Showing posts with label 1912. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 1912. Show all posts

Tuesday, September 23, 2025

Biography of Kristina, by Thornton Hall (William de Redman Greenwood), year 1912

Source:

Love Intrigues of Royal Courts, pages 307 to 323, by Thornton Hall (William de Redman Greenwood), 1912; original at the University of Wisconsin - Madison


WARNING: GRAPHIC VIOLENCE.

The biography:

A ROYAL MOUNTEBANK
CAPTIVATING and cruel, supreme scholar and abject slave to the senses, stateswoman and buffoon — such was Christina, Queen of Sweden, the "Sybil" and "Semiramis of the North", whose career alternately dazzled and disgusted Europe in the seventeenth century and whose life story, surely the strangest that has ever been told of a sovereign lady, still fills its readers with mingled fascination and loathing.

Christina's entry on the stage of life, on which she was destined to play such strange and varied rôles, was a disappointment. Her august parents and all Sweden had confidently anticipated a male heir to the throne, for his coming had been heralded by many a prophetic dream and by the voice of the stars; and, when, in place of the jubilantly expected heir there came a puny, swarthy, ill-favoured girl-child, there was lamentation alike in Court and cottage. The Queen-Mother, it is said, never recovered from her disappointment, and for years could not look on her unwelcome daughter without aversion.

The child of such strangely contrasted parents could scarcely fail to be remarkable. Her father was Gustavus Adolphus, a fair-haired Scandinavian giant, a man of strong arm and lion heart, terrible in war as he was gentle in peace. His passion for fighting was allied to a taste for letters. He was soldier and student, dreamer and destroyer; and this diverse qualities were strangely reproduced in the child who was not wanted.

From her mother Christina undoubtedly inherited many weaknesses, and probably not one virtue. Queen Mary indeed seems to have been little removed from the imbecile. She had a mania for gorgeous raiment, revelled in the company of persons of low degree, and surrounded herself with dwarfs and buffoons, while such time as she could spare from these allurements she spent in fits of weeping. Vanity and tears, superstitious observances and imbecile pleasures — of such ingredients was Gustavus' queen composed.

Christina, the child of these oddly contrasted parents, was but six years old when her father died fighting gallantly at Lutzen, in 1632, thus furnishing an occasion for grief which was not lost on his lachrymose queen. Shrouding her rooms in black draperies her Majesty wept day and night, her groans and lamentations echoing through the palace; and her child, who was her unwilling companion, she compelled to weep and moan with her. Happily for Christina's sanity[,] the Chancellor Oxenstiern came to her rescue. He packed the Queen off to a distant castle to weep alone, and took the girl under his care.

Christina spent the next ten years of her life surrounded by learned professors, whose duty it was to educate her for her exalted position; and seldom have teachers had so eager and apt a pupil. In her anxiety to learn she would scarcely allow herself time to eat or sleep, and soon her learning was the talk and wonder of Sweden. Before she had long entered her teens she had mastered eight languages; she could quote Greek by the hour; and her Latin and French compositions were published for the admiration of the world. She discussed theology with bishops, confounded philosophers with her arguments, and ministers with her knowledge of statecraft. Nor was this the sum of her accomplishments; for she could swear like a trooper, bring down a running hare with a bullet, and was the most skilful and daring horsewoman in the kingdom.

For dress this odd and gifted princess had a profound contempt, and she was equally indifferent to cleanliness; but her greatest scorn was reserved for her own sex and all that concerned it. She wanted to be a man — and to her last day she was a man, in all but sex.

Though she was small and ill-shapen (one shoulder was higher than its fellow) Christina did not lack personal attractiveness; and she never looked better than when, with her hair flying in the wind, with flushed cheeks and sparkling blue eyes, she was racing madly on horseback across the country. The Swedes were proud of their Christina to a man, and, in her youth at least, not without reason.

That she had many faults, even in girlhood, she herself frankly confesses. She admits that she has a vile temper, is imperious and impatient, sarcastic and contemptuous. She pleads guilty, too, thus early to a "disregard for the proprieties which ought to be observed by her sex." And herein lay her gravest fault. She had no sense of morality, and revelled in the knowledge.

When, her education finished, Christina took the reins of government into her own hands, her true character, which had hitherto been concealed under the veil of study, was quick to show itself. Like Catherine the Great, she chose her favourites from among the handsomest of her courtiers or from her subjects of whatever rank, and changed them as lightly as she changed her gowns. Count Magnus of Gardie [sic] was one of the first to take her fancy captive — a handsome youth barely out of man's estate. She showered dignities and presents on him, made him head of her household, grand treasurer, ambassador and what not, only to dismiss him and call him a "drunkard and a liar" to his face when the dark-eyed Spaniard Pimentelli came on the scene. Pimentelli, in turn, had to give place to a low-born successor in the royal favour; and so on, in bewildering sequence, the reign of each favourite being as supreme as it was short-lived. But such pleasures as these by no means filled Christina's days. She loved to surround herself with the most learned men in Europe — poets, scholars, philosophers — all of whom ministered to her vanity and afforded opportunities for the exercise of her clever brain and tongue. She killed poor Descartes by dragging him out of bed at five o'clock on winter mornings to talk philosophy with her; and scared Huet, later Bishop of Avranches, away by her crushing theological arguments.

And, Queen though she now was, she remained as indifferent to her personal appearance as when a child. "She never combs her hair but once a week", Manneschied [sic] reports; "and sometimes lets it go untouched for a fortnight. On Sundays her toilet takes about half-an-hour, but on other days it is despatched in a quarter. Her linen is ragged and much torn." When a bold courtier once ventures to hint at the virtue of cleanliness, her Majesty retorted, "Wash! that's all very well for people who have nothing else to do."

From a discussion on religion or philosophy she would turn to a conversation of a nature by no means delicate. She revelled in stories of a questionable character; and when the narrator, from a desire to avoid offending her, substituted allowable for objectionable words, she would, to quote one who knew her, "boldly speak out the words, though they were never so unseemly, which modesty forbids me to write her."

Such in early womanhood was Queen Christina before she gave full rein to those eccentricities and vices which, even then, were stirring into life, and which were, later, to obtain full mastery over her. The change began with the arrival of a Bourdelet [sic] at the Court of Sweden. The son of a French barber, Bourdelet had had a romantic career before he entered Christina's life. With a slight training as an apothecary he travelled through Europe posing as a doctor, the possessor of wonderful secrets for the cure of all ailments from a bad complexion to a malignant fever. He was gay [cheerful] and witty, could sing and play divinely, and was a past-master of the arts of pleasure. Ladies adored the clever and handsome adventurer: and the Pope himself fell under his spell and would have made a cardinal of him if some shady business in which he had engaged had not compelled a hasty retreat from Italy.

Shortly afterwards he was summoned to Sweden to practise his medical skill on Christina, who fancied she was at death's door. As a matter of fact[,] she was seriously ill — the result of her years of hard study and neglect of the most elementary rules of health. Bourdelet was quick to see the cause of his royal patient's indisposition. He bade her leave her books and studies and replace them with a life of gaiety; and Christina proved a docile patient. She went at a bound from one extreme to the other; turned her back on scholars, statesmen and study and flung herself into a whirlpool of wild dissipation. She spent her days and nights in dancing and revelry, and made her whole Court follow in her giddy wake. She made grave professors dance jigs, sing comic songs and play the clown, and laughed at their antics until the tears streamed down her cheeks. She laughed in the face of her ministers who wished to see her on affairs of state, and invited them to join in a minuet instead.

Sweden looked on aghast at these strange antics of its beloved Queen. She must be mad, was the general opinion. To Bourdelet she gave the highest offices in the state and the army [sic]. She lavished fortunes on the barber's son, the minister of her pleasures, whose impudent and arrogant airs soon became intolerable to the most long-suffering of her subjects; while the whole country groaned under the burden of the taxes which fed her prodigal extravagance. So strong and universal was the resentment against Bourdelet that it became no longer safe for him to walk abroad; and, when he had done all the damage he could, he disappeared, laden with gold and presents and with a recommendation to the favour of Mazarin, who made an abbé of him.

The loss of her favourite soon had a startling consequence. Christina was weary of her queendom and of her impoverished subjects. She yearned to go out into the world to win a wider homage, to dazzle the courts of the Continent; and, summoning her Senate one day in 1654, she announced her abdication of the crown in favour of her cousin, Charles Augustus [sic]. The Senate and all Sweden were struck with amazement. Christina, however, was inexorable. Her mind was fully and finally made up[,] and she turned a deaf ear to pleading and protests. She packed up her treasures, dismissed her retinue, had her hair cut short, put on man's clothes, and with a gun on her shoulder — she vowed she was going to fight in Flanders [sic] — disappeared.

A few weeks later Christina was travelling in Denmark as the son of the Count of Dolma [sic]; and there a curious adventure befell her. While she was staying at an inn she was visited by the Queen of Denmark, who, disguised as a servant, waited on her royal sister of Sweden. "So cleverly did she act her part that Christina had no suspicion and chattered intimately with the polite and attractive serving-maid, talking, among other things, in no complimentary way of his Majesty of Denmark. When Christina left the inn[,] the Danish Queen sent a page after her to inform her that the maid to whom she had spoken so disparagingly of the King of Denmark was none other than Denmark's Queen. On hearing this Christina laughed aloud and exclaimed, 'What! that servant girl who was standing there all dinnertime was the Queen of Denmark! Well, there has happened to her what often happens to curious people — they make discovery of more things than are agreeable to them. It is her own fault; for, as I have not the gift of divination, I did not look for her under such a dress as that.'"

From Denmark the errant Queen made her way to Hamburg with a small escort of men-in-waiting and a few valets, who officiated as her maids, and there she began perhaps the most remarkable royal progress in history. Into each large town on her route she made a state entry, in gorgeous uniform, riding with regal dignity through the principal streets and receiving the salutations of the onlooking crowds and the solemn addresses of the officials with a queenly graciousness; until at one proceedings into a grotesque farce. She would, for instance, make grimaces at the respectfully cheering spectators; interrupt a loyal address with a load oath or a questionable jest, or burst into a peal of laughter while some dignified personage was greeting her.

The reception over, she would vanish mysteriously, wander from inn to inn hobnobbing with peasants until she felt disposed to resume the splendours of her progress and startle another city with her gorgeous trappings and her mad escapades. At Brussels, where she was royally received, she announced her conversion to the Catholic faith, giving as her sole reason that she was sick to death of the length and prosiness of Protestant sermons! At Innsprück [sic] she shocked everyone present by her flippancy during the ceremony of abjuration; and when this was followed in the evening by a play given in honour of the royal convert, she exclaimed to her hosts, "Gentlemen, it is only fair that you should offer me a comedy, since I have just given you a farce."

At Rome, whither Christina now hastened to flaunt her new faith, she was received with ultra regal honours. Cardinals and bishops, great nobles and ambassadors, went in stately procession to meet her, in their gilded coaches drawn by six richly caparisoned horses, and with retinues decked out in their most splendid trappings; and with them went the fairest and most highly placed ladies of Rome, each with her suite of forty attendants. On this reception the Pope had lavished 1,250,000 crowns, and its preparation had kept hundreds of Roman hands busy for half a year.

Even more splendid was the occasion of Christina's visit to the Vatican to receive the Papal welcome and benediction. Rome gave up the day to high festival; the route was lined with thousands of troops and the Catholic Queen made her progress to the booming of cannon, the clashing of bells and the fanfare of trumpets. Astride of a white horse she pranced, with a cardinal at each side, at the head of a procession a mile long.

Christina took Rome by storm. She dazzled it by her wit and shocked it by her indiscretions. She laid down the law to the Pope, coquetted with cardinals, patronised the proudest nobles and inaugurated a reign of revelry which swept the Vatican off its feet. Infected by her example, the entire Sacred College flocked to the theatres nightly. "The balcony of her box", says Doran, "was every night crowded by cardinals who looked with edification on the ballerinas and listened with delight to the exquisitely dressed singing girls, who resorted to Rome at the invitation of Christina." The etiquette, when she was present, was of the very strictest, the noblest in Rome being compelled to remain uncovered as long as she was in the house. The gay [cheerful] cardinals, who lolled over the balcony in front of her box, alone wore their caps, in allusion to which privilege a paper was one night fixed beneath the balcony, on which was inscribed, "Plenary indulgence for the gentlemen in purple." Christina was equally zealous in her attendance at the services of her Church, during which she would laugh and joke with her attendants, or make loud comments[,] to the amazement of her fellow-worshippers.

Meanwhile she squandered her money with a lavish hand on a hundred follies and dissipation until, her exchequer exhausted, she was compelled to appeal to the Pope for a loan. And when his Holiness offered her 2000 crowns a month if she would only behave herself, she was furiously indignant, pawned her remaining jewels, and shook the dust of Rome, for the time, off her feet.

From Rome she drifted to France, to repeat her regal receptions and her follies. At every city on her triumphal journey she was greeted with fulsome addresses, and royally entertained. The Duke of Guise, who was sent by the King to act as her escort, describes the Queen at this time as "tall, but somewhat stout, with broad hips, a well-shaped arm, a white and pretty hand. Her bodice, laced behind, is not straight; her chemise shows above the skirt, which is ill-fastened and awry. She is much powdered and pomatumed; has men's boots, and in point of fact has almost a man's voice and quite a man's ways. Though she is proud and haughty[,] she can be polite, even caressing in manner. She speaks eight languages, and is as learned as our Academy and our Sorbonne put together. Indeed", he concludes, "she is a very extraordinary person."

At Compiègne the "Grande Demoiselle" herself met Christina[,] and together they went to the theatre[,] where, the princess records, "the Queen swore like a trooper, threw her legs about, putting first one, then the other over the arms of her chair; she took attitudes such as I have only seen in the case of Trivelin and Jodelet, the buffoons. She would fall into deep reveries, sigh loudly and then, all at once, come to her senses as if she had awakened from a dream."

All Paris turned out to greet and stare open-mouthed at this remarkable Queen, as she made her entry astride of her enormous white horse. She wore, as we are told, a flaming scarlet doublet and a plumed hat, carried pistols at her holster and gaily twirled a light cane. When her Majesty had sufficiently startled Paris and drunk her fill of its doubtful homage[,] she went to visit the King and Queen at Compiègne. What Louis must have thought of his strange guest may be imagined, for at their meeting, Mademoiselle de Motteville [sic] says, "her wig was all uncurled and awry, her short skirt showed her man's boots; her complexion made her look like a bold and wild g*psy, and her hands were filthily dirty." And yet, in spite of these unattractive externals she quickly made a very favourable impression on her royal host, who found her "quite charming, if unconventional."

How unconventional she could be[,] Louis was not long in discovering. Even he was shocked when Christina, in the presence of the whole Court, "flung her legs up on a chair as high as that on which she was seated, and altogether exhibited them a little too freely"; and when she borrowed his valets to perform the most delicate offices for her. But in spite of these and similar unconventionalities, such as her exhibitions of rage, her volleys of oaths and the savage manner in which she attacked her meals, Christina might have long remained a guest at the Court of Louis had she not interfered with his love affairs and urged him to marry Marie Mancini, Cardinal Mazarin's lovely niece, against the strong wishes of his mother. Anne of Austria was the last woman in the world to tolerate such interference with her designs for her son, and Christina was politely but firmly told that her presence was no longer desirable.

Once more the Queen started on her travels. On her journey back to Italy she spent a night at Montarges, where the Grande Mademoiselle paid her a visit, of which she gives the following amusing account. "I was invited to go up alone and found her in bed. A tallow candle stood on the table; a towel twisted round her shaven head, served as a nightcap; her nightgown, which had no collar, was tied by a large knot of flaming yellow ribbon; her sheets only reached half way up the bed, over which an ugly green counterpane was thrown. In this state", adds Mademoiselle, "she was not beautiful."

At Rome [sic] Christina's reception was so chilling that she returned to Fontainebleau, where her presence was equally unwelcome, and, as the Court was not there, was allowed to stay for a time in the palace; and it was while at Fontainebleau that the tragic event occurred which has covered Christina's memory with obloquy as long as time shall last.

In her Majesty's retinue were two young Italian nobles, the Marquess Monaldeschi and Count Sentinelli [sic], who were rivals in her fickle affection. Sentinelli was the favourite of the moment; and in his jealous anger the Marquess wrote certain letters, in imitation of his successful rival's handwriting, which contained insulting references to her Majesty. When this act of treachery came to Christina's ears[,] she planned a terrible revenge. She summoned the two men to her presence, Sentinelli bringing two Italian soldiers with him; and, producing the insulting letters, asked Monaldeschi if he recognised them. The Marquess at first denied all knowledge of the letters, and then, pale and trembling, confessed his guilt and, flinging himself at the feet of his royal mistress, implored her pardon. Turning a deaf ear to his entreaties, Christina said to a monk, who had also been summoned to the meeting, "Father, I leave this man to you. Prepare him for death. Minister to his soul"; and[,] without another glance at the cowering Marquess[,] went to her room to gossip light-heartedly with her ladies [sic].

Then followed one of the most terrible tragedies in human history. The monk, as terrified as if he himself had been sentenced to death, went to Christina to plead for the wretched man's wife. She turned away with a laugh and continued her gossiping [sic]. Monaldeschi again dragged himself to her feet and besought her by the wounds of the Saviour to have mercy. "I am sorry", was her answer, "but I cannot grant your request." "Force him to make his confession[,] and then kill him", was the fiendish message she sent to Sentinelli [sic].

Then the butchery began, before the Marquess, in [a] choked and anguished voice, had well begun his last confession on earth. The Count pushed him against the wall of the gallery and struck the first blow. The Marquess, who was unarmed, seized the sword[,] and three of his fingers fell to the floor. The two soldiers then joined in the attack; blows rained on the unhappy man, whose shirt of mail but served to prolong the agony of death, until[,] bleeding from a score of wounds[,] he collapsed on the floor. A final thrust from the Count's sword, and the deed — one of the blackest in history — was accomplished. And while her former lover [sic] was being butchered, with his death cries in her ears, Christina discussed the latest scandal in the adjoining room, and her gay [cheerful] laughter was the only sound that mingled with the last moan of her victim [sic].

Europe was struck with horror by this inhuman act. It had long shaken its sides with laughter at Christina's eccentricities, and professed to be shocked by her immoralities; but to order her lover's murder and to laugh wantonly while he was done to death [sic] was a very different matter. She was a monster, a ghoul, unfit to draw the breath of life. When Mazarin sent a messenger to warn her that it would not be safe to show her face in Paris[,] she sent back an impertinent answer, assuring him that if Monaldeschi were still alive "I should not sleep to-night before seeing that the deed was done. I have no reason to repent." And twenty-five years later [sic] she was just as impenitent. "I am in no humour", she wrote, "to justify myself of Monaldeschi's death. This fuss about him seems to me as absurd as it is insolent. Westphalia may think him innocent if it will; to me it is a matter of the utmost indifference."

It was equally a matter of indifference that the whole world now gave her the cold shoulder. "The shaven adventuress", as she was dubbed, treated the contemptuous world with scorn, and went her own erratic way to the end. When Sweden refused her permission to put foot on its shores[,] she turned her horse's head with a laugh and rode away. She intrigued to wrest Pomerania from Sweden by armed force, and to capture the throne of Poland; but all her scheming failed, for none would help her. When the long-suffering Pope withdrew her pension[,] she threatened to sack the Vatican and to depose him. Thus, shunned and execrated by all, Christina spent the last thirty years of her strange life an impoverished pariah; but defiant and impenitent to the last.

When she realised that her end was near[,] she determined to leave the stage of life, on which she had played so many remarkable parts, in a manner that should astonish and impress the world. She had a mortuary robe made "of white brocade, richly embroidered with flowers and gold ornamentation; with trimming and buttons of gold and with a fringe of the same around the bottom of the skirt"; and, thus prepared for the closing scene, she awaited with a light heart the signal for the dropping of the curtain.

The end came one April day in the year 1659 [sic]; and if she could have had a posthumous regret at leaving life[,] it must surely have been that she could not see her own obsequies. Now that her career was ended[,] all Rome conspired to send her to her grave under circumstances of ultra regal splendour. Clothed in her gorgeous costume of brocade and gold, with a crown on her head and a sceptre in her hand, her body was laid in state in the Church of Saint Dorothea[,] whose black draperies were illuminated by 300 tapers.

When dusk fell, her coffin, concealed by a violet mantle, edged with ermine, was carried in state to St Peter's. Five hundred monks with lighted tapers led the long procession, followed by artists and scholars and the members of a score of religious bodies, while, following the body, came cardinals and archbishops, lords and equerries, in gilded coaches, drawn by gaily caparisoned horses. And[,] thus brilliantly escorted[,] Christina was laid to rest under the stately dome of the world's greatest cathedral, to await the verdict of posterity.

More than two centuries have gone since Christina's crooked body was thus splendidly laid to rest[,] and her equally crooked soul appeared before its Creator, but historians still wrangle over her memory. Seldom have such great gifts and possibilities been allied to such deplorable defects and failure. Her cleverness, falling little short of genius, and her fascinations are forgotten in the contemplation of the vices which made her the byword of Europe in her day, and especially of that crowning act of treachery and cruelty which branded her for ever as infamous, a woman with the heart of a fiend.

"Princes", she herself once said, "resemble those tigers and lions whose keepers make them play a thousand tricks and turns. To look at them[,] you would fancy they were in complete subjection, but a blow from the paw, when least expected, shows that you can never tame that sort of animal." And Christina was an animal who could never have been tamed. She belonged to the "rabble of kings."


Above: Kristina.

Note: G*psy is a commonplace but derogatory term and exonym for the Roma or Romani people, an ethnic group of Rajasthani origin living mostly throughout Europe (particularly in the Balkan countries in the southeast of the continent) but also in the Middle East, the Americas, Africa and Australia, traditionally nomadic and itinerant with an endogamous clan-based society with different subgroups in different regions. They are unfortunately stereotyped as fortune-tellers, thieves, criminals and con artists even today and have suffered terrible persecutions throughout their history and are consequently and rightfully wary of non-Roma people, who they call gadji. The Europeans assumed they came from Egypt, which resulted in the word g*psy and its equivalent words in other languages commonly being used for the Roma.

Thursday, September 11, 2025

Review of (the Swedish translation of) Ida Ashworth Taylor's biography of Kristina, in "Åbo Underrättelser" newspaper, year 1912

Source:

Litterära strövtåg, article written by E. Lds. for Åbo Underrättelser, issue 338, page 6, issue of Tuesday, December 10, 1912; original at the Finnish National Library (Kansalliskirjasto/Nationalbiblioteket)


Åbo Underrättelser, 10.12.1912 no 338, s. 6 https://digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi/sanomalehti/binding/1157750 Kansalliskirjaston Digitaaliset Aineistot


The article:

Litterära strövtåg.
Drottning Kristina, av I. A. Taylor. Gebers förlag. 344 sidor. Pris kr 4:75.

„Hon är icke som en kvinsperson utan behjärtad av ett gott förstånd”, yttrade Axel Oxenstjerna.

È donna” — hon är en kvinna — yttrade långt senare påven Innocentius XI.

Båda dessa, till synes så motsatta karaktäristiker avgivna av framstående samtida män, vilka grundligt lärt känna drottning Kristina, innehålla en del av sanningen. Men svårigheten att i riktig proportion kombinera huvuddragen i hennes psykologi till fattbar helhet har gjort, att hon alltid ansetts som ett problem.

Brist på uttolkare har det visserligen aldrig varit. Hennes egen samtid — utom hon själv i sina anteckningar — bidrog med en massa skrifter och pamfletter på alla språk, de s. k. Chanutska memoarerna inbegripet, och senare forskning, från Arckenholtz' grundläggande memoarverk (1751—60) till frih. Bildts intressanta undersökningar från de senaste åren, har lämnat talrika bidrag till den omfattande Kristina-litteraturen, vilken f. ö. räknar både historiska och skönlitterära försök.

Till den historiska delen av denna litteratur hör I. A. Taylors arbete: Christina of Sweden, vilket utkom 1910 [sic] och nu framlagts i svensk översättning av H. Flygare.

Den historiskt intresserade har all anledning att taga del av detta arbete, som tvivelsutan hör till det modärnaste på vårt språk om Kristina. Utan att naturligtvis kunna vara uttömmande är boken rik på upplysningar, vilkas material främst är hämtat ur Arckenholtz' och Bildts arbeten. Så vitt anmälaren kunnat finna har förf. egnat uppmärksamhet åt samtliga viktigare moment i drottning Kristinas liv, och om man på en del punkter — framför allt beträffande hennes er*tiska läggning — kunnat önska något mer, på andra, t. ex. beträffande påvegrälen m. m., något mindre, så är detta väl en smaksak, varom det ej bör tvistas. Man får i alla händelser en ganska mångsidig och begriplig teckning av människan Kristina, och detta är ju huvudsaken. I den delen är översättningen säkert välkommen, då vår allmänhet i varje fall har en ganska flyktig uppfattning om hennes personlighet.

Vill man göra en invändning, så kunde det sägas att förf. bort något närmare belysa de sannolika orsakerna till Kristinas, trots egna motsatta uttalanden, påtagligen svaga tillgivenhet för Sverige och det svenska. Det hade kunnat vara på sin plats att anmärka närmare om en delvis utländsk börd, den hysteriska moderns antipatier mot Sverige, de tyska frändernas — Pfalzarenas — inflytande, den kosmopolitiska påverkan av utländska lärde o. s. v. - allt omständigheter, som gjorde den brådmogna unga kvinnan nästan till en främling i landet, undanröjde ansvarighetskänslan mot detta och underlättade tronavsägelsen.

Andra sidor i hennes väsen ha bättre belysts. Så anför Taylor hennes [Kristinas] tack till Gud för att hon blivit kvinna: „så mycket mer som jag genom Din barmhärtighet t. o. m. i andlig måtto undgått mitt köns svagheter och min själ såväl som min kropp utrustats med manliga egenskaper”. Hon tackar Gud för att han, sålunda frälsande henne från hennes fäderneslands laster och utsvävningar, frikallat henne från de bräckligheter, som åtfölja kvinnokönet.

Den store faderns person och levnadssaga synas knappt ha utövat inflytande på Kristina. Hon såg honom aldrig efter fyra-årsåldern [sic], och tronavsägelsen 22 år senare, 1654, följde vid 28 års ålder [sic] efter en ungdomstid, under vars brokiga och överspända öden intrycket av hjältekonungen förbleknat för henne till ett otydligt barndomsminne, mycket mer opersonligt än den bild som rådde hos personer, vilka tagit del i hans egen historia. Ett par små brev från flickan till kungen jäva ej denna uppfattning. Hennes egen vid vuxna år uttalade tanke om honom kännetecknas av ett lugnt vägande av förtjänster och fel utan översvallande känslor. Kyla tycks f. ö. ha rått mellan henne och modern, som även hon lämnade Sverige.

Sig själv, såg hon alltid under en mycket upphöjd synvinkel. Gud hade, säger hon, tryckt storhetens stämpel på hennes panna, och hon var egnad ingiva alla vördnad och fruktan. „Passionerad och häftig”, tillägger hon, „stolt, otålig, spotsk och hånfull visade jag skonsamhet mot ingen”. Hon förklarar att hon velat leva ett ovanligt liv, all världen till trots. Omstrålad av glansen från ett stort fädernearv, kunde hon ej misstänka annat än att glansen kom från henne själv, och kritiken var naturligtvis förstummad.

Mot kvinnorna dolde hon på intet sätt sin ringaktning. Hennes uppfostran var manlig och utfördes av män. Kritisk från barnaåren, ställde hon sig redan då tveksam mot protestantismen, och i sina anteckningar till Chanuts memoarer säger hon öppet, att hon aldrig med någon värme omfattat lutherdomen. Den lilla av Taylor omtalade anekdoten om hur hon vid 8 års ålder genom läran om yttersta domen braktes till religiösa tvivel är nog så belysande.

En punkt, där undert. som ovan antytts, väntat mer av boken gäller Kristinas förhållande till kärleken; det är ju ett spörsmål, vars betydelse för hennes utveckling icke kan underskattas. Såvitt jag förstår delar Taylor uppfattningen att hon icke älskat någon man förrän hon gjorde kardinal Azzolinos bekantskap och till honom kom i det förhållande, som räckte så länge och bar rent rörande drag av ödmjuk underkastelse från hennes sida, alldeles stridande mot hennes uppträdande mot alla andra. Detta förhållande har ju skildrats bäst av Bildt i ett specialarbete. Taylor anför flere drag ur denna del av hennes egendomliga liv.

Sagan började 1656 [sic], efter drottningens ankomst till Rom. Född 1623, alltså tre år äldre än hon, var kardinalen då 33 år gammal [sic], eldig, rikt begåvad, skald, politisk förmåga och inflytelserik vid det påvliga hovet, en man som i alla avseenden synes motsvarat hennes ideal. Man kan icke betvivla att hon verkligen älskade honom. Han utövade ett fullständigt — och gott — inflytande på hela hennes liv. Hennes uttalanden till och om honom bära vittne om nära nog dyrkan: kvinnan i henne har nu, vid några och trettio år, besegrat rationalismen och den på börd baserade överlägsenheten. Hon skrev om honom en gång — 1669 — att han „ägde en djävuls intelligens och skarpsinne, en engels dygd och ett hjärta lika stort som en Alexanders”. I sina brev till honom avslöjar hon en Kristina alldeles avvikande från den Europa lärt känna. Överhöghet, självtillit, oberoende — allt har glidit av henne som en kappa. Under denna ser man endast kvinnan, avklädd alla kungliga prerogativ, läraktig, undergiven, angelägen att få böja sig för hans önskningar och åsikter. Högt över sitt eget förstånd sätter hon hans. „Jag längtar att få höra att ni antingen gillar vad jag gjort eller förlåter det”. I bredd med hans omdöme betydde den övriga världens intet.

Under sin långvariga vistelse i Hamburg 1667 intages hon av föreställningen att hans böjelse för henne svalnat. Mellan raderna i hennes brev framlyser den ångest tanken härpå väcker. Hon skriver att hon aldrig velat bryta mot Guds bud eller förmå Azzolino därtill. „Detta beslut hindrar mig dock ej från att älska er intill döden, och enär er gudaktighet fritager er från att vara min älskare fritar jag er från att vara min tjänare, ty jag vill leva och dö som er slav”. Hon ironiserar bittert hans helighet som en slags tröst över att hon insåg hopplösheten i sin ställning till honom. Hon sade honom, att han rent av fruktade hennes återkomst till Rom. „Jag betvivlar inte, att er ande som vanligt var hos Gud medan ni övervar franska ambassadörens komedi och att det var er en sannskyldig plåga att betrakta de två damerna på scenen”. Hon förmodar att han var där för att — omvända dem. En annan gång skriver drottningen att hon ej hoppas kunna förändra hans känslor. „Ni har rätt och jag har orätt. Jag beklagar mig ej över er. Beklaga ni er icke över mig”.

Hon förebrår honom att han berört hennes angelägenheter på ett sätt som syntes henne litet ovanligt; „men, tillägger hon, av er tål jag allt och till er tröst vill jag bara säga att min återkomst till Rom icke är så nära förestående som ni befarar. Er lycka kommer ej länge att störas av min närhet...” En annan gång skriver hon: „i förhållande till mig är ni i alla fall allsmäktig och hur ni än finner för gott att behandla mig skall jag aldrig klaga”. När Azzolino arbetar för att få henne upp på Polens tron, inger även detta henne motvilja och hon frågar: „Är det verkligen så att ni vill bli av med mig? Om så är — tro inte att det går så lätt. Om det verkligen händer måste ni liksom jag bli polacco, och om ni ej beslutat er härför, har ni förspillt er möda. Endast på det villkoret tar jag emot Polens krona, även om med den erbjödes mig herraväldet över universum”.

Kristina var nu fyrtio år. I Rom, nära den man hon älskade, hade hon funnit den fristad där hon trivdes bäst och där hon levde sin lyckligaste tid.

Som bevis på Kristinas uppskattning av Azzolino må ännu anföras följande ord om honom 1674 — hon var då 48 år [sic]: „Kardinalen är en gudomlig, en över alla andra stående man. Han är mig kärare än livet och förmår allt över mig”.

Ända till hennes död, i april 1689, förblev Azzolino hennes vän och hjälpare, och några månader efter henne avled även han.

Taylors bok ger självfallet en massa andra drag av intresse ur Kristinas levnad. Hit höra skildringarna av hennes kringflackande i Europa i mansdräkt. På sin första Romresa följdes hon av 220 personer av alla nationaliteter, bland dem endast 3—4 svenskar; blott fem kvinnor voro med. På resan från Rom till Frankrike hade följet smält ihop till 60 personer. Mademoiselle de Montpensiers [sic], som skildrar Kristina klädd i grå kjol med snörmakerier i guld och silver, bjärtröd juste-au-corps, blond peruk och hatt med svarta plymer, yttrar att hon föreföll „som en vacker liten gosse”. Till sin förvåning fick hon höra „den lilla gossen” svära och se honom vräka sig på teatern. När Kristina därpå skulle möta Anna av Österrike var all hennes italienska svit försvunnen med undantag av ett par sjaskiga kammarfruar och några tvivelaktiga italienska herrar. Lockarna hade raknat av vinden, händerna voro grova och vanvårdade, hyn förstörd, kläderna slarviga. Och denna bild kunde kompletteras med senare, som visa ett oavlåtligt yttre förfall till ålderdomen, då Kristina var en liten tjock, vårdslöst klädd gumma med skäggstrån på hakan.

Med all sin planlösa oro, sin kvikka [sic] och intelligenta feberaktighet, sin pockande och självmedvetna lust att blanda sig i allt, trassla med alla och uträtta intet utom att göra sig själv till en kuriositet, är Kristina i alla fall en intressant företeelse — ett slags pendant till Karl XII — och Taylors bok är därför värd att finna läsare.
E. Lds.

English translation (my own):

Literary rambles.
Queen Christina, by I. A. Taylor. Gebers förlag. 344 pages. Price kr. 4:75.

"She is not like a female, but is courageous with a good understanding", said Axel Oxenstierna.

"È donna" — she's a woman — was uttered much later by Pope Innocent XI.

Both of these seemingly opposite characterisations given by prominent contemporaries who knew Queen Kristina do well contain some truth. But the difficulty of combining the main features of her psychology into a comprehensible whole in the right proportion has meant that she has always been considered a problem.

There has certainly never been a shortage of interpreters. Her own contemporaries — apart from herself in her notes — contributed a mass of writings and pamphlets in all languages, including the so-called memoirs of Chanut, and later research, from Arckenholtz's fundamental memoirs (1751-60) to Baron Bildt's interesting investigations from recent years, have made numerous contributions to the extensive Kristina literature, which includes both historical and literary attempts.

The historical part of this literature includes I. A. Taylor's work: Christina of Sweden, which was published in 1910 [sic] and has now been presented in a Swedish translation by H. Flygare.

Anyone interested in history has every reason to take part in this work, which is undoubtedly one of the most modern in our language about Kristina. Without, of course, being exhaustive, the book is rich in information, the material of which is mainly taken from the works of Arckenholtz and Bildt. As far as the reporter has been able to find, attention has been paid to all the more important moments in Queen Kristina's life, and if on some points — especially regarding her er*tic disposition — one could have wished for something more, on others, e.g. regarding the quarrel with the Pope, etc., something less, then this is a matter of taste, which should not be disputed. In any case, one gets a fairly versatile and understandable picture of the person Kristina, and this is obviously the main thing. In that part, the translation is certainly welcome, since our general public, in any case, has a rather fleeting idea of her personality.

If one wishes to make an objection, it could be said that the author should have shed some more light on the probable reasons for Kristina's, despite her own statements to the contrary, noticeably weak affection for Sweden and the Swedish. It would have been in order to comment more closely on a partly foreign birth, her hysterical mother's antipathies towards Sweden, the influence of her German relatives — the Palatines — the cosmopolitan influence of foreign scholars, etc. — all circumstances that made the precocious young woman almost a stranger in the country, removed her sense of responsibility towards it, and facilitated her abdication.

Other aspects of her nature have been better illuminated. Thus Taylor states her [Kristina's] thanks to God for having been a woman: "so much the more that, through Your mercy, I have escaped even in a spiritual sense the weaknesses of my sex, and my soul as well as my body have been endowed with masculine qualities." She thanks God that, thus saving her from the vices and debaucheries of her fatherland, He has freed her from the frailties that accompany the female sex.

The person and life story of her great father seem to have had little influence on Kristina. She never saw him after the age of four [sic], and the abdication 22 years later, in 1654, followed at the age of 28 [sic], after a youth during which the variegated and overexcited destiny of the hero-king had faded for her into a vague childhood memory, much more impersonal than the image that prevailed among people who had taken part in his own history. A couple of short letters from the girl to the King do not contradict this view. Her own thoughts about him, expressed in adulthood, are characterised by a calm weighing of merits and faults without exuberant emotions. Coldness seems to have prevailed between her and her mother, who also left Sweden.

Herself she always saw in a very exalted light. God had, she says, stamped the stamp of greatness on her forehead, and she was apt to inspire awe and fear in all. "Passionate and fierce", she adds, "proud, impatient, mocking and scornful, I showed no mercy to anyone." She explains that she wanted to live an unusual life, in spite of all the world. Radiant with the splendour of a great ancestral heritage, she could not suspect anything but that the splendour came from herself, and criticism was naturally silenced.

She made no secret of her contempt for women. Her upbringing was masculine and carried out by men. Critical since childhood, she was already skeptical of Protestantism, and in her notes to Chanut's memoirs she openly says that she never embraced Lutheranism with any warmth. The little anecdote mentioned by Taylor about how at the age of 8 she was brought to religious doubts by the doctrine of the Last Judgement is quite illustrative.

One point, where, as indicated above, more was expected of the book, concerns Kristina's relationship to love; it is a question whose importance for her development cannot be underestimated. As far as I understand, Taylor shares the opinion that she had not loved any man until she made the acquaintance of Cardinal Azzolino and came to him in the relationship that lasted so long and bore purely touching features of humble submission on her part, completely contrary to her behaviour towards everyone else. This relationship has been best described by Bildt in a special work. Taylor cites several features from this part of her peculiar life.

The story began in 1656 [sic], after the Queen's arrival in Rome. Born in 1623, three years older than her, the Cardinal was then 33 years old [sic], fiery, richly gifted, a poet, politically capable and influential at the papal court, a man who in every respect seemed to correspond to her ideal. There can be no doubt that she truly loved him. He exercised a complete — and good — influence on her whole life. Her statements to and about him bear witness to almost worship: the woman in her has now, at some thirty years old, defeated rationalism and the superiority based on birth. She wrote of him once — in 1669 — that he "possessed the intelligence and acumen of a devil, the virtue of an angel, and a heart as great as Alexander's". In her letters to him she reveals a Kristina quite different from the one Europe had come to know. Supremacy, self-trust, independence — all have slipped from her like a cloak. Beneath this one sees only the woman, stripped of all royal prerogatives, docile, submissive, anxious to bow to his wishes and opinions. She places his above her own understanding. "I long to hear that you either approve of what I have done or forgive it." In the breadth of his judgement, that of the rest of the world meant nothing.

During her long stay in Hamburg in 1667, she is seized by the idea that his affection for her has cooled off. Between the lines of her letter, the anguish this thought arouses is evident. She writes that she never wanted to break God's commandments or induce Azzolino to do so. "This resolution, however, does not prevent me from loving you until death, and since your piety frees you from being my lover, I free you from being my servant, for I want to live and die as your slave". She bitterly ironises his holiness as a kind of consolation for her realising the hopelessness of her position towards him. She told him that he actually feared her return to Rome. "I do not doubt that your spirit was with God, as usual, while you were watching the French ambassador's comedy, and that it was a real torment for you to watch the two ladies on stage". She assumes that he was there to — convert them. Another time the Queen writes that she does not hope to change his feelings. "You are right and I am wrong. I do not complain about you. Don't you complain about me."

She reproaches him for touching her affairs in a way that seemed a little unusual to her; "but", she adds, "I can bear anything from you, and to comfort you I only want to say that my return to Rome is not as imminent as you fear. Your happiness will not be disturbed for long by my presence..." Another time she writes: "In relation to me, you are at least omnipotent, and however you see fit to treat me, I will never complain". When Azzolino works to get her on the throne of Poland, this also makes her resentful, and she asks: "Is it really the case that you want to get rid of me? If so — do not think that it will be so easy. If it really happens, you must become polacco like me, and if you have not decided for this, you have wasted your effort. Only on that condition will I accept the crown of Poland, even if with it I were offered dominion over the universe".

Kristina was now forty years old. In Rome, close to the man she loved, she had found the refuge where she felt most comfortable and where she lived her happiest time.

As proof of Kristina's appreciation of Azzolino, the following words about him in 1674 — she was then 48 years old [sic]: "The Cardinal is a divine man, a man standing above all others. He is dearer to me than life and can do everything with me."

All the way until her death, in April 1689, Azzolino remained her friend and helper; and a few months after her, he too died.

Taylor's book naturally gives a lot of other interesting features from Kristina's life. These include the descriptions of her wanderings in Europe in men's clothing. On her first trip to Rome, she was accompanied by 220 people of all nationalities, among whom only 3-4 were Swedes; only five women were with her. On the journey from Rome to France, the entourage had grown to 60 people. Mademoiselle de Montpensier, who describes Kristina dressed in a grey skirt with gold and silver lacework, a bright red justaucorps, a blond wig and a hat with black plumes, says that she appeared "like a pretty little boy". To her surprise, she heard "the little boy" swear and saw him squirm around at the theater. When Kristina was next to meet Anne of Austria, all her Italian suite had disappeared, with the exception of a couple of shabby chambermaids and some dubious Italian gentlemen. Her curls had been blown around by the wind, her hands were rough and uncared-for, her complexion ruined, her clothes sloppy. And this picture could be supplemented by later ones, which show an inexorable outward decline into old age, when Kristina was a small, fat, carelessly dressed old woman with strands of beard on her chin.

With all her planless restlessness, her quick and intelligent feverishness, her insistently demanding and self-conscious desire to meddle in everything, to tangle with everyone and to accomplish nothing but make herself a curiosity, Kristina is at least an interesting phenomenon — a kind of counterpart to Karl XII, — and Taylor's book is therefore worth finding readers.
E. Lds.

Sunday, January 12, 2025

Gustave-Joseph Witkowski's brief but scathing and slanderous account of Kristina's love life and constitution, year 1912

Source:

L'art chrétien: ses licences, pages 108 to 109, by Gustave-Joseph Witkowski, 1912


The account:

... Du côté opposé s'élève le cénotaphe de la reine Christine, à laquelle les indulgents Suédois donnèrent le surnom d'Admirable. Cette criminelle, à l'exemple de Macbeth, fut sans doute poursuivie par le remords, — bien rare chez la femme, — et vint expier à Rome le meurtre de son grand écuyer Monaldeschi qui la ch****chait. Est-ce avec intention qu'on a fait tenir à un ange un sceptre et à un autre une miséricorde, la seule qu'elle accordait à ceux qui, comme le favori susnommé, avaient cessé de plaire? Bien que par ce meurtre elle rendit célèbre la galerie des Cerfs, fit-elle «porter le bouquet» à ses maris de la main gauche? Les avis sont partagés. Quoiqu'il en soit, ses favoris n'étaient vraiment pas dégoûtés de baiser cette bouche d'égoût et de faire «besoigner» cette abominable peste morale et physique. C'était, pour la duchesse d'Orléans qui se qualifiait elle-même de «petit laidron», «une dame galante, débauchée au plus haut point, bien que fort contrefaite». L'auteur d'une lettre conservée à la bibliothèque Harlayenne dépeint ainsi la reine Admirable: «Elle est voûtée; elle boite; elle a le nez plus long que le pied...; elle a un téton plus bas l'un que l'autre d'un demi-pied, et si enfoncé sous l'épaule qu'il semble qu'elle ait la moitié de la gorge absolument plate; ... elle pue assez honnêtement de la bouche pour obliger ceux qui s'approchent à se précautionner et à se parer de la main... et porte perruque noire». Elle ne se flatte pas non plus, quand elle se peint, et ment impunément comme toutes les femmes: «irascible, fière et railleuse, je ne fais grâce à personne. Je suis incrédule, (et pourtant elle se convertit!) fort peu dévote et mon tempérament ardent et impétueux ne m'a pas donné moins de penchant pour l'amour que pour l'ambition. Cependant j'ai toujours résisté (!!), mais seulement par fierté et pour ne me soumettre à personne». Comme quoi un toupet postiche n'empêche pas d'en porter un fameux au figuré. A entendre cette sainte Nitouche, elle n'aurait jamais embrassé que la religion catholique. A Rome, d'après la Chronique médicale, elle se découvre en certain endroit, une excroissance qui lui fait penser qu'elle a changé de sexe. Elle fait constater la transformation à qui veut la voir. Son médecin — par courtisanerie — la confirme dans son erreur, tombe à ses pieds et salue le roi Alexandre! Or, il s'agissait, non de gynécomastie, mais tout simplement d'une infirmité physique de plus, un prolapsus v*ginal... A sa décharge, il est juste de reconnaître qu'elle aimait les sciences, les lettres et les arts. Ainsi, elle baisa la main du Guerchin, qui louchait comme l'indique son nom, mais dont la main avait produit de si belles œuvres. Les personnes d'esprit sont-elles jamais laides? ...

Swedish translation (my own):

... På motsatta sidan står cenotafen av drottning Kristina, till vilken de överseende svenskarna gav smeknamnet den Beundransvärda. Denna kriminella kvinna, liksom Macbeth, var utan tvekan förföljd av ånger, — mycket sällsynt hos kvinnor, — och kom till Rom för att sona mordet på hennes överstallmästare Monaldeschi, som r*d henne. Var det med avsikt att en ängel fick hålla en spira och en annan en barmhärtighet, den enda hon gav dem som, liksom den förutnämnde favoriten, hade upphört att behaga? Även om hon genom detta mord gjorde galerie des cerfs berömd, fick hon sina män att »bära buketten« med vänster hand? Åsikterna är delade.

Hur som helst, hennes favoriter var verkligen inte äcklade av att kyssa den här kloakmunnen och »älska« med denna avskyvärda moraliska och fysiska pest. Hon var, för hertiginnan av Orléans, som beskrev henne som en »ful liten kvinna«, »en galant dam, utsvävad i högsta grad, fastän mycket missbildad«.

Författaren till ett brev som finns bevarat i Harleian Library beskriver drottning Beundransvärda såhär:

»Hon är böjd; hon haltar; hennes näsa är längre än foten...; hon har ena bröstet en halv fot lägre än det andra och så nedsänkt under axeln att det verkar som om hälften av hennes bröst är helt platt; ... hon stinker ärligt nog från munnen för att tvinga de som närmar sig henne att vara försiktiga och skydda sig med händerna... och hon bär en svart peruk.«

Hon smickrar sig inte heller när hon målar sig, och hon ljuger ostraffat, som alla kvinnor: »retlig, stolt och hånfull, jag skonar ingen. Jag är trolös (och ändå konverterade hon!), mycket lite from, och mitt ivriga och häftiga temperament har inte givit mig mindre böjelse för kärlek än för ambition. Jag har dock alltid stått emot (!!), men bara av stolthet och för att inte underkasta sig någon.«

Som om en falsk tupé inte hindrar en från att bära en berömd bildligt talat.

Enligt denna helgon Nitouche skulle hon aldrig ha anammat något annat än den katolska religionen. I Rom upptäckte hon enligt Chronique médicale på en viss plats en utväxt som fick henne att tro att hon hade bytt kön. Hon fick förvandlingen noterad av alla som ville se den. Hennes läkare — av artighet — bekräftade henne i hennes fel, föll för hennes fötter och hälsade kung Alexander! Det var dock inte gynekomasti, utan bara ytterligare en fysisk sjukdom, ett v*ginalt framfall...

Till hennes försvar är det rimligt att erkänna att hon älskade vetenskap, litteratur och konst. Således kysste hon handen på Guercino, som var tvärögd, som hans namn antyder, men vars hand hade producerat så vackra verk. Är intelligenta människor någonsin fula? ...

English translation (my own):

... On the opposite side stands the cenotaph of Queen Kristina, to whom the indulgent Swedes gave the nickname of Admirable. This criminal woman, like Macbeth, was doubtless pursued by remorse, — very rare in women, — and came to Rome to expiate the murder of her grand equerry Monaldeschi, who was r*ding her. Was it with intention that one angel was made to hold a scepter and another a mercy, the only one she granted to those who, like the aforementioned favourite, had ceased to please? Although by this murder she made the Galerie des Cerfs famous, did she make her husbands "carry the bouquet" with their left hand? Opinions are divided.

In any case, her favourites were really not disgusted with kissing this sewer mouth and "making love" to this abominable moral and physical plague. She was, to the Duchess of Orléans, who described herself as an "ugly little woman", "a gallant lady, debauched to the highest degree, although very deformed".

The author of a letter preserved in the Harleian Library describes Queen Admirable thus:

"She is stooped; she limps; her nose is longer than her foot...; she has one breast lower than the other by half a foot, and so sunk under the shoulder that it seems that half of her chest is absolutely flat; ... she stinks honestly enough from the mouth to oblige those who approach her to be careful and to shield themselves with their hands... and she wears a black wig".

She does not flatter herself either when she paints herself, and she lies with impunity, like all women: "irascible, proud and mocking, I do not spare anyone. I am incredulous (and yet she converted!), very little devout, and my ardent and impetuous temperament has not given me less of a penchant for love than for ambition. However, I have always resisted (!!), but only out of pride and to not submit to anyone".

As if a false toupee does not prevent one from wearing a famous one figuratively.

According to this saintly Nitouche, she would never have embraced anything but the Catholic religion. In Rome, according to the Chronique médicale, she discovered in a certain place a growth that made her think she had changed sex. She had the transformation noted by anyone who wanted to see it. Her doctor — out of courtesy — confirmed her in her error, fell at her feet, and saluted King Alexander! However, it was not gynecomastia, but simply one more physical infirmity, a v*ginal prolapse...

In her defense, it is fair to recognise that she loved science, literature and the arts. Thus, she kissed the hand of Guercino, who was cross-eyed, as his name indicates, but whose hand had produced such beautiful works. Are intelligent people ever ugly? ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Gustave-Joseph Witkowski.