschi.

This terrible act of private vengeance, this violation of all law, all justice, all human pity, excited the utmost astonishment and horror. Christina, insisting on her divine rights, and her exemption as a queen from all responsibility and all human control, did not even condescend to justify what she had done. The king merely requested that she would not for the present leave Fontainebleau to proceed to Paris, but he did not order her to quit his kingdom, nor did he make any public complaint of her conduct. After remaining at Fontainebleau for about two months in a species of exile, she was at length invited to Paris to celebrate the Carnival, and again lodged in the Louvre; but the mania with which she had formerly inspired the Parisians was at an end; they criticised and ridiculed her dress and manners, and the murder of Monaldeschi was neither forgotten nor pardoned. After a stay at Paris of about six weeks, she was obliged to understand the various hints which were given for her speedy departure, and returned to Rome.

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Laure Junot, Duchess of Abrantès's biography of Kristina in "Les Femmes célèbres de tous les pays: leurs vies et leurs portraits", year 1834, part 11

Sources:

Les Femmes célèbres de tous les pays: leurs vies et leurs portraits, page 85, by Laure Junot, Duchess of Abrantès, and Joseph Straszewicz, 1834; original at the National Library of France (Bibliothèque nationale de France)

https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k5489241k/f116.item

Memoirs of Celebrated Women of All Countries. With Portraits by the Most Eminent Masters, pages 246 to 247, by Laure Junot, Duchess of Abrantès, and Joseph Straszewicz, translator anonymous, 1834; original at The British Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=Yq5VAAAAcAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=Memoirs+of+Celebrated+Women+of+All+Countries.+With+Portraits+by+the+Most+Eminent+Masters+1834&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The biography:

... En 1657, elle revint en France. La cour l'y revit avec peine. Elle logea de nouveau à Fontainebleau; et ce fut alors que cette femme extraordinaire et barbare donna le spectacle de l'effroyable assassinat de Monaldeschi. La cause de ce meurtre, car on ne peut lui donner un autre nom, a été mise en doute par beaucoup de personnes. Un fait positif, c'est que les Mémoires de Mademoiselle, et de madame de Motteville, connus par leur vérité, ne disaient pas un mot du motif du meurtre, tout en en parlant avec détail. Je crois cependant difficile qu'une autre raison qu'une jalousie passionnée ait pu entraîner une femme à commettre ce crime. On sait que Monaldeschi n'eut d'abord que des soupçons; et que lorsqu'il fut mandé près de la reine, il était même dans la ville de Fontainebleau, ne se doutant alors de rien. Ce ne fut qu'au dernier moment qu'on lui dit de se confesser au père Mantuani [sic], que la reine avait envoyé chercher aux pères Mathurins pour l'exhorter à la mort. Le malheureux religieux se jeta aux pieds de la reine, lui remontra qu'elle n'avait aucun droit sur la vie de Monaldeschi....

— Je suis toujours reine, dit Christine en interrompant le moine... la vie de cet homme est mon bien... j'en puis disposer, et je le fais... il faut qu'il meure... allez l'y préparer... Voilà tout ce que vous avez à faire ici...

Monaldeschi attendait son arrêt dans la galerie des Cerfs de Fontainebleau... En écoutant le moine, qui lui dit que tout était fini pour lui en ce monde, il rugit de fureur... Sentinelli [sic] et deux autres hommes se jetèrent sur lui pour le frapper, mais ils le trouvèrent couvert d'une cotte de mailles... Depuis long-temps le malheureux craignait la mort... mais non de la main de Christine... Il s'élança aux fenêtres... elles étaient fermées!..... Il se rua sur ses adversaires avec sa dague... mais que pouvait-il, l'infortuné, contre trois hommes dont l'un était son ennemi personnel?... Il tomba enfin, après avoir été percé de coups et avoir inondé de son sang la galerie tout entière... On a rapporté, comme un fait positif, que la reine de Suède, trouvant que l'exécution était bien longue, vint ELLE-MÊME pour donner du cœur aux meurtriers!...

Lorsque le malheureux fut mort, on le mit dans un carrosse sans armoiries, puis on le porta à la paroisse, où il fut enterré solitairement et sans que personne assistât, même de la maison de la reine, à son service.

La cour de France fut très irritée de cette conduite d'une reine étrangère sur le sol français... Christine prétendit que ce qu'elle pouvait en Suède, elle le pouvait en France. A cela on pouvait lui répondre, qu'en Suède, comme partout, Monaldeschi aurait eu des juges, et qu'à Stockholm, comme à Fontainebleau, il ne devait pas être assassiné. Croirait-on qu'après cette sanglante tragédie, Christine sollicita la permission de venir à Paris!... On la lui refusa long-temps; mais enfin, vaincu par ses importunités, le cardinal la lui donna. Elle vint au Louvre, où elle arriva le 24 février 1658. On la logea dans l'appartement du cardinal, pour lui montrer qu'il fallait qu'elle demeurât peu de temps. Mais rien ne la détourna de son projet d'amusement pour le carnaval, sans que l'ombre sanglante de Monaldeschi se dressât devant elle pour l'arrêter dans sa course de plaisirs. Elle courait dans les bals masqués, aux spectacles, avec les hommes qui lui plaisaient, et dans les premiers carrosses qu'elle rencontrait. Anne d'Autriche, ainsi que le roi et le cardinal, avaient d'elle une sorte d'horreur, et Paris lui témoigna un mépris qui aurait dû être un châtiment; mais une telle âme n'en reçoit que de Dieu!... Il faut que ce soit ses décrets qui frappent la coupable. Enfin, elle partit dans les premiers jours de carême, ayant reçu quelque argent de Louis XIV, et quitta la France, où elle ne laissa aucun regret. ...

English translation (by anonymous translator):

... In 1657 she revisited France, but the court were not pleased at her return. She again inhabited the chateau of Fontainebleau, where she perpetrated the frightful murder of Monaldeschi. The circumstances which led to this crime, for I cannot name it otherwise, are to this day involved in mystery. It is a singular fact that in the memoirs of Mademoiselle and of Madame de Motteville, both remarkable for their veracity, not a word is said respecting the motive, though both give all the particulars of this barbarous act. It is, however, difficult to assign any other cause than the most implacable jealousy awakened by some real or supposed infidelity on the part of her unfortunate lover. Monaldeschi had at first merely entertained vague fears and suspicions. He was walking in the streets of Fontainebleau when he received a summons to attend the queen. Meantime, Christina had sent to the convent of the Mathurins for a priest named Father Montuani [sic], whom she ordered to receive the confession of Monaldeschi, and prepare him for death. Father Montuani cast himself at the queen's feet, and represented to her that she had no power over Monaldeschi's life.

"I am a queen still", exclaimed Christina, interrupting the priest; "the life of that man belongs to me, and I am free to dispose of it according to my pleasure. I therefore exercise my right: he must die! — go and prepare him for death. That is your only mission here."

Monaldeschi was waiting in the Galerie des Cerfs in the chateau of Fontainebleau. When he heard the queen's sentence, and was told that he had nothing more to expect in this world, his rage knew no bounds. Sentinetti [sic] and two other men rushed upon him to despatch him with their poniards, but they found him covered with a coat of mail. The unfortunate man had long expected to be attacked, but he little thought that he was destined to fall by the command of Christina. He rushed to the windows — they were secured. He then drew his dagger and closed with his adversaries. But what could his single arm avail him against three men, one of whom was the rival he had supplanted? He fell, covered with wounds, and crimsoned the floor with his blood. It has been asserted that the queen herself, impatient at the continued struggle, came into the gallery, in order to animate the murderers by her presence. The body of the unfortunate Monaldeschi was placed in a coach and conveyed to the parish church, where it was privately buried, without any of the queen's attendants being present at the funeral service.

The court of France was indignant at this atrocious act perpetrated, in the French territory, by a foreign queen. Christina maintained that she had a right to exercise in France the same power she enjoyed in Sweden. It might have been answered, that in Sweden, as everywhere else, Monaldeschi ought to have had a trial, and that neither at Stockholm nor at Paris was a base murder to be justified. Cardinal Mazarin informed her of the king's high displeasure at her conduct, and at the same time conveyed to her the king's wish that she should quit France, where her presence excited a general feeling of horror. ...

Above: Kristina.

Above: Laure Junot, Duchess of Abrantès.

Note: Kristina and Monaldeschi were never lovers.

Biography of Kristina in "The Town and Country Magazine", year 1774, part 13

Source:

The Town and Country Magazine, Or, Universal Repository of Knowledge, Instruction, and Entertainment, volume 6, page 640 (December, 1774), published by Archibald Hamilton, 1774; original at Harvard University

https://books.google.com/books?id=zlc3AAAAYAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=christina&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The 5,200th post to this blog.

The biography:

The kind reception which the queen of Sweden had met with in France, made her pay it a second visit, in the year 1657. It was in this journey that she caused Monaldeschi, her principal attendant, to be assassinated in the gallery of Fontainebleau. That murder, which she would have had pass as the just punishment of a criminal, disgusted every one. Besides, the courtiers disliked the company of a woman who dressed like a man, and the severity of whose mind rejected all pleasantry. If any one attempted to amuse her with humorous tales or anecdotes, she would ironically praise him, by saying, "You have a good memory, Sir!"

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

William Henry Davenport Adams' biography of Kristina, 1890s, part 14

Source:

Some Historic Women; or, Biographical Studies of Women Who Have Made History, page 293, by William Henry Davenport Adams, 1890-1899; original at the University of Toronto - Robarts Library

https://archive.org/details/somehistoricwome00adam/page/292/mode/2up

Above: Kristina.

The biography:

On a second visit to France, she was lodged at Fontainebleau, where a tragic incident occurred. The Marquis Monaldeschi, an Italian, who was one of her suite, and had received very generous treatment at her hands, was guilty of an act of treachery, for which he merited punishment. Christina, however, instead of leaving him to be dealt with by the French law, resolved of her own sovereign authority to put the traitor to death. She sent for him to the so-called Gallery of the Stags, and having taxed him with his guilt and forced him to acknowledge it, left him in the hands of a couple of soldiers, who despatched him with their swords. So high-handed and cruel an action, committed in the palace of the French monarch, necessarily exposed Christina to severe criticism, and was resented by Louis XIV. with such unmistakable coldness that she found it advisable to leave France.

Kristina's letter to Pope Alexander VII, dated December 1657

Source:

Riksarkivet, pages 213 and 215 in 3 (Gustaf II Adolf; Kristina) in Kungliga handskriftsamlingen

https://sok.riksarkivet.se/nad?Sokord=Kungliga+handskriftsamlingen&EndastDigitaliserat=false&BegransaPaTitelEllerNamn=false&AvanceradSok=False&typAvLista=Standard&page=1&postid=Arkis+eeca2c27-5017-4069-a7af-f76df92000b5&tab=post&FacettState=undefined%3ac%7c&s=Balder

—

The letter:

Beatissimo Padre

la vicina Solennita del Santis[si]mo Natale fa rinascere in me vn ardente desiderio di ritrovarmi 'a piedi della S. V. per testificarli immo[r]tale la mia devotione e sempre piu Viva la mem[ori]a Chio tengo delle mie obligazioni Verso Cotesta S[an]ta Sede, ma gia Che qualche interesse che mi ConViene spedir qui ritarda ancora qualche mese il mio ritorno ho Voluto con la pr[ese]nte augurare alla S[anti]ta V. tutte le felicità, e nel prossimo Anno e Molti altri seguenti sempre più prosperi i giorni, assiCurandola Che a tal fine Sono Sempre in d[i]rizzata tutti i miei Voti si Come i miei desiderij si non ogni di magg[io]r di servir alla S[antit]a V. quale supplico della sua paterna benedittione. di fonta[i]nebell[e]aux il

Xbre

1657

Di V. S.

Hum[ilissi]ma div[otissi]ma figlia

e serva obl[igatissi]ma

Christina Alessandra

With modernised spelling (with Kristina's handwriting mistakes preserved as much as possible):

Beatissimo Padre,

La vicina solennità del Santissimo Natale fa rinascere in me un ardente desiderio di ritrovarmi a' piedi della Santità Vostra per testificarli immo[r]tale la mia devozione e sempre più viva la memoria ch'io tengo delle mie obbligazioni verso codesta Santa Sede.

Ma, giacché qualche interesse che mi conviene spedir qui ritarda ancora qualche mese il mio ritorno, ho voluto con la presente augurare alla Santità Vostra tutte le felicità e nel prossimo anno e molti altri seguenti sempre più prosperi i giorni, assicurandola che a tal fine sono sempre ind[i]rizzata tutti i miei voti, siccome i miei desideri, si non ogni di maggior di servir alla Santità Vostra, quale supplico della sua paterna benedizione. Di Fonta[i]nebell[e]aux [sic], il dicembre 1657.

Di Vostra Santità

umilissima, divotissima figlia

e serva obbligatissima

Cristina Alessandra.

With modernised spelling:

Beatissimo Padre,

La vicina solennità del Santissimo Natale fa rinascere in me un ardente desiderio di ritrovarmi a' piedi della Santità Vostra per testificarli immortale la mia devozione e sempre più viva la memoria ch'io tengo delle mie obbligazioni verso codesta Santa Sede.

Ma, giacché qualche interesse che mi conviene spedir qui ritarda ancora qualche mese il mio ritorno, ho voluto con la presente augurare alla Santità Vostra tutte le felicità e nel prossimo anno e molti altri seguenti sempre più prosperi i giorni, assicurandola che a tal fine sono sempre indirizzata tutti i miei voti, siccome i miei desideri, si non ogni di maggior, di servir alla Santità Vostra, quale supplico della sua paterna benedizione. Di Fontainebleau, il dicembre 1657.

Di Vostra Santità

umilissima, divotissima figlia

e serva obbligatissima

Cristina Alessandra.

Modern copy transcript (the transcriber, a Swede with likely not much or any knowledge of Italian, seems to have had trouble reading some of Kristina's handwriting in that language):

Drottning Christina till Alexander VII

Fontainebleau 10/12 1657

(Koncept)

Beatissimo Padre

La vicina sdennità [sic] del santissimo Natale fa rinoscere [sic] in me un ardente desiderio di ritrovarmi a piedi della S[antità] V[ostra] per testificarli immo[r]tale la mia devotione e Sempre più Viva la che io tengo delle mie obligationi verso Cotesta S:a Sede. già che qualche interesse che mi Conviene spedir qui se ritarda ancora qualche mese il mio ritorno con la presente augurare alla S:ta V. tutte le felicite [sic], e nel prossimo anno lei al m[i]ei seguenti semper [sic] più prosperi i giorni assicurandola che a tal fine sono sempre indirizzata i miei voti Si Come i miei desiderii Si non ogni di maggior di servir alla S:a V. quale Supplico della sua paterna benedictione. Di Fontanableau il

X die. 1657

Di V S

Hum:ma dev:ma figlia

e serva obl:ma

Christina Alessandra

French translation (my own):

Béatissime Père,

L'approche de la solennité du Très Saint Noël fait renaître en moi un ardent désir de me retrouver aux pieds de Votre Sainteté pour lui témoigner mon immortel dévotion et rendre toujours plus vif le souvenir que je tiens de mes obligations envers ce Saint-Siège.

Mais, comme quelqu'intérêt que je dois expédier ici retarde mon retour de quelques mois encore, j'ai voulu par la présente souhaiter à Votre Sainteté toutes les félicites et les jours toujours plus prospères pour l'année qui vient et bien d'autres encore, l'assurant que tous mes vœux sont toujours dirigés vers ce but, comme le sont, sinon plus, mes désirs, de servir chaque jour Votre Sainteté, que je supplie de sa paternelle bénédiction. De Fontainebleau, décembre 1657.

De Votre Sainteté

la très humble, très dévouée Fille

et très obligée serviteuse

Christine Alexandra.

Swedish translation (my own):

Högstvälsignade Fader,

Den annalkande högtidligheten av den allraheligaste julen återföder inom mig en brinnande önskan att återfinna mig vid Ers Helighets fötter för att betyga Er om min odödliga hängivenhet och för att alltmer levande göra minnet jag har av mina skyldigheter gentemot denna Heliga Stol.

Men eftersom ett intresse som jag behöver expediera här försenar min återkomst i ytterligare några månader, vill jag härmed önska Ers Helighet alla lyckor och alltid mer framgångsrika dagar under det kommande året och många fler framöver, försäkrande Er om att alla mina önskningar alltid är riktade mot detta ändamål, liksom mina begär, om inte mer, att tjäna Ers Helighet varje dag, som jag ber om Er faderliga välsignelse. Från Fontainebleau, december 1657.

Ers Helighets

ödmjukaste, hängivnaste Dotter

och mest förpliktade tjänarinna

Kristina Alexandra.

English translation (my own):

Most Blessed Father,

The approaching solemnity of the Most Holy Christmas rebirths in me an ardent desire to refind myself at the feet of Your Holiness so as to testify to you my immortal devotion and to make ever more vivid the memory I hold of my obligations towards this Holy See.

But, because some interest I need to expedite here is delaying my return for a few more months, I have wanted to hereby wish Your Holiness all felicities and ever more prosperous days in the coming year and many more to come, assuring you that all my wishes are always directed to this end, as are my desires, if not more, to serve Your Holiness every day, whom I beg for your fatherly blessing. From Fontainebleau, December 1657.

Your Holiness's

most humble, most devoted Daughter

and most obliged servant

Kristina Alexandra.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Pope Alexander VII.

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 8

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 57 to 61, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan

https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015012302041&seq=63

WARNING: GRAPHIC VIOLENCE.

The essay:

Passing through Savoy, she arrived on the 17th of November at Turin, where Duke Charles Emanuel received her; but the plague raging at Rome prevented her from returning there immediately, and she spent her time in visiting Pesaro, Bologna, Ancona, and other cities of the north of Italy. Her recollections of the court of France were[,] however[,] so pleasant, that she determined in 1657, after a short stay at Rome [sic], to return there for a second visit, and in the autumn of that year she arrived at Fontainebleau. This second visit was rendered tragic, by an event which is a serious blot on Christina's character, the execution or murder of her equerry, Monaldeschi. The story is one over which a certain mystery will always hang; our knowledge of the facts of the case are mainly derived from the narrative of Père le Bel, Prior to the Mathurine order, and himself an eye-witness of the tragedy. They are something as follows.

Monaldeschi was an Italian equerry of Christina's, and enjoyed, it would appear, an unusual share of her confidence. He had conceived, however, a deep jealousy for another Italian courtier, the Marquis Sentinelli [sic], whom Christina had made grand chamberlain in the place of the disgraced De la Cueva. The queen was at this time engaged in carrying on secret negotiations, the subject of which cannot now be known, but which were conjectured to have for their object the restoration of peace between France and Spain; others pretended that they had in view the acquisition by Christina of some principality in Germany; all that can be said with any certainty about them is, that they were strictly secret. Monaldeschi, who knew the nature of these State papers, was suspected by the queen of having for some time past systematically divulged their contents, and a careful observation of all his proceedings, together with the perusal of certain intercepted letters, satisfied her that her suspicions were correct. His guilt was increased by the fact that he endeavoured to ruin his rival, Sentinelli, by trying to make it appear as though the failure of the queen's schemes (in reality caused by his own treachery) was due to him, and thus added to the crime of deceiving and betraying his mistress, the yet blacker crime of attempting to destroy an innocent man, by imputing to him acts for which he himself was alone to blame. Indeed, it is not easy to decide whether his treason was not the means by which he hoped to ruin Sentinelli, rather than an end which he proposed to facilitate by drawing off attention from his own conduct to that of another. The whole transaction, in fact, is wrapped in an obscurity which makes it difficult to form a clear idea of the extent of Monaldeschi's crime. It seems, however, that the queen, having become possessed of certain compromising letters, sent for Monaldeschi, and told him that she had reason to suspect treachery amongst her servants, and that he accused Sentinelli, and entreated her to shew no mercy to a crime which could only be expiated by death. "Very well", Christina answered, "recollect your words: for my part, I promise you that I will not pardon him." The letters were made up into a sealed packet, and placed in the hands of Père le Bel, the Mathurine Prior.

Meanwhile, Monaldeschi became alarmed at having received no answer to his letters, and suspecting that they might have been intercepted, began to think of flight. His plans did not escape the notice of Christina, who for some time past had watched his actions closely, and who now determined to anticipate his flight. Sending for him on the 15th of November, to the Galerie des Cerfs at Fontainebleau, she confronted him with Père le Bel, who at her request now handed back to her the sealed packet confided to him. It contained the clearest evidence in his own handwriting of Monaldeschi's guilt. He at first tried to deny it; but on his letters being read, and his own signature, shewn him, his courage completely gave way. Throwing himself at her feet, he clung to the queen, and implored her to allow him to clear himself. She heard his defence, which was nothing but a tissue of excuses and appeals for mercy, patiently and without emotion. The scene lasted more than an hour. At last Christina turned to the prior: "I leave this man", she said, "in your hands. Prepare him for death, and do what you can for the salvation of his soul." In vain the good priest endeavoured to intercede for him: Christina was not to be moved: once more recommending Monaldeschi to prepare for death, she passed out of the gallery, leaving him alone with the prior, and with three men with drawn swords, who had been stationed there to execute him. The piteous cries of the condemned man induced the prior to go to the queen's room, and once more to attempt to soften her. His efforts, however, were quite unavailing; indeed, he rather harmed his cause than otherwise, by suggesting that the King of France might punish an act of violence thus daringly committed in one of his own castles. If Christina ever felt the slightest touch of pity for her victim, this ill-advised remonstrance aroused all her pride, and made her determined to assert her royal prerogative to the full. The prior, seeing the hopelessness of further intercession, returned to the gallery to do his duty. Monaldeschi's incoherent confession to him was interrupted by the entrance of one of the queen's chaplains, who appeared to hold a short conference with one of the three executioners; but the respite for which he had hoped did not come. One of the armed men, raising his sword, turned towards him. "Ask pardon of God, Marquis", he cried; "there is no help for it; you must die." Then, thrusting at him with his sword, he cut through the fingers of the hand with which his victim tried to parry the blow. At the same time, the other two men rushed at him, and hewed at his head and neck until he fell to the ground, where they struck repeated blows at him as he lay. These were, however, without effect, for he wore under his clothes a suit of armour, the interposition of which prolonged his agony. So strong was the love of life still in him, that, on hearing the door open, the miserable man, with his fingers half hacked off, and the blood streaming from gashes in his head and face, still struggled to crawl towards it, in the hope that a pardon might have come. A sword-thrust through his throat finally deprived him of speech; though he lay for more than a quarter-of-an-hour gasping on the ground, and slowly bleeding to death. The walls and floor of the Galerie des Cerfs were bespattered with his blood, nor was it ever possible entirely to efface the stains.

The cruel and violent manner of Monaldeschi's death aroused, not unnaturally, strong feelings against Christina; and the Court of France was especially indignant at her having chosen one of the king's palaces as the scene of a bloodthirsty and arbitrary act of revenge. A more important aspect of the affair was, that it raised the question of how far such an act was legally justifiable. Even if we admit, it was asked, that a king has the right of life and death over his subjects in his own kingdom, does not that right cease when, as a guest, he enters the territory of another sovereign? Can this right of life and death, too, be exercised upon the subject of another power? and even if this is granted, can it be said to belong to a prince who is only a titular or de jure king, and not possessed of any territorial jurisdiction? These questions were rendered all the more difficult of answer, from the fact that there were no precedents known for such an act; the only instances being one of Charles II. having executed a servant called Manning in Germany, and of a Spanish ambassador, who had hung a culprit of his own nation at Venice! Those who defended Christina argued that, on leaving Sweden, she had reserved to herself full royal rights over her servants; that amongst those royal rights was undoubtedly the jus gladii; and if it was contended that she could not use this right except within her own territorial jurisdiction, it was clear that she could not use it at all; and that therefore her power of enforcing obedience, and all her pretended royal rights, would be a mere empty name. Nor, it was said, could she "violate" the law of France, for "violation" implied that she was amenable, and therefore subject to it — a position incompatible with the absolute equality of crowned heads one to another. As regards the point raised as to Monaldeschi being by birth a Roman subject, it was argued that, inasmuch as Christina had no territorial jurisdiction, and was yet a queen and a power with full rights, all those who became her servants and received her pay must, independently of territorial limits, become for the time her subjects. The fact that neither Louis XIV., in whose dominions the act was committed, nor the Pope, whose subject Monaldeschi was by birth, took any notice of it [sic], seems to sure that they both regarded it as legally defensible; though the place selected by Christina for perpetrating it, the manner in which it was carried out, and the cold and brutal indifference which she displayed on the subject, afford just grounds for severely blaming her conduct.

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Frank Hamel on Kristina, year 1909, part 3

Source:

Fair Women at Fontainebleau, pages 240 to 246, by Frank Hamel, 1909; original at the University of California

https://archive.org/details/fairwomenatfont00hamegoog/page/n244/mode/2up

WARNING: GRAPHIC DESCRIPTIONS OF VIOLENCE, SUFFERING AND DEATH.

The biography:

In October 1657 she arrived at Fontainebleau, where apartments had been assigned to her in the absence of the Court. Before a fortnight had passed[,] Christina, who had till then been regarded as a madcap and a nuisance, more amusing than dangerous, suddenly lost what reputation she possessed, and was looked at askance as a murderess and a tyrant.

It had been said of her that instead of making men die of love for her, she made them die of shame and despair, and that one favourite superseded another without warning or explanation. Both these traits appear in her attitude towards the two chief actors in the tragedy she arranged at Fontainebleau. The Marquis Monaldeschi, her grand equerry, was then the favourite of yesterday; Comte Sentinelli [sic], Captain of the Guard, was the favourite of the day.

The best and most reliable account of the affair, and that most frequently quoted, was written by Father Lebel.

On November 6, at a quarter past nine in the morning, the queen being at Fontainebleau, lodging in the conciergerie of the palace, sent a groom of the chambers with a message to the Father, requesting him to attend upon her immediately. He went alone and at once, fearful lest he should have kept Christina waiting. However, he was allowed to remain for some time in the anteroom. Presently he was ushered into the apartment in which the queen was sitting. She led him at once to the Galerie des Cerfs, and remarked that she felt certain she could speak to him in confidence, without fear of betrayal. Then she made him take an oath of secrecy. He responded that if need be he would remain both blind and dumb. She then placed in his hands a sealed packet of papers, and commanded him to return it to her when she claimed it, irrespective of whomsoever might be in her presence. She also asked him to remember the day, hour and place in which she had given the packet into his care, and then he was allowed to take his departure carrying the papers with him.

At one o'clock on Saturday, November 10, she sent for him again[,] and, thinking she might require him to return the packet, he took it with him. He was shown into the Galerie des Cerfs, and the door was firmly closed behind him. The queen was in the gallery[,] accompanied by two or three of her suite. Lebel advanced towards her. She then demanded him to give her the packet. Monaldeschi was one of those present. Lebel handed the packet to Christina, who opened it after a short pause, and[,] drawing forth some papers from the cover[,] requested her equerry to glance at them and tell her if he recognized them. She spoke in angry accents. The marquis, unable to disguise his fear, replied in a trembling voice that they were copies made out in her handwriting. Then the queen produced the originals, calling him "traitor", and the armed men drew their swords. Monaldeschi, thus brought to book, confessed to the authorship of the documents, but endeavoured to excuse his actions, casting blame on others. Eventually, however, he threw himself at the queen's feet, imploring her pardon. She refused to listen. He rose from his undignified position and followed the queen from one corner of the apartment to another in his effort to justify his conduct. She listened without showing any signs of perturbation, leaning the while on an ebony stick with a round handle, and then[,] turning to Lebel, she said, "Bear witness, Father, that I am not acting in haste, and that I am allowing this traitor as much time to justify his conduct as he could possibly expect from one whom he has injured." After further parleying[,] the marquis gave up certain papers and some keys, which he drew out of his pocket. The conference lasted for over an hour, but Monaldeschi was not able to offer any explanation which satisfied the queen. At length she approached the priest and, speaking very solemnly, committed the condemned man into his hands, with the words, "Father, I leave this sinner to you. Prepare him for death and have care for his soul." At this ominous sentence both Lebel and the marquis threw themselves at her feet, pleading for pardon, which she refused. She withdrew from the room, leaving her victim to the ministration of the priest and the less tender mercies of the men with drawn swords.

The marquis, in terrible fear of death, cast himself at the feet of Lebel, beseeching that he would go to the queen and intercede with her for his life. The guards pressed closer upon him with their naked swords, urging him to ask pardon of God. He went himself to appeal once more to Christina, whom he found obdurate. He pointed out to her that the French king, in whose palace she was residing, would hardly approve of her taking justice into her own hands as she was preparing to do. To this she had a ready answer: "I am neither an exile nor a prisoner; I have the right to punish my servants, and am only answerable to God for my actions." She persisted in the statement that the enormity of her equerry's crime justified the course she was about to take.

Seeing that all his appeals were fruitless, Lebel returned to the Galerie des Cerfs to prepare the victim of the queen's anger for death. Monaldeschi betrayed as much cowardice as he had previously shown perfidy. His confession was interrupted by shrieks and cries for mercy. Even Sentinelli, the chosen executioner, was moved to pity, and proceeded to the queen to intercede on behalf of her victim. All to no purpose, she refused to desist from her intention. The confession was continued in a jumble of French, Latin and Italian, interspersed with gasps and groans and intervals of silence. At length the chief guard, to cut short this horrible scene, drove the marquis against the wall at the sword's point, and thrust at him to hasten his speech. His weapon bent in his hand, having struck a coat of mail that Monaldeschi was wearing. The doomed man stammered through the remainder of his confession, and received absolution. Blows were rained upon him by the swordsmen to little purpose, owing to the protective coat of mail. After wounding him in the neck[,] Sentinelli at length thrust his sword through his victim's throat. Lebel stood over the dying man[,] uttering prayers for his soul. Monaldeschi breathed his last, the one word "Dieu" upon his lips. His body was at once removed, and buried in the church at Avon. Christina sent money to Father Lebel in order that masses might be said for the soul of the servant who had betrayed her.

Mme. de Motteville gave a long and by no means unbiased account of the affair in her Memoirs. She put into the queen's mouth the words, "He must die; and in order to make him confess, wound him." These sentiments are hardly in keeping with the humanity and compassion which Christina had shown on many previous occasions. Nor was the manner in which she summed up her story quite unprejudiced.

"This barbarous princess", she wrote, "after so cruel an action, remained in her room, laughing and talking as tranquilly as if she had done a mere commonplace thing, or a laudable one. Our queen, Christian that she was, who had had so many enemies whom she ought to have punished, but who had never received from her aught else than kindness, was scandalized. The king and Monsieur blamed this action; and the minister[,] who was not cruel[,] was shocked. In fact[,] the whole Court was horrified at so ugly a vengeance, and those who had esteemed this queen were ashamed at having lauded her; though this was not without scorn of the poor dead man, who had not courage either to escape or defend himself, and had worn against such an event so useless a precaution; for he ought at least to have had a dagger and used it valiantly."

The general opinion with regard to Christina's action was that she did not actually overstep her powers judicially, but that she should on no account have exerted them to the uttermost at Fontainebleau, where the feelings of her royal host should at least have been consulted. The French Court did not take exception from the point of view of the legality of the execution, but socially Christina was sternly ostracized. She remained in the palace for three months longer, having written an ill-considered letter to Mazarin in answer to his advice not to show herself in Paris. She sent a message to Cromwell, who calmly ignored her broad hint that she desired an invitation to England. After many entreaties[,] she was allowed to return to Paris, and was present at the Carnival Ballet of 1658. She particularly wished to see the king dance. She was lodged in Mazarin's apartment at the Louvre, but was given clearly to understand that her room was preferred to her company. Every one was offended by her want of decorum. "She went about to all the masked balls and to the theatre, accompanied by men only", wrote Mme. de Motteville; "taking the first carriages she met." Everybody felt relieved when she finally departed for Toulon and Rome, where she dwelt for thirty years longer, dropping more and more into oblivion [sic].

The Galerie des Cerfs, originally built in the reign of Henri IV, was restored under Napoleon I and Louis XVIII. An inscribed tablet marks the place where Monaldeschi fell in his last death-struggle. Close by is the coat of mail, torn by the swords which mortally wounded him. In the parish church the stone which covers his remains still bears the words, "Cy gist Monaldexi."

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Faith Compton Mackenzie on the execution of Monaldeschi

Source:

The Sibyl of the North: The Tale of Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 163 to 174, by Faith Compton Mackenzie, 1931; original scan at the Universal Digital Library

https://archive.org/details/sibylofthenortht008021mbp/page/n173/mode/2up

Kristina's letter of November 5/15 or 7/17 (New Style), 1657 to Francesco Maria Santinelli is here:

https://kingkristina.blogspot.com/2022/02/kristinas-letter-to-francesco-maria.html

WARNING: GRAPHIC DESCRIPTIONS OF VIOLENCE, SUFFERING AND DEATH.

The account:

CHAPTER XI

THE COAT OF MAIL

WHILE Christina was scheming for her revenue and designing her liveries, her mind was preoccupied with the certainty that in her most intimate circle a traitor was to be found. Letter signed by Francesco Santinelli had come into her hands. A French lady-in-waiting is supposed to have shown them to her, but it was always Christina's habit to examine the correspondence of her suite, especially when she had some secret project on hand. The contents of these letters were never divulged, but if written by Santinelli[,] they were damning evidence against him. However, there were other things going on for which Santinelli could not be responsible, as he was in Rome. After much probing of the matter, she sent for Monaldesco, and revealed her doubts.

"Madame", he said, "you are betrayed, and the traitor is either someone absent that you know well, or myself. It must be one or the other. Your Majesty will soon know who it is, and I beg you not to spare the culprit."

"What does a man deserve who betrays me in this way?"

"Your Majesty should execute him without mercy and at once. I offer myself to be either the executioner or the victim, because it is an act of justice."

"Good. Remember those words of yours, and believe me, I shall not pardon him."

Those were bold words of Monaldesco's, and he must have been foolishly confident in the security of his plot against Santinelli. But as the days went by and vastly important letters that he was expecting failed to reach him, he began to get uneasy. If his correspondence went astray[,] it would be a serious thing — a very serious thing. It was necessary to find another method of communication[,] more reliable. He set about this with great caution. But not enough; Christina knew that this was the time to strike. She had all these important letters of Monaldesco's in her keeping; his villainy was clearly proved.

On the 6th of November she sent for Père Lebel, Prior of the Mathurins of Fontainebleau. She received him in the Galerie des Cerfs.

"You wear a habit that encourages me to speak to you confidentially. Promise me under the seal of the Confessional that you will keep this secret that I am going to tell you."

"In these matters I am blind and dumb", he assured her.

She put a packet into his hands. It was heavily sealed and without address.

"Mark well the day, hour and place of my giving you this, and return it when I ask for it in the presence of whom I choose."

The mystified priest retired with the packet and put it in a safe place.

On the 10th of November Monaldesco was ordered to go to the Queen in the Galerie des Cerfs. She was in the habit of giving audiences there, and there was nothing unusual in the command. Yet the Marquis delayed, and, when he did appear, it was easy to see that he was greatly disturbed. He was pale and agitated, and his agitation was not lessened by the sight of Ludovico Santinelli and two others who stood beside the Queen, their hands upon their swords. She held him in ordinary conversation for a few minutes, but she had sent for the Prior, who was on his way with the packet. No sooner had he entered than the door was securely shut behind him. The Queen called him to her.

"Mon père", she said, "pray give me the packet which I put in your care, that I may read it."

Taking the packet, she contemplated it for a moment, then, opening it, she took out some letters and papers.

"Do you recognize these?" she said to Monaldesco in ringing tones.

"Madame", said Monaldesco, trembling, "those are nothing but letters in your own handwriting!"

"But what are these?" She produced from the packet the originals of the copies, crying, "Traitor! Explain these if you can."

At first Monaldesco tried to inculpate other people, but finally, realizing how much she knew, he threw himself at her feet[,] begging for pardon. As he did so, Ludovico Santinelli and his officers drew their swords. Frantic with apprehension, Monaldesco seized Christina and drew her into one corner of the gallery — then into another — all the time entreating her to hear his justification. She conceded this, and listened with patience to his feverish explanations. Then, leaning upon her ebony cane, she turned to the Prior and said:

"Mon père, I ask you to bear witness that I have not been hasty, but have given this villain more time than he deserves to justify himself — if it were possible."

She then ordered Monaldesco to surrender all the papers he carried about him. Among them were letters forged in Santinelli's hand (which was not unlike his own), one addressed to himself, and also the original drafts of these letters in his own handwriting. No one knows what was in them, but it was enough for Christina. She told the priest to prepare him for death and care for his soul; at which he joined in the supplications for Monaldesco.

"Why should I have mercy? This traitor is as bad as any criminal sent to the wheel; I have confided in him my most secret thoughts and my most important affairs, as to a faithful subject. I won't reproach him with all the favours I have showered upon him as though he were a brother; his own conscience should be his executioner."

With this she went from the gallery to a room adjoining.

Monaldesco threw himself at the feet of the Prior, asking him to plead with the Queen again for mercy. Santinelli and his officers surrounded him with drawn swords, telling him to confess quickly. His hour was near. His cries for mercy were so heartrending that Santinelli was moved to go himself to Christina and beg her to spare his life. But he came back and[,] with tears in his eyes, said:

"Make your peace with God. You must die."

Again there was a dreadful scene. The Marquis, beside himself with fear, implored the Prior to plead again with the Queen. Christina was still coldly determined, and all the tears and supplications of the priest could not move her. Then he ventured to point out that as she was the guest of the King, she should consider very carefully before she insisted upon the execution taking place. To which she replied that she was not lodged by the King as a fugitive or prisoner, that she was her own mistress, and that she was answerable to God alone for her actions. Besides, there was precedent for this act.

"Yes, queens have done such things before, but it has been in their own realms."

The Prior went on to say how hurtful it might be to the honour and reputation she had gained in France — perhaps he said enough to persuade her that it might be hurtful also to her political schemes. At the end of the interview she showed signs that if she had dared[,] she would have revoked the order. But it was too late now. Monaldesco at liberty after this would be an unthinkable danger. There was no way out.

Lebel returned to the gallery, and taking the poor wretch in his arms, told him to resign himself to death and to make his confession. Monaldesco gave a piercing shriek and flung himself at the feet of the Prior and began his confession. While it was going on[,] the door at the end of the gallery opened[,] and the Queen's Almoner appeared. Here was a friend who perhaps could save him, and[,] without waiting for absolution[,] Monaldesco hastened to the new arrival and begged him to intercede with the Queen. They stood for a while in whispered conversation, and then the Almoner went to the Queen[,] accompanied by Santinelli.

Santinelli came back alone, and said firmly:

"Marquis, make your peace with God, for you must die without delay. Have you confessed?"

He pressed him with drawn sword to the end of the gallery under the picture of St. Germain. Monaldesco's misgivings of the last few days had led him to don for his protection a heavy breast-plate of mail; this only served to prolong the dreadful agonies of his death. He was wounded in the stomach, and[,] trying to draw his own sword to parry this, three fingers were cut off his right hand. Then Santinelli, having been impeded by the coat of mail, attacked his face. At this he cried:

"Mon père!"

The Prior came to him, and on his knees he made his confession, the blood pouring down his face, begging forgiveness for his crime, pardoning his executioners, and praying that he might meet death bravely. He then fell to the ground, and Santinelli attacked his head with such violence that flesh and bone were scattered on the pavement. At this the victim turned and lay on his face, making a sign that they should put him out of his pain with a thrust at his neck. Two or three thrusts had little effect, for the coat of mail was attached to his collar, and a mortal wound was impossible. While this was going on, the Prior was exhorting him to resignation and patience, which was probably as irritating to the executioners as it was useless to the victim. Santinelli suddenly turned to the priest, exasperated and nerve-racked.

"How is this to be ended? Cannot you help?"

The priest, indignant, replied that he could not advise. He was for the life, not the death of Monaldesco.

"Forgive me, mon père. I was wrong to make such a demand."

Then the Almoner appeared again at the other end of the gallery. Monaldesco, who had lain waiting for the last thrust, seeing his friend, rose, and with his last strength, dragged himself along the wall towards him. With clasped hands he spoke in a low voice[,] and the Almoner made the sign of absolution, standing on the left of Monaldesco, beside Santinelli. No sooner had he left the gallery than Santinelli cut the throat of the Marquis, who fell, never to speak again. But he lived for another quarter of an hour. Lebel said the De Profundis, and when life was extinct Santinelli turned over the body and searched the pockets. There was nothing left in these but a book of the Hours of the Virgin and a small knife.

Santinelli and his companions went to announce the consummation of the dreadful deed to the Queen. Monaldesco had been summoned at one o'clock, and died at a quarter to four, so Christina had waited nearly three hours in that anteroom while the torture was going on. But she was calm when they told her, and said that she deeply regretted having had to execute the Marquis, but justice must be done to traitors. Lebel was commanded to remove the body at once, and because it was heavy and the way was rough and night falling, he had it carried on a hand-cart to the church of Avon near Fontainebleau. The Queen sent two footmen with a sum of money for Masses for the soul of the Marquis, and two days later he was buried with all the ceremony and devotion possible. On his tomb was simply:

"CI-GÎT MONALDESCO[.]"

No doubt, waiting there in the chamber so near to the Galerie des Cerfs that fatal afternoon, Christina was appalled by the fiasco which was being made of the execution. One swift thrust through the heart, and the traitor dead at Santinelli's feet — that was what she had visualized. Who could have foreseen the coat of mail that turned what she considered an act of justice into a prolonged and bloody torture? As the messengers came to her, each time more agitated, more urgent, she must have suffered.

The affair was being bungled; too much blood was being spilt — the pavement of Les Cerfs was drenched — and when Santinelli came to her flushed, distraught and exhausted by the ghastly scene that would not end, and then the Almoner with the tale of horror that he could scarcely tell, she was driven at last to cry:

"Cut his throat! Tell Santinelli to cut his throat!"

As he stood by Santinelli after giving the absolution, the Almoner must have whispered that message from the Queen, so swiftly did Ludovico give the finishing stroke that should have been given long ago. The dexterity of the swordsman had probably been hampered from the first by subconscious misgivings as to the legality and decency of the act, and a possibility of the Queen's changing her mind too late. It is not likely that Ludovico was vindictive enough on his brother's account to revenge himself by delaying the death-blow deliberately. He proved by his bearing throughout the scene that this was not so.

But whatever had happened and however bad it was, it had to be brazened out. It needed hardihood, but Christina was never lacking in this. The death of Monaldesco was a simple act of justice performed by a queen upon an unfaithful subject. As to where it was performed — that was of no consequence. It was necessary to act at once, and that Fontainebleau should be the scene of the execution was unfortunate but unavoidable.

She called it an execution, but the French Court called it murder. And not only murder, but a gross breach of hospitality — in the worst possible taste, in fact. Louis, who was about to visit her, postponed the journey indefinitely. Fontainebleau became out of bounds for the Court. Let Christina languish through the dull winter if she liked. They could not wish her a more dreary fate than to be in that palace at that time of year. As for the French Court, it fed very heartily for the rest of the winter on moral indignation, unaccustomed fare which kept it bright and lively through a season of brilliant diversions whose brilliance was heightened by the fact that Christina was not bidden to any of them. Mazarin protested hotly against her conduct; he sent Chanut to tell her she must hide the truth and blame her courtiers for the death of Monaldesco. In reply she said she would do anything for the King but repent of what she had done, and she knew of no one great or powerful enough to make her disavow her actions — that if she had not done what she had done, she would do it that night before she went to bed — that she had no reason to repent; on the contrary, she was satisfied with what she had done. These were her sentiments[,] and if they liked them[,] she was delighted, but if not[,] she would continue to hold them.

The only concession she made to Mazarin was to dismiss Ludovico Santinelli and the two guards who were his accomplices. But the beloved Francesco was naturally in greater favour than ever since the cowardly attempt at mischief-making by Monaldesco. Five days after the execution she writes to him:

"I send you the story of the death of Monaldesco, who betrayed me and wanted to make me think you were the traitor. I had all the evidence necessary to prove the contrary, and I did not want to do you the injustice to believe of you the infamies of which I cannot imagine anyone but himself being capable.

It was necessary for me to pretend to believe what he told me in order to justify you and to punish him.

At last he died, confessing his infamy and your innocence, protesting that he had invented all these chimeras to ruin you.

Note this example and pray to God that He will not deny you either brains or honour. Always behave like a gentleman and do nothing unworthy of this character.

Do not trouble to justify my actions to anyone. I hold myself answerable to God alone, and He would have punished me if I had pardoned this traitor's great crime. And that should be enough for you.

My conscience tells me that I have acted accordingly to human and divine justice, and that I could not, that I should not, have done otherwise. And this is all that I can tell you.

Be contented while I do all I can to get for you the consolation you desire, and be sure I shall plead your cause.

FONTAINEBLEAU,

November 15, 1657."

The consolation Santinelli desired was a dukedom, but he did not get it.

Christina could not fail to be conscious that her presence at Fontainebleau was a nuisance, and that the most agreeable thing she could do would be to depart as soon as possible. If she did, the world would surely say that she had been asked to go, and it would be tantamount to an admission of blame, since she was here ostensibly to arrange her financial affairs, and everyone knew that her arrangements were not complete. But Fontainebleau was dull and cold, and she soon tired of exhibiting with bravado the traces of Monaldesco's murder still staining the pavement of the Galerie des Cerfs. An invitation elsewhere was the only dignified way of moving her from Fontainebleau. She fished for one from England, but Cromwell, firmly determined not to invite so dangerous a lady, returned compliment for compliment, and that was all. So there was nothing for it but to languish at Fontainebleau, and occupy herself with financial schemes and the Naples project, both of which Mazarin took up again very soon after the death of Monaldesco. By an arrangement with Charles Gustavus, she was to have a part of France's debt to Sweden. She claimed over nine hundred thousand crowns, but only succeeded in getting thirty-three thousand. As to the Naples project, Mazarin still pretended that France was interested, promising troops and battleships, and assuring her that if the enterprise succeeded, the King wished Christina to have all the honour and glory.

The rigours of Fontainebleau were endured till February, when Christina was driven to insist upon being invited to Paris, her pretext being that she was anxious to see the King in Benserade and Lully's ballet "Alcibiades". This was unwillingly conceded, and she was lodged in Mazarin's apartment at the Louvre, an unmistakable hint that she was not expected to stay long. However, to Anne of Austria's disgust, she stayed three weeks and amused herself as best she could, going often to the play in public carriages picked up in the street, accompanied only by men. The long anticipated reception by the Académie Française was the chief event of these three weeks. It was an impulsively planned visit, and only fifteen or sixteen of the forty sages were gathered to do homage to the Sybil of the North. They did not have time to hang the portrait Christina had presented to the Académie, as an hour was all they had to assemble the members and prepare the great salon in which she was to be received. At five in the afternoon one of her footmen announced that she had arrived, and her carriage was heard down below in the Louvre courtyard. She was accompanied by Madame de Brègy, whose husband was French Ambassador in Poland. Her first question was whether the academicians stood up or sat in her presence. The precedent of Charles IX's visit in the time of Ronsard was brought forward. They could be seated. A long session followed in which a quantity of verses were read, after which the director, M. de Chambre, said that the Académie was much occupied in preparing his dictionary, and would Her Majesty be so gracious as to hear an extract from it? Her Majesty having consented, Mezerai opened the dictionary apparently at random at the word "Jeu" and read the following:

"Jeux des princes qui ne plaisent qu'à ceux qui les font. Pour exprimer les actes de violence exerçés par les hommes revêtus du pouvoir suprême."

Christina laughed heartily at this, some say to cover her confusion and blushes, but it is not likely that she was ever confused or ever blushed. The reading of "Jeu" took an hour, after which Christina rose, and[,] bowing profoundly to the company, left the way she came. Soon afterwards she quitted Paris and went on her way to Toulon. Gui Patin writes: "She is gone away ill-pleased with the Queen, having heard that she had said if the Queen of Sweden did not go, she would herself leave the Louvre." Her usual route through Savoy was barred to her because by now her Naples project was well known. French warships carried her and her suite to Leghorn. They were transporting troops to the Duke of Modena. On the 7th of May she met the Duke and they signed a treaty for the invasion of Naples.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Note: Leghorn is the traditional English name for the Italian city of Livorno.

Excerpt from Marie-Madeleine Pioche de la Vergne, Madame de La Fayette's letter to Gilles Ménage, about Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Madame de Sévigné visiting Kristina at Fontainebleau, dated October 30/November 9 (New Style), 1657

Source:

LA FAYETTE Marie-Madeleine PIOCHE DE LA VERGNE, MADAME DE. (1634-1693), lot 111 in Livres & Manuscrits, sale of October 30, 2024, at Aguttes.com:

https://www.aguttes.com/lot/153688/26842341-la-fayette-marie-madeleine-pioche-de-la-vergne-madame-de

The letter excerpt:

ce 9me novembre [1657][.]

... M[adam]e de Sevigne a este' voir la Reine de Suede a fontaine bleau elle est charmee de son esprit et de sa ciuilite comme lon parle de lestat des affaires de cette Reine elle va estre miserable lon dit qvelle n'a point dargeant et qvelle pretend tirer sa subsistance de la court voila le vray moyen de mourir de faim dans deux mois...

With modernised spelling:

Ce 9 novembre [1657].

... Madame de Sévigné a été voir la reine de Suède à Fontainebleau; elle est charmée de son esprit et de sa civilité. Comme l'on parle de l'état des affaires de cette reine, elle va être misérable. L'on dit qu'elle n'a point d'argent et qu'elle prétend tirer sa subsistance de la cour. Voilà le vrai moyen de mourir de faim dans deux mois...

Swedish translation (my own):

Den 9 november [1657].

... Madame de Sévigné har besökt Sveriges drottning i Fontainebleau; hon är charmerad av hennes kvickhet och artighet. Som man talar om drottningens tillstånd kommer hon att bli eländig. Man säger att hon inte har några pengar och att hon påstår sig försörja sig från hovet. Detta är det sanna sättet att dö av hunger på två månader...

English translation (my own):

November 9 [1657].

... Madame de Sévigné has gone to see the Queen of Sweden at Fontainebleau; she is charmed by her wit and civility. As one speaks about the state of this Queen's affairs, she is going to be miserable. One says she has no money and that she claims to earn her subsistence from the court. This is the true way to die of hunger in two months...

Above: Kristina.

Above: Marie de Rabutin-Chantal, Madame de Sévigné.

Above: Gilles Ménage.

Above: Marie-Madeleine Pioche de la Vergne, Madame de La Fayette.

Biography of Kristina, by Edgar Sanderson et al., year 1900, part 5

Source:

Six Thousand Years of History, volume 5 (Famous Women), pages 238 to 239, by Edgar Sanderson et al., 1900; original at Pennsylvania State University

https://books.google.com/books?id=TJ0zAQAAMAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=macedo+christina&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The biography:

In the autumn of 1657 she returned to France, establishing her sorry court at Fontainebleau. Her arrival aroused no attention, as her affair was no longer a novelty. She wrote with eagerness to the heads of the Fronde faction, offering to arbitrate on the differences of princes who had been at war a hundred years. She began a course of political intrigue which warned the cabinets that she was likely to become a dangerous visitor in any land. She learned that Louis XIV, then very young, was in love with Mademoiselle de Mancini, niece of Cardinal Mazarin. She encouraged the affair of the lovers, and offered her services. "I would fain be your confidante", said she, "if you love, you must marry." While she was rude to the court ladies, and gave trouble to the ministry, she was oblivious of public opinion, and still often wore men's clothes. She seemed to the French like a Russian or barbarian potentate, and soon, to the horror of the court, performed an act of absolute sovereignty at Fontainebleau worthy of the son of Catherine de' Medici. She had always, when angry, threatened death to her offenders. When she sent her secretary to Stockholm to see about her delayed annuity payment, she said: "If you fail in your duty, not all the power of the King of Sweden shall save your life, though you take shelter in his very arms." A musician left her to perform for the Duke of Savoy. She wrote, in a high rage, "If he do not sing for me, he shall not sing long for anybody." Thus she was likely to gather about her people of unbridled passions and loose manners, and the quarrels of her household became the talk of Rome. When she established herself at Fontainebleau she learned that the Master of her Horse, the Marquis Monaldeschi, her favorite, had been guilty of a breech [sic] of trust. This charge was made by Ludovico [Santinelli], on letters from his brother in Rome. Ludovico was a rival lover of Christina. The accused man was brought before the Queen, and confessed his deeds. She chose to interpret his act as high treason, sentenced him to death, appointed his rival as his executioner, told him to confess his soul to Father Lebel, and, in the presence of that terrified priest, the equerry was slain, his blood staining the walls and floor of the gallery. In one of the rooms of the palace to-day is an inscription pointing out the place where Monaldeschi fell. She held that it was beneath her dignity to place him before any tribunal, however high it might be. "To acknowledge no superior", she exclaimed, "is worth more than to govern the whole world." The French Government, while it made no inquiry into the murder, ordered her out of France, but she did not at once obey even this order, returning to Rome in the spring of 1658.

Above: Kristina.

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert's review of the first two volumes of Arckenholtz's biography of Kristina, year 1753, part 7

Sources:

Mélanges de littérature, d'histoire et de philosophie, pages 52 to 56, by Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert, 1753; original at The British Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=UjoXt5DIoJUC&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=M%C3%A9langes+de+litt%C3%A9rature,+d%27histoire+et+de+philosophie&source=gbs_navlinks_s

Mélanges de littérature, d'histoire et de philosophie, pages 274 to 278, by Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert, 1759 edition of the above; original at the New York Public Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=uXoCAAAAYAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=M%C3%A9langes+de+litt%C3%A9rature,+d%27histoire&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The account:

Christine avoit pris tant de goût pour la France, qu'à peine retournée en Italie, elle jugea à propos de faire dans ce Royaume un second voyage. On crut que des vues politiques l'y amenoient; mais ce voyage ne fut remarquable que par la mort tragique de Monaldeschi, son grand Ecuyer, qu'elle fit, comme l'on sait, assassiner presque en sa présence à Fontainebleau dans la galerie des Cerfs. Les circonstances de cette mort sont assez connues; mais ce qui l'est moins, & ce qui doit paroître encore plus étrange que la barbarie de Christine, ce sont les dissertations qu'écrivirent de savans Jurisconsultes pour la justifier. Ces dissertations, triste monument de la flatterie des Gens de Lettres envers les Rois, sont la honte de leurs Auteurs sans être l'apologie de celle qui en fut l'objet. Je suis fâché pour la mémoire de Leibnitz & pour l'humanité, de trouver le nom de ce grand homme parmi les défenseurs d'un assassinat; & je suis encore plus surpris de l'injustice qu'il fait à la Cour de France, en assurant que si on y fut blessé de l'action de Christine, c'est uniquement parce qu'on n'y avoit plus le même goût pour elle. La postérité trouvera bien étrange qu'au centre de l'Europe, dans un siecle éclairé, on ait agité sérieusement, si une Reine qui a quitté le thrône, n'a pas conservé le droit de faire égorger ses domestiques sans autre forme. Il auroit fallu demander plutôt si Christine sur le thrône même de Suéde auroit eu ce droit barbare: question qui eût bientôt été décidée au tribunal de la Loi Naturelle & des Nations. L'Etat, dont la constitution doit être sacrée pour les Monarques, parce qu'il subsiste toujours tandis que les sujets & les Rois disparoissent, a intérêt que tout homme soit jugé suivant les Lois. C'est l'intérêt des Princes même, dont les Lois font la force & la sûreté. L'humanité leur permet quelquefois d'en adoucir la rigueur en pardonnant, mais jamais de s'en dispenser pour être cruels. Ce seroit faire injure aux Rois que d'imaginer que ces principes puissent les offenser, ou qu'il fallût même du courage pour les réclamer au sein d'une Monarchie. Ils sont le cri de la nature. Des maximes si vraies & si bien gravées dans le cœur de tous les hommes, nous dispensent de décider à quel tribunal Christine descendue du thrône devoit faire juger Monaldeschi; si c'étoit à celui de la Suéde, ou de Rome, ou de la France. Peu importoit à quel tribunal, pourvû que ce ne fût pas au sien.

Il paroît encore moins essentiel d'examiner quelle a pu être la raison de l'assassinat de Monaldeschi; peut-être même est-il nécessaire pour l'honneur de Christine de tirer le rideau sur ce mystere: il seroit affreux qu'une intrigue d'amour en eût été la cause, comme quelques Auteurs l'ont écrit. L'action de Christine n'a pas besoin d'un tel motif pour être odieuse.

Dégoûtée de la France, où ce meurtre avoit inspiré de l'horreur pour elle, elle voulut passer en Angleterre; Cromwel qui gouvernoit alors ce Royaume avec un despotisme beaucoup plus grand que celui dont il avoit fait punir son Roi, ne jugea pas à propos de la recevoir. Cet homme, aussi habile politique que citoyen dangereux, craignoit d'exposer le secret de ses affaires aux regards perçans d'une femme qui passoit pour intriguante; il ne pouvoit d'ailleurs se résoudre à voir une Reine qui avoit quitté trois Couronnes pour une Religion qu'il haïssoit, & ne jugeoit pas à propos d'employer l'argent de l'Angleterre à une réception si inutile. Aussi Christine se dégoûta bientôt de ce voyage; elle ne fit que celui de l'Académie Françoise, où l'on n'eut rien de meilleur à lui donner qu'une traduction faite par Cotin de quelques vers de Lucrece contre la Providence, auxquels «le même opposa», dit Patru, «une vingtaine de vers pour la soutenir.» Il n'est pas inutile de remarquer que dans la même assemblée, on lut devant Christine quelques articles du Dictionnaire auquel l'Académie Françoise travailloit dès-lors; on tomba sur le mot «JEU», dans lequel se trouverent des mots: «JEUX de PRINCES, qui ne plaisent qu'à ceux qui les font.»

Swedish translation (my own):

Kristina hade fått en sådan smak för Frankrike att hon knappt hade återvänt till Italien ansåg det lämpligt att göra en andra resa till det riket. Man trodde att politiska åsikter hade fört henne dit; men denna resa var anmärkningsvärd endast för Monaldeschis tragiska död, hennes överstallmästare, som hon, som man vet, hade mördat nästan i sin närvaro i Fontainebleau i Galerie des Cerfs.

Omständigheterna för detta dödsfall är välkända; men vad som är mindre känt och som måste tyckas ännu märkligare än Kristinas barbari, är de avhandlingar som lärda jurister skrivit för att rättfärdiga henne. Dessa avhandlingar, ett sorgligt monument över smicker från män de lettres mot konungar, är deras författares skam utan att vara en ursäkt för den som var föremål för dem. Jag är ledsen för minnet av Leibniz, och för mänskligheten, att hitta namnet på denna store man bland försvararna av ett mord; och jag är ännu mer förvånad över den orättvisa han gör mot Frankrikes domstol genom att försäkra att om de blev sårade av Kristinas agerande, så var det bara för att de inte längre hade samma smak för henne.

Eftervärlden kommer att tycka att det är mycket märkligt att det i Europas centrum, under ett upplyst sekel, var allvarligt upprört om en drottning som lämnade tronen inte behöll rätten att få sina tjänare slaktade utan vidare form. Det hade varit nödvändigt att snarare fråga om Kristina, på själva tronen i Sverige, skulle ha haft denna barbariska rätt; en fråga som snart skulle ha avgjorts vid domstolen för naturrätt och folkrätt.

Staten, vars konstitution måste vara helig för monarker, eftersom den alltid existerar medan undersåtar och konungar försvinner, har ett intresse av att varje människa döms enligt lagarna. Det är furstarnas intresse, vars styrka och säkerhet är lagarna. Mänskligheten tillåter dem ibland att mildra strängheten genom att benåda, men att aldrig avstå från dem för att vara grymma. Det skulle vara en förolämpning mot konungar att föreställa sig att dessa principer kunde förolämpa dem eller att det till och med skulle krävas mod att göra anspråk på dem i en monarkis sköte. De är naturens rop. Maximer så sanna och så väl inristade i alla människors hjärtan fritar oss från att besluta vid vilken tribunal Kristina, nedstigen från tronen, skulle låta döma Monaldeschi; vare sig det var i Sverige, eller Rom eller Frankrike. Det spelade ingen roll vid vilken tribunal, förutsatt att det inte var på hennes egen.

Det förefaller ännu mindre väsentligt att undersöka vad som kunde ha varit orsaken till mordet på Monaldeschi; kanske är det till och med nödvändigt för Kristinas ära att dra för gardinen för detta mysterium. Det skulle vara fruktansvärt om en kärleksintrig hade varit orsaken, som vissa författare har skrivit. Ett sådant meddelande är inte nödvändigt för att Kristinas agerande skall vara avskyvärt.

Avsky för Frankrike, där detta mord hade inspirerat henne till skräck, ville hon åka till England. Cromwell, som då styrde detta rike med en despotism mycket större än den med vilken han hade straffat sin konung, ansåg det inte lämpligt att ta emot henne. Denne man, lika skicklig politiker som en farlig medborgare, fruktade att avslöja hemligheten i sina angelägenheter för de genomträngande blickarna från en kvinna som blev en intrigör; förutom detta kunde han inte förmå sig att se en drottning som lämnat tre kronor för en religion som han hatade, och han ansåg inte att det var lämpligt att använda Englands pengar till ett så värdelöst mottagande.

Också Kristina blev snart äcklad av denna resa; hon gjorde endast den Franska Akademin, där de inte hade något bättre att ge henne än en översättning av Cotin av några verser av Lucretius mot försynen, som »detsamma motsatte sig«, säger Patru, »ett tjugotal verser till stöd för henne.«

Det är inte onödigt att notera att de i samma församling läste inför Kristina några artiklar ur den ordbok som den Franska Akademin arbetade på från och med då; de stötte på ordet »jeu« [»spel«], där det fanns ord: »jeux des princes [furstarnas spel], som bara behagar dem som gör dem.«

English translation (my own):

Kristina had acquired such a taste for France that, having barely returned to Italy, she thought it appropriate to make a second journey to that kingdom. It was believed that political views had brought her there; but this journey was remarkable only for the tragic death of Monaldeschi, her grand equerry, whom she had, as one knows, assassinated almost in her presence at Fontainebleau in the Galerie des Cerfs.

The circumstances of this death are well known; but what is less well known, and what must seem even stranger than Kristina's barbarity, are the dissertations that learned jurists wrote to justify her. These dissertations, a sad monument to the flattery of men of letters towards kings, are the shame of their authors without being an apology for the one who was the object of them. I am sorry for the memory of Leibniz, and for humanity, to find the name of this great man among the defenders of an assassination; and I am even more surprised by the injustice he does to the court of France by assuring that if they were hurt by Kristina's action, it was only because they no longer had the same taste for her.

Posterity will find it very strange that in the center of Europe, in an enlightened century, it was seriously agitated if a Queen who left the throne did not retain the right to have her domestics slaughtered without further form. It would have been necessary to ask rather if Kristina, on the very throne of Sweden, would have had this barbaric right; a question which would soon have been decided at the tribunal of natural law and of the law of nations.

The State, whose constitution must be sacred to monarchs, because it always subsists whereas subjects and kings disappear, has an interest in every man being judged according to the laws. It is the interest of princes themselves, whose strength and safety are the laws. Humanity sometimes allows them to soften the rigour by pardoning, but never to dispense with them in order to be cruel. It would be an insult to kings to imagine that these principles could offend them or that it would even take courage to claim them in the bosom of a monarchy. They are the cry of nature. Maxims so true and so well engraved in the hearts of all men exempt us from deciding at which tribunal Kristina, descended from the throne, should have Monaldeschi judged; whether it was at that of Sweden, or of Rome, or of France. It mattered little at which tribunal, provided that it was not at her own.

It seems even less essential to examine what could have been the reason for the assassination of Monaldeschi; perhaps it is even necessary for Kristina's honour to draw the curtain on this mystery. It would be dreadful if a love intrigue had been the cause, as some authors have written. Such a notice is not necessary for Kristina's action to be odious.

Disgusted with France, where this murder had inspired horror for her, she wanted to go to England. Cromwell, who then governed this kingdom with a despotism much greater than that with which he had punished his king, did not think it appropriate to receive her. This man, as able a politician as a dangerous citizen, feared to expose the secret of his affairs to the piercing glances of a woman who passed for an intriguer; besides this, he could not bring himself to see a queen who had left three crowns for a religion that he hated, and he did not think it appropriate to use the money of England for such a useless reception.

Also, Kristina soon became disgusted with this journey; she only did that of the French Academy, where they had nothing better to give her than a translation made by Cotin of some verses of Lucretius against Providence, to which "the same opposed", says Patru, "about twenty verses to support her."

It is not useless to note that in the same assembly, they read before Kristina some articles of the dictionary on which the French Academy was working from then on; they came across the word "jeu" ["game"], in which were found words: "jeux des princes [games of princes], which only please those who make them."

Above: Kristina.

Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Above: Johan Arckenholtz.

Above: Jean-Baptiste le Rond d'Alembert.