Showing posts with label Pope Alexander VII. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pope Alexander VII. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 3, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 15

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 83 to 87, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

She was received on her return to the Papal Court with a great display of external respect; and as she suffered continual embarrassment from the want of money and her careless habits, the Pope at length granted her a yearly allowance of 12,000 crowns, and appointed the Cardinal Azzolini to be the comptroller of her household. While Azzolini was in fact a kind of spy on all her proceedings, he contrived to insinuate himself completely into her confidence. He had a very pleasing person, bland and polished manners, a lively wit, and sufficient learning to be able to appear much more learned than he really was. These qualities imposed on Christina: although he was false, superficial, interested and avaricious, he obtained an influence over her mind, which he knew how to improve to his own advantage, and which ended only with her life.

Cardinal Azzolini managed her affairs with prudence and economy, and she was thenceforth spared a repetition of those vexations and degrading expedients which had so frequently lowered her in the eyes of the Italians. Notwithstanding the philosophical contempt she sometimes affected for all outward state, she entertained at Rome a numerous and royal train: she was sometimes reduced to the necessity of pledging her jewels, plate, medals &c., for the support of her household, merely because on public occasions she could not bear to be eclipsed in splendour by the Italian nobles, whom she affected to despise.

Although Christina accepted of the pension granted by the Pope, and had some reason to be grateful for such a seasonable mark of his beneficence, they were not therefore better friends. Alexander was weak, artificial, trifling; Christina was careless, petulant, and haughty; continual subjects of discontent arose between them, which it required all the subtle and insinuating genius of Azzolini to set right. Her journey to France, and the number of French and Spaniards entertained in her suite, had excited the jealousy of the Papal Court, and she was continually watched, and contradicted about trifles. On one occasion, she required permission for two Frenchmen of rank to view the Castle of St. Angelo, which was refused: Christina sent back the messenger with this reply: "Tell the Holy Father that I am not less the daughter of the Great Gustavus!" There was indeed a time when the very sound of that mighty name had shaken to its foundation the spiritual and temporal power of the Roman Pontiff, and made his tiara tremble on his palsied head: — that time was past; and Alexander only smiled at the impotent sarcasm from one whom he held in dependence upon his bounty. Christina had negociated a marriage between her Major Domo, Santinelli, (the same who had stabbed Monaldeschi [sic],) and the Duchess de Ceri, a noble and beautiful Roman heiress. The Pope intimated his disapproval — Christina persisted: the Pope interfering in a summary manner, shut the young duchess up in a convent, and ordered Santinelli to leave Rome. The queen then dismissed all the Italians from her train, quitted the Palazzo Mazarin, and took up her lodgings in a convent. Here she found herself under the continual espionage of the ecclesiastics. She fretted with inward impatience, but she was in a situation where remonstrance was useless, complaint degrading, and resistance dangerous. It was necessary to study a new and bitter lesson; to be quiet, and to submit. In the midst of these contentions, she maintained a certain appearance of respect and decorum, mingled several times in the public processions, and begged and received the benediction of his Holiness. As if instigated by the spirit of contradiction, she took some pains at this time to conciliate the good will of the Romans: she was liberal, magnificent, and courteous, in all her actions, and defeated the attempts to intimidate or to irritate her by the most resolute self-control.

It must be remarked as a part of Christina's character, or rather of that inconsistency which bordered on disease, that with her no mode of conduct, no tastes or inclinations, or aims, or pursuits, were permanent. Her love of literature and art, for which, it is said, she sacrificed her throne, had the appearance of a caprice taken up from time to time; and for a long period together she would devote herself to the most trifling amusements; — to the dreams of alchemy, or astrology, or to political intrigues.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Friday, November 21, 2025

Pope Alexander VII's second letter of October 14/24 (New Style), 1655 to Kristina

Sources:

Historia della Sacra Real Maestà di Cristina Alessandra Regina di Svetia, pages 134 to 135, by Count Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato, 1656; original at the Getty Research Institute


The history of the sacred and Royal Majesty of Christina Alessandra Queen of Swedland, &c., book 4, translated by John Burbury, 1658; original at the University of Michigan Library


Pope Alexander VII's other letter of the same day to Kristina is here:


The letter:

Carissime in Christo filiæ nostræ Christinæ Sueciæ Reginæ Illustri. ALEXANDER PAPA VII. Carissima in Christo filia nostra salutem, & Apostolicam benedictionem. Quanta sumus in expectatione aduentus Maiestatis tuæ luculenter significabunt Venerabiles fratres Hannibal Thebanus, & Lucas Rauennatum Archiepiscopi, ac Dilecti filij Magistri Inicus Caracciolus Cameræ Apostolicæ Dæcanus, eiusdemque Clericus Philippus Cæsarinus Nostri ad Maiestatem tuă extraordinarij Nuncij. In hac enim gaudij magnitudine vix animo imperare potuimus, vt eius interpretes intra Ecclesiasticæ ditionis fines se tenerent, atque in tuo ingressu lætitiæ, incensæque erga te charitatis summam explicarent. Huius autem voluptatis sensum quoniam tuo in pectore minorem esse haud quaquam putamus, minimè dubitamus quin gratissima etiam tibi futura sit hæc paterni amoris, cupidissimæque voluntatis significatio. Interea suaue est illius dici, ac iucunditatis, cùm te inter faustas omnium gratulationes Roma excepiet, ac tu sapientiæ, quam olim non ex Christi doctrina, sed in Philosophorum ludo dediceras apud stulta huius Mundi, & interdictos, & ignobiles, veros fontes reperieres, & ad Apostolorum exuuias Principum, ac Regnum monumenta, velut de Mundi fastus Crucis Discipulos triumphantes aspicies, iam nunc non exiguam aut leuem partem delibare. Cæterùm ea est nobilitas generis, & præter familiæ decus quæsitæ à singulis eorum, quos ad Maiestatem tuam mittimus laudes, vt per quam difficile apud te futurum sit quid in quoque magis probes, constituere. Modò Deus, cuius verbum faciunt venti, & spiritus procellarum, ipse sit in itinere tuo, ac Maiestati tuæ quas amantissimè impertimur benedictiones largiatur. Datum Romæ apud Sanctam Mariam Maiorem sub Annulo Piscatoris die 24. Octobris M.DC.LV. Pontificatus Nostri Anno Primo.
Natalis Rondininus.

With modernised spelling:

Carissime in Christo filiæ Nostræ, Christinæ Sueciæ Reginæ illustri.
Alexander Papa VII.
Carissima in Christo filia Nostra, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Quanta sumus in expectatione adventus Majestatis Tuæ luculenter significabunt venerabiles fratres Hannibal Thebanus et Lucas Ravennatum, archiepiscopi, ac dilecti filii magistri Inicus Caracciolus, Cameræ apostolicæ dæcanus, ejusdemque clericus Philippus Cæsarinus, Nostri ad Majestatem Tuam extraordinarii nuntii. In hac enim gaudii magnitudine vix animo imperare potuimus, ut ejus interpretes intra ecclesiasticæ ditionis fines se tenerent, atque in tuo ingressu lætitiæ, incensæque erga te caritatis summam explicarent.

Hujus autem voluptatis sensum quoniam tuo in pectore minorem esse haud quaquam putamus, minime dubitamus quin gratissima etiam tibi futura sit hæc paterni amoris, cupidissimæque voluntatis significatio.

Interea suave est illius dici, ac jucunditatis, cum te inter faustas omnium gratulationes Roma excepiet, ac tu sapientiæ, quam olim non ex Christi doctrina, sed in philosophorum ludo dediceras apud stulta hujus mundi, et interdictos, et ignobiles, veros fontes reperieres, et ad Apostolorum exuvias principum, ac regnum monumenta, velut de mundi fastus Crucis discipulos triumphantes aspicies, jam nunc non exiguam aut levem partem delibare.

Cæterum ea est nobilitas generis, et præter familiæ decus quæsitæ a singulis eorum, quos ad Majestatem Tuam mittimus laudes, ut per quam difficile apud te futurum sit quid in quoque magis probes, constituere. Modo Deus, cujus Verbum faciunt venti, et spiritus procellarum, ipse sit in itinere tuo, ac Majestati Tuæ quas amantissime impertimur benedictiones largiatur. Datum Romæ, apud Sanctam Mariam Majorem sub Annulo Piscatoris, die 24 octobris 1655, pontificatus Nostri anno primo.
Natalis Rondininus.

French translation (my own):

A Notre très chère fille en Christ, l'illustre Reine Christine de Suède.
Pape Alexandre VII.
Notre très chère fille en Christ, Nos salutations et bénédiction apostolique. L'impatience que Nous avons de sa venue sera clairement manifestée par les vénérables frères Annibal de Thèbes et Luc de Ravenne, archevêques, et Nos chers fils, le magistrat Innico Carracciolo, diacre de la Chambre apostolique, et son clerc Philippe Cesarino, Nos nonces extraordinaires auprès de Votre Majesté. Car, dans cette immense joie, Nous ne saurions exiger que ses interprètes se tiennent dans les limites de l'autorité ecclésiastique et qu'à son arrivée, ils lui témoignent la plus grande joie et une charité ardente. Mais, persuadés que ce plaisir n'est en rien moindre dans son cœur, Nous ne doutons pas que cette expression de Notre amour paternel et de Notre désir le plus fervent lui soit également très agréable.

En attendant, il est doux et joyeux d'apprendre que, lorsque Rome l'accueillera au milieu des félicitations de tous, elle possédera désormais une part non négligeable de la sagesse que elle tient autrefois non de la doctrine du Christ, mais de l'école des philosophes, parmi les folies de ce monde; elle aura trouvé les véritables sources, à la fois interdites et ignobles, et elle contemplera les vêtements des Apôtres et les monuments des princes et des rois comme les disciples de la Croix triomphant de l'orgueil du monde.

Pour le reste, c'est la noblesse de lignée et, de surcroît, l'honneur familial de ceux que Nous envoyons à Votre Majesté en témoignage de louanges qui rendent difficile pour elle de choisir ce qu'elle approuve le plus dans chaque cas. Que Dieu, dont la Parole crée les vents et l'esprit des tempêtes, l'accompagne dans son voyage et accorde à Votre Majesté les grâces que Nous lui transmettons avec le plus grand amour. Donnée à Rome, à Sainte-Marie-Majeure, sous l'Anneau du Pêcheur, le 24 octobre 1655, en la première année de Notre pontificat.
Natalis Rondininus.

Swedish translation (my own):

Till Vår käraste dotter i Kristus, den durchlauchtiga Drottning Kristina av Sverige.
Påven Alexander VII.
Vår käraste dotter i Kristus, Våra hälsningar och Vår apostoliska välsignelse. Hur mycket Vi väntar på Ers Majestäts ankomst kommer tydligt att anges av de vördnadsvärda bröderna Annibale av Thebe och Luca av Ravenna, ärkebiskopar, och Våra älskade söner magistraten Innico Carracciolo, diakon för den Apostoliska kammaren, och hans kanslist Filippo Cesarino, Våra nuntier extraordinarie inför Ers Majestät. Ty i denna stora glädje skulle Vi knappast kunna beordra att dess uttolkare skulle hålla sig inom den kyrkliga auktoritetens gränser och att de, vid Er ankomst, skulle uttrycka den största glädje och brinnande kärlek till Er. Men eftersom Vi inte tror att känslan av denna glädje på något sätt är mindre i Ert hjärta, tvivlar Vi inte på att detta uttryck för Vår faderliga kärlek och yttersta vilja också kommer att vara Er mycket välbehagligt.

Under tiden är det ljuvt och glädjande att förnimma att när Rom tar emot Er bland allas glada gratulationer, kommer Ni nu att få en inte ringa del av den visdom som Ni en gång inte hämtade från Kristi lära, utan från filosofernas skola, bland denna världens dåraktiga ting, och Ni kommer att ha funnit de sanna källorna, både förbjudna och oädla, och Ni kommer att se Apostlarnas kläder och furstars och konungars monument som Korsets lärjungar som segrar över världens stolthet.

För övrigt är det släktlinjens ädelhet och, utöver det, familjehedern hos dem som Vi sänder till Ers Majestät i lovord som gör det svårt för Er att avgöra vad Ni mest uppskattar i varje enskilt fall. Må Gud, vars Ord skapar vindar och stormars anda, vara med Er på Er resa och ge Ers Majestät de välsignelser som Vi kärleksfullt delar med Er. Givet i Rom i Santa Maria Maggiore under Fiskarringen, den 24 oktober 1655, under det första året av Vårt pontifikat.
Natalis Rondininus.

English translation (by Burbury):

TO OUR DEAREST DAUGHTER IN CHRIST, CHRISTINA, THE ILLUSTRIOUS QUEEN OF SWEDLAND, ALEXANDER THE VIITH POPE.
Our most dear Daughter in Christ, Greeting and Apostolical benediction.
In what great expectation we are of your Majesties arrival, our venerable Brothers, Hannibal of Thebes, and Luke of Ravenna, Arch-Bishops, and our beloved sons Mr. Inico Caraccioli, Dean of the Apostolical Chamber, and Philip Cesarini Clerk of the same, our extraordinary Nuntii to your Majesty will evidently declare. For in this excesse of joy we could scarce contain our selves, that the interpreters of it might be kept within the limit of Churches Dominions, and expresse at your entrance the summe of our gladnesse and great charity towards you. But because we suppose you as sensible of this joy and content, we doubt not but this intimation of our paternal love, and earnest good will, will likewise be most gratefull to you. In the mean time 'tis a sweet thing to us, to think of the No small or light portion of the pleasure of that day, when Rome shall receive you with the glad congratulations of all, and you finde the true fountains of wisdom, which you formerly have learned, not from the doctrine of Christ, But in the schoole of Philosophers, amongst the foolish things of this world, and the interdicted, and ignoble, and behold at the shrines of the Apostles, the monuments of Princes and Kings, the Disciples of the Crosse triumphing, as it were 'ore the pride and pomp of the World.

For the rest, so well are they descended whom we send to your Majesty, and such praises have they purchased, besides, a noble family, that it will be a hard thing for you to determine what you in each of them shall most like. Now God, whose Word the winds, and the tempests obey, be with you in your journy, and confer on your Majesty the blessings wee most lovingly impart.
Given at Rome at Saint Maries, the greater, under the Ring of the Fisher the 24 of October 1655, in the first year of our Papacy.
Natalis Rondininus.

With modernised spelling:

To Our dearest daughter in Christ, Kristina, the illustrious Queen of Swedeland.
Alexander the VIIth, Pope.
Our most dear daughter in Christ, greeting and apostolical benediction.
In what great expectation We are of Your Majesty's arrival, Our venerable Brothers, Hannibal of Thebes and Luke of Ravenna, archbishops, and Our beloved sons Mr. Innico Carraccioli, dean of the Apostolical Chamber, and Philip Cesarini, clerk of the same, Our extraordinary nuntii to Your Majesty, will evidently declare. For, in this excess of joy, We could scarce contain Ourselves that the interpreters of it might be kept within the limit of Church's dominions and express at your entrance the sum of our gladness and great charity towards you. But, because We suppose you as sensible of this joy and content, we doubt not but this intimation of Our paternal love and earnest good will will likewise be most grateful to you.

In the meantime, 'tis a sweet thing to Us to think of the no small or light portion of the pleasure of that day when Rome shall receive you with the glad congratulations of all, and you find the true fountains of wisdom which you formerly have learned not from the doctrine of Christ, but in the school of philosophers, amongst the foolish things of this world and the interdicted and ignoble, and behold at the shrines of the Apostles, the monuments of princes and kings, the Disciples of the Cross triumphing, as it were, o'er the pride and pomp of the world.

For the rest, so well are they descended whom We send to Your Majesty, and such praises have they purchased, besides, a noble family, that it will be a hard thing for you to determine what you in each of them shall most like. Now God, whose Word the winds and the tempests obey, be with you in your journey and confer on Your Majesty the blessings We most lovingly impart.
Given at Rome at Saint Mary's the Greater, under the Ring of the Fisher, the 24 of October 1655, in the first year of Our papacy.
Natalis Rondininus.

English translation (my own):

To Our dearest daughter in Christ, the Illustrious Queen Kristina of Sweden.
Pope Alexander VII.
Our dearest daughter in Christ, Our greetings and apostolic blessing. How much We are in expectation of the arrival of Your Majesty will be clearly indicated by the venerable brothers Annibale of Thebes and Luca of Ravenna, archbishops, and Our beloved sons the magistrate Innico Carracciolo, deacon of the Apostolic Chamber, and his clerk Filippo Cesarino, Our nuncios extraordinary to Your Majesty. For in this greatness of joy We could scarcely command that its interpreters should keep themselves within the bounds of ecclesiastical authority and that, upon your entry, they should express the utmost joy and ardent charity towards you. But because We do not think that the feeling of this pleasure is in any way less in your heart, we do not doubt that this expression of Our paternal love and most eager will will be most pleasing to you too.

In the meantime, it is sweet and joyful to be told that, when Rome will receive you amidst the happy congratulations of all, you will now have no small or slight part of the wisdom which you once had derived not from the doctrine of Christ, but in the school of philosophers, among the foolish things of this world, and you will have found the true sources, both forbidden and ignoble, and you will look upon the vestments of the Apostles, and the monuments of princes and kings as the disciples of the Cross triumphing over the pride of the world.

For the rest, it is the nobility of lineage and, besides that, the honour of family of those whom We send to Your Majesty in praise that makes it difficult for you to decide what you approve of most in each case. Now may God, whose Word makes the winds and the spirit of storms, be with you on your journey and grant to Your Majesty the blessings which We most lovingly impart. Given at Rome at Santa Maria Maggiore under the Ring of the Fisherman, on October 24, 1655, in the first year of Our pontificate.
Natalis Rondininus.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Alexander VII.

Notes: content = contentment.

grateful = pleasing to the mind or senses; agreeable, pleasant, welcome.

Thursday, November 20, 2025

King Felipe (Philip) IV of Spain's letter to Pope Alexander VII, dated July 23/August 2 (New Style), 1655

Source:

Christine de Suède et le cardinal Azzolino: Lettres inédites (1666-1668), pages 37 to 38 and footnote 1, by Baron Carl Bildt, 1899; courtesy of the Swedish Royal Library (Kungliga biblioteket) via Litteraturbanken.se


"... Mais il fallait encore compter avec le pape. Quelle réception ferait-il à une convertie qui, aux yeux du monde, resterait encore une hérétique? — Philippe IV se chargea de sonder le terrain. Il écrivit, le 2 août 1655, à Alexandre VII pour lui faire part des intentions de la Reine, mais il se heurta à un refus formel. Le pape exigeait absolument que la Reine n'entrât à Rome qu'après une profession de foi publique. C'était en effet la seule solution possible, et Christine en prit vite son parti. — Cependant cette négociation avait fait perdre du temps, et ce ne fut que le 22 septembre que la Reine put enfin quitter Bruxelles pour s'acheminer vers l'Italie. ..."

"... But the Pope still had to be reckoned with. How would he receive a convert who, in the eyes of the world, would still remain a heretic? — Felipe IV took it upon himself to sound out the ground. On August 2, 1655, he wrote to Alexander VII to inform him of the Queen's intentions, but he was met with a formal refusal. The Pope absolutely demanded that the Queen enter Rome only after a public profession of faith. This was, in fact, the only possible solution, and Kristina quickly accepted it. — However, this negotiation had wasted time, and it was not until September 22 that the Queen was finally able to leave Brussels to get on the road to Italy. ..."

The letter (in Bildt's French translation from a Spanish copy in the Vatican Archives):

TRÈS SAINT PÈRE,
Dieu Notre Seigneur, qui tient dans sa main les cœurs des Rois, a inspiré à celui de la Sérénissime Reine de Suède, en lui donnant la lumière pour arriver à la connaissance de la vérité infaillible de notre Sainte Religion Catholique, de se réfugier dans le giron de la Sainte Église Apostolique Romaine.

Je dois à la Reine de m'avoir confié ce secret et de m'avoir choisi comme confident d'une aussi grande résolution; pour pouvoir l'exécuter, la Reine a décidé de quitter le Royaume et, sous différents prétextes et détours, elle est venue fixer sa résidence en mes provinces du Pays-Bas, où elle se trouve aujourd'hui, cherchant à arranger avec le Roi ses affaires d'intérêt, de telle façon que, convertissant en une somme d'argent ce que peut rapporter la partie de cet État réservée pour sa subsistance, la Reine se trouve libre de toute espèce de dépendance envers ce Royaume, et puisse jouir de la tranquillité qu'elle désire. Ce motif l'oblige à suspendre pour le moment sa déclaration, tant que durera la négociation qu'elle traite en Suède, mais elle n'a pas voulu tarder à apprendre la nouvelle à Votre Sainteté et, augmentant les obligations que je lui dois par cette nouvelle faveur, elle a voulu que ce fût moi qui communicât à Votre Béatitude une nouvelle aussi agréable, me choisissant en outre comme parrain pour sa régénération, afin que, réunis, nous arrivions aux très saints pieds de Votre Sainteté avec ce noble trophée de l'Église, qui rendra heureux le début du bienheureux Pontificat de Votre Béatitude.

La Reine désire que cette matière ne soit révélée qu'à Votre Sainteté, et c'est pourquoi je l'ai totalement cachée au Duc de Terranova, en lui enjoignant de remettre immédiatement cette lettre entre les mains de Votre Béatitude, sans rien ajouter à ce que je lui ai ordonné, et de dire à Votre Sainteté que la matière de son contenu doit être traitée entre Votre Béatitude et moi seuls. Je demeure avec la plus grande joie que je puis de la [...] qu'a fait la Reine et de ce que la Providence de Notre Seigneur ait permis que ce fût pendant le Pontificat de Votre Sainteté, à qui je désire du plus profond de mon cœur toute félicité et de nombreuses années de vie.
De Madrid le 2 août 1655.
Le très humble fils de Votre Sainteté,
LE ROI.

Swedish translation (my own):

Heligaste Fader,
Gud Vår Herre, som håller konungarnas hjärtan i sina händer, har inspirerat Sveriges Durchlauchtigaste Drottning, genom att ge henne ljuset för att komma till kunskap om vår Heliga Katolska Religions ofelbara sanning, att söka tillflykt i den Heliga Romerska och Apostoliska Kyrkans famn.

Jag är drottningen skyldig för att hon anförtrott mig denna hemlighet och för att hon valt mig som förtrogne för ett så stort beslut; för att kunna genomföra det beslutade drottningen att lämna riket och, under olika förevändningar och omvägar, kom hon för att etablera sin bostad i mina provinser i Nederländerna, där hon befinner sig idag, och försökte ordna sina intressen med konungen, på ett sådant sätt att drottningen, genom att omvandla till en summa pengar det som kan inbringas av den del av denna Stat som reserverats för hennes uppehälle, finner sig fri från allt slags beroende av detta rike och kan njuta av den lugn hon önskar.

Detta motiv förpliktar henne att för tillfället uppskjuta sin förklaring så länge den förhandling hon trakterar i Sverige pågår, men hon har inte velat dröja med att underrätta Ers Helighet om nyheten, och i ökande grad har hon velat att det skall vara jag som meddelar Ers Salighet sådana angenäma nyheter, och har dessutom valt mig till gudfader för hennes pånyttfödelse, så att vi, återförenade, kan anlända till Ers Helighets heligaste fötter med denna Kyrkans ädla trofé, som kommer att göra början på Ers Salighets välsignade pontifikat lycklig.

Drottningen önskar att denna sak endast skall avslöjas för Ers Helighet, och det är därför jag helt har dolt den för hertigen av Terranova och instruerat honom att omedelbart överlämna detta brev till Ers Salighets händer, utan att jag lägger till något till det jag har beordrat, och att säga Ers Helighet att dess innehåll måste behandlas mellan Ers Salighet och mig ensamma. Jag förblir med den största glädje jag kan uppleva över drottningens handling och att Vår Herres försyn har låtit detta ske under Ers Helighets pontifikat, till vilken jag från djupet av mitt hjärta önskar all lycka och många levnadsår.
Från Madrid, den 2 augusti 1655.
Ers Helighets ödmjukaste son
Konungen.

English translation (my own):

Most Holy Father,
God Our Lord, who holds the hearts of kings in His hands, has inspired the Most Serene Queen of Sweden, in giving her the light to come to the knowledge of the infallible truth of our Holy Catholic Religion, to take refuge in the bosom of the Holy Roman and Apostolic Church.

I owe it to the Queen for having entrusted me with this secret and for having chosen me as the confidant of such a great resolution; in order to be able to execute it, the Queen decided to leave the kingdom and, under various pretexts and detours, she came to establish her residence in my provinces of the Netherlands, where she is today, seeking to arrange with the King her affairs of interest, in such a way that, converting into a sum of money what can be brought in by the part of this State reserved for her subsistence, the Queen finds herself free from all kinds of dependence on this kingdom and can enjoy the tranquility she desires.

This motive obliges her to suspend her declaration for the moment for as long as the negotiation she is treating in Sweden lasts, but she has not wanted to delay apprising Your Holiness of the news and, increasing the obligations I owe her by this new favour, she has wanted it to be me who communicated such agreeable news to Your Beatitude, choosing me moreover as godfather for her regeneration, so that, reunited, we may arrive at the most holy feet of Your Holiness with this noble trophy of the Church, which will make the beginning of Your Beatitude's blessed pontificate happy.

The Queen desires that this matter be revealed only to Your Holiness, and that is why I have totally hidden it from the Duke de Terranova, instructing him to immediately deliver this letter into Your Beatitude's hands, without my adding anything to what I have ordered, and to tell Your Holiness that the subject of its contents must be treated between Your Beatitude and me alone. I remain with the greatest joy I am capable of at the Queen's action and that the Providence of Our Lord has allowed it to happen during Your Holiness's Pontificate, to whom I wish from the depths of my heart all felicity and many years of life.
From Madrid, August 2, 1655.
Your Holiness's most humble son
The King.


Above: Kristina.


Above: King Felipe (Philip) IV of Spain.


Above: Pope Alexander VII.

Note: Diego Tagliavia de Aragón, the Duke de Terranova (born circa 1596, died 1663), was the Spanish ambassador to Rome.

Thursday, November 6, 2025

Excerpt from Jerónimo de Barrionuevo's letter to "the Dean of Zaragoza" (actually to Lorenzo Francés de Urrutigoyti, Dean of the Cathedral of Sigüenza), dated November 14/24 (New Style), 1655

Source:

Avisos de D. Jerónimo de Barrionuevo (1654-1658), volume 2, page 222, by Jerónimo de Barrionuevo, published by Antonio Paz y Mélia, 1892; original at the University of Toronto - Robarts Library


The letter excerpt:

Madrid y Noviembre 24 de 1655.
... Su Santidad le ha hecho á la Reina de Suecia una carroza, litera y silla, cosa muy rica, para que salga por Roma, y las Princesas de Rosano y Botera han salido por su orden á recibirla y para que la asistan. ...
Guarde Dios á Vm. como puede, deseo y le suplico.

With modernised spelling:

Madrid, y noviembre 24 de 1655.
... Su Santidad le ha hecho a la reina de Suecia una carroza, litera y silla, cosa muy rica, para que salga por Roma; y las princesas de Rossano y Butera han salido por su orden a recibirla y para que la asistan. ...
Guarde Dios a Vuestra Merced como puede, deseo y le suplico.

French translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

Madrid, le 24 novembre 1655.
… Sa Sainteté a offert à la reine de Suède un carrosse, une litière et une chaise — un présent très précieux — pour son voyage à travers Rome; et les princesses Rossano et Butera sont parties sur son ordre pour la recevoir et l'assister. …
Que Dieu garde Votre Grâce comme il le peut, comme je le désire et le lui demande.

Swedish translation (my own):

Madrid, den 24 november 1655.
... Hans Helighet har försett Sveriges drottning med en kaross, en bårstol och en stol — en mycket rik gåva — för hennes resa genom Rom; och prinsessorna Rossano och Butera har avgått på hans befallning för att ta emot henne och betjäna henne. ...
Må Gud beskydda Ers Nåd så gott han kan, såsom jag önskar och bönfaller honom.

English translation (my own):

Madrid, November 24, 1655.
... His Holiness has provided the Queen of Sweden with a carriage, litter and chair — a very rich gift — for her journey through Rome; and the Princesses Rossano and Butera have departed at his command to receive her and attend her. ...
May God protect Your Grace as He can, as I desire and beseech Him.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Alexander VII.

Notes: Princess Rossano = Olimpia Aldobrandini (1623-1681).

Princess Butera = Margherita d'Austria Branciforte (1625-1660).

Wednesday, November 5, 2025

Ludvig Holberg's biography of Kristina, part 8

Source:

Adskillige Heltinders og navnkundige Damers sammenlignede Historier, volume 2, pages 226 to 228, by Ludvig Holberg, 1745; original at The British Library


The biography:

Efterat hun længe allevegne havde omflakket, begyndte hun at laborere af Penge-Mangel, helst da Sverrig, hvorfra hun havde sine Indkomster, blev indviklet i en saa kostbar Kriig, og derfore Remiserne ginge ikke saa rigtig meere, hvilket ophidsede hende saaledes mod Carl Gustav, at hun 1659 lovede Keyseren at opvække Rebellion i Pomern, og at skille Sverrig ved samme Province: Dog, saasom hun ikke længe var ved eet Sind, stod hun fra det Forsæt igien, og lod sig nøye med at besværge sig over Caroli Gustavi Utaknemmelighed. Men man kunde sige til samme Konges saavel som heele Sverrigs Undskyldning, først at Riget havde stor Penge-Mangel paa samme Tiid: Dernest at de aarlige Indkomster vare hende tillagde ikke for at prostituere Nationen, og at vanære hendes store Faders-Ihukommelse, ved at forsværge den Religion, som han ved sit Blod havde beskyttet: item ved at spille Comœdier udenlands, og at agere en vandrende Ridder. Den Afgang udi hendes aarlige Pension af Sverrig foraarsagede, at hun saae sig intet Middel til at holde sin begyndte Stat ved lige. Men Pave Alexander 7, som stedse havde ladet see Affection mod hende, gav hende aarligen til Underholdning 12000 Scudi, og beordrede til Forvalter derover Cardinal Azzolini, hvilken med saadan Fornuft og Agtsomhed førte hendes Cassa, at der imod Sædvane altid siden bleve Penge i Behold: og var det saavel i den Henseende som til hans behagelige Omgiengelse Dronningen fattede saadan Yndest til ham, at hun lovede at ville giøre ham til sin eeneste Arving. Om ellers nogen anden hemmelig Aarsag kand have tilveyebragt denne Affection, kand for vist ikke siges: Adskillige have henført den til en utilladelig Elskov. Men det kand være en Gisning uden Grund.

Paa samme Tiid døde Carl Gustav Kongen af Sverrig; hvorunder Dronning Christine fandt nødigt at giøre en Reyse til sit Fæderneland, for at i Agt tage sin Interesse ved en nye Regiering. Hun brød op fra Rom udi det Aar 1660, og reysede igiennem Dannemark til Sverrig, hvor hun med all Æres Beviisning blev imodtagen. Men alting bestod ikkun i Complimenter: thi den største Deel af Stænderne, som da vare forsamlede, sær de Geistlige, holdte for, at hun formedelst Religionens-Forandring efter Sverrigs Lov havde forbrudt all sin Ret, hvilket forbittrede Dronningen saa, at hun 3 gange faldt udi Graad, og, ligesom Stænderne beraabede sig paa Sverrigs Lov, saa beraabte hun sig paa den Convention, som ved hendes Afskeed var giort. Dog, saasom hun merkede, at hun med Haardhed intet kunde udrette, begyndte hun omsider at give gode Ord, og bad, at hende maatte tillades at holde Messe udi hendes eget Pallads. Dette blev hende ogsaa nægtet, hvorudover hun lod sit Capell nedrive, og gav de Romanske Præste Afskeed, som hun havde bragt med sig, ladende sig nøye med at bivaane GUds-Tienesten udi den Franske Gesandts Terlons Huus. Tvistighederne, angaaende hendes Prætensioner, varede en Tiid lang. Man forsikkrede hende endeligen om hendes Pension: Men, da hun paastod, at, hvis den unge Konge døde uden Livs-Arvinger, Kronen skulde tilfalde hende igien, blev saadant ikke alleene afslaaet, men hun blev ogsaa tilholden at fornye den Renuntiation, som hun engang tilforn havde giort.

With modernised spelling:

Efterat hun længe allevegne havde omflakket, begyndte hun at laborere af pengemangel, helst da Sverige, hvorfra hun havde sine indkomster, blev indviklet i en så kostbar krig, og derfore remisserne ginge ikke så rigtig mere, hvilket ophidsede hende således mod Karl Gustav, at hun 1659 lovede kejseren at opvække rebellion i Pommern, og at skille Sverige ved samme provins; dog, såsom hun ikke længe var ved ét sind, stod hun fra det forsæt igen og lod sig nøje med at besværge sig over Caroli Gustavi utaknemmelighed.

Men man kunne sige til samme konges såvel som hele Sveriges undskyldning, først at riget havde stor pengemangel på samme tid; dernæst at de årlige indkomster vare hende tillagde ikke for at prostituere nationen, og at vanære hendes store faders ihukommelse ved at forsværge den religion, som han ved sit blod havde beskyttet; item ved at spille komedier udenlands og at agere en vandrende ridder.

Den afgang udi hendes årlige pension af Sverige forårsagede, at hun så sig intet middel til at holde sin begyndte stat ved lige. Men pave Alexander 7., som stedse havde ladet se affektion mod hende, gav hende årligen til underholdning 12,000 scudi og beordrede til forvalter derover kardinal Azzolini, hvilken med sådan fornuft og agtsomhed førte hendes kasse, at der imod sædvane altid siden bleve penge i behold; og var det såvel i den henseende som til hans behagelige omgængelse dronningen fattede sådan yndest til ham, at hun lovede at ville gøre ham til sin éneste arving. Om ellers nogen anden hemmelig årsag kan have tilvejebragt denne affektion, kan for vist ikke siges; adskillige have henført den til en utilladelig elskov. Men det kan være en gisning uden grund.

På samme tid døde Karl Gustav, kongen af Sverige, hvorunder dronning Kristina fandt nødigt at gøre en rejse til sit fæderneland, for at iagttage sin interesse ved en nye regering. Hun brød op fra Rom udi det år 1660 og rejsede igennem Danmark til Sverige, hvor hun med all æresbevisning blev imodtagen.

Men alting bestod ikkun i komplimenter, thi den største del af Stænderne, som da vare forsamlede, sær de gejstlige, holdte for, at hun formedelst religionensforandring efter Sveriges lov havde forbrudt all sin ret, hvilket forbitrede dronningen så, at hun 3 gange faldt udi gråd; og, ligesom Stænderne beråbede sig på Sveriges lov, så beråbte hun sig på den konvention, som ved hendes afsked var gjort.

Dog, såsom hun mærkede, at hun med hårdhed intet kunne udrette, begyndte hun omsider at give gode ord og bad, at hende måtte tillades at holde messe udi hendes eget palads. Dette blev hende også nægtet, hvorudover hun lod sit kapel nedrive og gav de romanske præste afsked, som hun havde bragt med sig, ladende sig nøje med at bivåne gudstjenesten udi den franske gesandts Terlons hus.

Tvistighederne angående hendes prætensioner varede en tid lang. Man forsikrede hende endeligen om hendes pension; men, da hun påstod, at, hvis den unge konge døde uden livsarvinger, kronen skulle tilfalde hende igen, blev sådant ikke alene afslået, men hun blev også tilholden at forny den renunciation, som hun engang tilforn havde gjort.

English translation (my own):

After she had wandered everywhere for a long time, she began to suffer from lack of money, especially when Sweden, from which she had her income, became embroiled in such a costly war, and therefore the remittances did not go so well anymore, which so infuriated her against Karl Gustav that in 1659 she promised the Emperor to stir up rebellion in Pomerania and to separate Sweden from the same province; however, as she was not of one mind for long, she abandoned that intention again and contented herself with complaining about Karl Gustav's ingratitude.

But one could say for the same King's as well as all of Sweden's excuse firstly that the kingdom had a great shortage of money at the same time; secondly, that the annual incomes were not appropriated to her for prostituting the nation and dishonouring the memory of her great father by abjuring the religion which he had protected with his blood, as well as by playing comedies abroad and acting as a knight errant.

The stop of her annual pension from Sweden caused her to see no means of maintaining her begun state. But Pope Alexander VII, who had always shown affection for her, gave her 12,000 scudi annually for maintenance and ordered Cardinal Azzolino to be the manager of it, who managed her treasury with such prudence and care that, contrary to custom, money was always left over; and it was in this respect as well as in his pleasant company that the Queen took such a liking to him that she promised to make him her sole heir. Whether any other secret cause could have brought about this affection cannot certainly be said; several have attributed it to an impermissible love affair. But this may be a guess without foundation.

At the same time, Karl Gustav, King of Sweden, died, during which time Queen Kristina found it necessary to make a journey to her fatherland, to observe her interest in a new government. She set out from Rome in the year 1660 and travelled through Denmark to Sweden, where she was received with all honours.

But everything consisted only of compliments, for the greater part of the Estates who were then assembled, especially the clergy, held that by changing her religion she had violated all her rights under Swedish law, which so embittered the Queen that she fell into weeping three times; and, just as the Estates invoked Swedish law, so she invoked the convention that had been made at her departure.

However, as she felt that she could accomplish nothing by harshness, she finally began to give good words and asked that she might be allowed to celebrate Mass in her own palace. This was also refused to her, whereupon she had her chapel demolished and dismissed the Roman priests whom she had brought with her, contenting herself with attending the service in the house of the French envoy Terlon.

The disputes concerning her pretensions lasted a long time. She was finally assured of her pension; but when she claimed that if the young King died without heirs of his body, the crown should fall to her again, this was not only refused, but she was also required to renew the renunciation which she had made once before.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ludvig Holberg.

Ludvig Holberg's biography of Kristina, part 7

Source:

Adskillige Heltinders og navnkundige Damers sammenlignede Historier, volume 2, pages 218 to 226, by Ludvig Holberg, 1745; original at The British Library


Kristina's letter written in or after June 1654 to the Prince de Condé is here:


Her letter of October 26/November 5 (New Style), 1655 to Pope Alexander VII is here:


The biography:

Dronning Christina haver, siden hun forlod Riget, havt mange selsomme Avantures: Thi saasom hendes Characteer var at agere en tragœdisk Heroinde, saa er hendes øvrige Liv ikke andet end et Skuespill fuldt af Romanske og affecterede Actioner: Den første Skueplads, hvor hun siden hendes Bortgang først begyndte at forestille en Scene, var udi Nederlandene. Prindsen af Condé var den Helt, som hun der søgte, og til hvilken hun tilkiende gav sin Afstaaelse fra Regieringen ved et Brev af saadant Indhold:

"Jeg skulde have giort ilde i at forlade en Throne, som jeg hidindtil haver besiddet, uden at erkyndige eder om saadan Resolution. Til saadant haver mig drevet den Estime og Affection, som jeg haver baaret til eder, iligemaade det Venskab, som I have ladet see mod mig, den Tiid jeg sadd ved Roret. Nu, saasom jeg haver forandret min Stand, kommer jeg for at bevidne for eder, at u-anseet den Forandring, som Skiebnen haver giort i begges vores Lykke, at jeg stedse vil conservere den samme Estime, som jeg altid haver haft for eders Meriter, og holder jeg de gode Tanker, som I bærer for mig, at være mig lige saa stor Ære, som at være en regierende Dronning."

Det øvrige er af samme Surdey: Og kand man ikke uden Væmmelse høre saadan Snak, at en Dronning bevidner sig at have forladt Zepter og Krone af Affection for en fremmed Prinds, helst saasom Prindsen aldeles ingen Tieneste kunde have af hendes Afstaaelse, med mindre hun tillige med havde erklæret ham sin Successor. Hun lod sig ellers offentligen merke med at have foretaget sin Reyse alleene for at see bemeldte landflygtige Prinds, og at det giorde hende ondt, at der udi Bryssel intet Palais var saa stort, at hun der tillige med ham kunde logere. Prindsen lod sig strax indfinde for at aflegge sin Compliment. Men Omgiengelsen faldt ud til en Koldsindighed paa begge Sider, thi, saasom hun udi Ceremonialerne ikke tracterede Prindsen paa samme Fod, som Ertz-Hertugen, der var Gouverneur i de Spanske Nederlande, blev han fortrydelig derover, og vilde ikke exponere sig til nogen offentlig Visite; men alleene lod sig indfinde som en Particulier blant andre. Ja, da Dronningen siden, da hun blev ham vaer, vilde distingvere ham frem for andre, sagde han: "Madame tout ou rien", det er: "Enten alt eller intet", og derpaa gik bort; saa at derfore, om denne gode Dronning havde forladt Zepter og Krone eendeel for at see Prindsen af Condé, kunde saasom Compliment ikke andet end bringe hende af Hûmeur.

Men den store Motiv, som hun foregav til denne forunderlige Resolution, var den Attrae, som hun havde til Religionens Forandring, eller rettere, den Begierlighed hun havde til at bortdrive sin øvrige Tiid udi Frankrig og Italien, hvor hun ikke med Fornøyelse kunde leve, uden ved at antage Landets Troe. Jeg haver tilforn viset, at intet trykkede hende mindre end Religionen, og at derfore Pavens Troe kunde ikke være den Magnet, som trak hende til Italien. Men det maatte nu saa hede, en Masqve maatte paatages, og en Comœdie med største Gravitet og Andagt spilles. Saasnart hun var kommen i Nederlandene, forsvor hun hemmeligen sin Fæderne Troe til Bryssel, og siden offentligen til Inspruck, hvor Pave Alexander skikkede hende en vidtløftig Troens Bekiendelse, som hun paa Knæe oplæsede i Stadens Kirke, og det med saadan Andagt, at en Historieskriver vidner, at den Pavelige Bibliothecarius Lucas Holsteinius, som var overværende, neppe kunde bare sig for Graad, hvoraf man kand dømme, at samme lærde Bibliothecarius haver bedre kiendt Bøger end Mennesker; thi ingen, som kiendte Christina, kunde henføre hendes Omvendelse til anden end føromtalte Aarsag, iligemaade til den Begierlighed hun havde til at distingvere sig ved selsomme, usædvanlige og u-ordentlige Bedrifter; thi dertil sigtede alle hendes Idrætter. Chevreau anfører en Historie, som bestyrker dette: Dronning Christina, siger han, forsvoer den Lutherske Religion om Formiddagen, og, da man om Eftermiddagen regalerede hende udi Inspruck med en Comœdie, sagde hun til nogle fornemme Herrer, som did vare skikkede for at divertere hende: "Det er billigt, at I under mig at see et Skuespill, efterat jeg tilforn haver regaleret eder med et andet af samme Natur": "Je [sic] est bien juste que vous me donnies la Comœdie, apres vous avoir donné la farce."

Hun skrev derpaa et heel andægtigt Brev til Paven, sigende, at hun agtede Zepter og Krone mindre end den Ære at adlyde hans Hellighed; Om Paven troede noget deraf, kand med Sikkerhed ikke siges: Man seer alleene, at han lod som han ingen Tvivl bar om hendes Omvendelses Alvorlighed; thi da hun derpaa reysede til Rom, blev hun statteligen af hans Hellighed imodtagen. Christina fandt og sin Regning ved at holde stivt ved den Romerske Troe, helst saasom de Svenske Vexler siden begyndte at slaae feyl, og hun derfore maatte blive de Romerske Pavers Kostgienger: Iligemaade efterdi hende gaves fuldkommen Frihed til at søle sig udi alle Italienske Vellyster, som Orthodoxien paa de Steder udsletter.

Hun begav sig derefter til Frankrige for at omgaaes med lærde Folk i samme Rige. Om hun profiterede noget af deres Omgiengelse, skal jeg ey kunde sige. Det er troeligere, at hun af deslige Folks Hyklerie er bleven meere bestyrked udi hendes Forfængelighed. Een af de Franske Oratores flatterede hende da med disse Ord:

"Sveciam Christinam te fecit
Roma Christinam,
Utinam Gallia Christianissimam."

Om den gode Orator derved bildte sig ind, at den unge Konge af Frankrig torde faae i sinde at ægte hende, kiendte han samme Konge ikke ret, hvilken i den Alder saae heller efter en kiøn end en middelaldrig latinsk Dronning. Om hendes Ankomst til Frankrig og hendes Opførsel sammesteds haves tilforladelig Underretning udi Mad. [de] Mottevilles Memoires, hvoraf jeg noget her vil anføre. Da hendes Ankomst rygtedes udi Paris, begave sig meer end 20000 Borgere til Conflans for at imodtage hende. Gouverneuren af Paris med anden Øvrighed complimenterede hende ved St. Antonii Port. Hun blev ført igiennem Staden mellem en utroelig Mængde af Folk til Hoved-Kirken, hvor Te Deum blev siunget, og blev da en Skuepenge slagen, hvor hun forestilles til Hest med disse Ord: «Regina Svecorum in Urbem regie excepta.» Hertugen af Guise, som Kongen skikkede ud mod hende, havde giort hendes Portrait saaledes: Denne Prinzesse, siger han, er ikke høy af Positur, men haver en net Taille, smukke Hænder, noget høye Skuldre, hvilken Feyl hun dog skiuler ved hendes selsomme Klædedragt. Hendes Ansigt er stort; hun haver en krum Næse, glimrende Øyen og en smuk Hud, endskiøndt derpaa sees nogle Arr af Smaakopper. Hun bærer undertiden en Hat og Mands Skoe, haver Mands Røst og Maneer, affecterende en Amazoninde. Hun er ellers høflig, taler 8 Sprog, særdeles det Franske, ligesom hun kunde være fød udi Paris: Hun veed alting, indtil vore mindste Hof-Intriguer etc.

Folk støtte sig i Begyndelsen over hendes selsomme Dragt; men man vænnede sig til siden dertil. Man forundrede sig over hendes Geist, og over den store Kundskab hun havde om Frankriig, saasom hun kiendte ikke alleene alle fornemme Familier, men endogsaa alle lærde Mænd. Med et Ord: Hun kunde sige de Franske det, som de selv ikke vidste udi deres eget Land. Efterat hun havde beseet alting udi Paris, begav hun sig til Compiegne, hvor Hoffet var, af hvilket hun herligen blev imodtagen. Udi en Samtale, som der holdtes om Undersaatternes Troeskab mod Kongen, da een af de Nærværende sagde, at saadant fandtes hos alle honnete Folk, svarede hun: At det var sandt udi alle andre Lande, men at hun havde merket, at Utroeskab blev ikke regnet for den største Feyl udi Frankriig. Men, saa meget behagelig, som hun kunde giøre sig ved sin Esprit, saa meget foragtelig giorde hun sig ved hendes Opførsel: Hun lignede i ingen Ting et Fruentimmer, og tog ikke den fornødne Modestie udi agt: Paa den Italienske Comœdie brød hun undertiden udi en høy latter, og undertiden ved dybe Sukke og Berømmelser gav tilkiende, at Scenerne behagede hende. Hun pleyede at synge i Selskab, og undertiden var som henrykked udi Tanker. Hun var sig selv u-liig, høflig, but, fritalend[e] saavel udi Religions Sager som udi Ting, hvori hendes Kiøn udfordrer Taushed. Hun løftede Beenene høyt op paa Stolen, hvor hun sadd, endogsaa i Hoffets Nærværelse. Hun bandede ofte, og med et Ord, i-agttog intet af de Anstændigheder, som recommenderer høye Stands Personer: Hun syntes at have Afskye for all[t] Fruentimmer Selskab, og blev det der for des meere lagt hende til Last, da hun udi St. Germain lod see saa stor Begiærlighed efter at see en bekiendt Skiøge ved Navn Ninon, og var samme Ninon det eeneste Fruentimmer i Frankrig, for hvilket hun lod see megen Estime [sic].

Dette foraarsagede, at, da hun anden gang kom til Frankrig, nemlig 1657, man tracterede hende med Koldsindighed. Medens hun i samme Aar var til Fontainebleau, begik hun en meget hæslig Gierning, i det at hun dømte en af hendes Betientere, nemlig Monaldeschi, fra Livet, og ved sin Liv-Capitaine lod ham myrde. Medens Executionen skeede, diverterede hun sig, og var gandske lystig udi hendes Cabinet. Hvad samme Monaldeschis Brøde var, kand ingen sige. Der meenes, at han røbede nogle af hendes hemmelige Historier. Det heele Land havde Afskye for denne Gierning: og Hoffet besværgede sig derover, saasom det var formasteligt mod Regieringen; dog blev det derved: saa at man alleene lod sig nøye med at vise Koldsindighed mod hende. Hun lod, siger Mad. [de] Motteville, i det øvrige see slet Opførsel. Hun løb masqvered paa alle Balls, foer ofte paa Comœdien gandske alleene med Mands-Personer, og udi de første Carosser, som hende mødte: saa at de Franske skiemmede sig over den Berømmelse, som de tilforn havde lagt paa hende: Og var man villig til at forsyne hende med Reyse-Penge, for at blive hende des snarere qvit.

With modernised spelling:

Dronning Kristina haver, siden hun forlod riget, haft mange sælsomme avantures; thi, såsom hendes karakter var at agere en tragedisk heroinde, så er hendes øvrige liv ikke andet end et skuespil fuldt af romanske og affekterede aktioner. Den første skueplads, hvor hun siden hendes bortgang først begyndte at forestille en scene, var udi Nederlandene. Prinsen af Condé var den helt, som hun der søgte, og til hvilken hun tilkendegav sin afståelse fra regeringen ved et brev af sådant indhold:

"Jeg skulle have gjort ilde i at forlade en trone, som jeg hidindtil haver besiddet, uden at erkyndige Eder om sådan resolution. Til sådant haver mig drevet den estime og affektion, som jeg haver båret til Eder, i lige måde det venskab, som I have ladet se mod mig, den tid jeg sad ved roret. Nu, såsom jeg haver forandret min stand, kommer jeg for at bevidne for Eder, at uanset den forandring, som skæbnen haver gjort i begges vores lykke, at jeg stedse vil konservere den samme estime, som jeg altid haver haft for Eders meriter, og holder jeg de gode tanker, som I bærer for mig, at være mig lige så stor ære, som at være en regerende dronning."

Det øvrige er af samme surdej; og kan man ikke uden væmmelse høre sådan snak, at en dronning bevidner sig at have forladt scepter og krone af affektion for en fremmed prins, helst såsom prinsen aldeles ingen tjeneste kunne have af hendes afståelse, medmindre hun tillige med havde erklæret ham sin successor. Hun lod sig ellers offentligen mærke med at have foretaget sin rejse alene for at se bemeldte landflygtige prins, og at det gjorde hende ondt, at der udi Bryssel intet palæ var så stort, at hun der tillige med ham kunne logere.

Prinsen lod sig straks indfinde for at aflægge sin kompliment. Men omgængelsen faldt ud til en koldsindighed på begge sider, thi, såsom hun udi ceremonialerne ikke trakterede prinsen på samme fod, som ertzhertugen, der var guvernør i de Spanske Nederlande, blev han fortrydelig derover og ville ikke eksponere sig til nogen offentlig visit; men alene lod sig indfinde som en partikulær blandt andre. Ja, da dronningen siden, da hun blev ham var, ville distingvere ham fremfor andre, sagde han: "Madame, tout ou rien" — det er: "Enten alt eller intet", og derpå gik bort; så at derfore, om denne gode dronning havde forladt scepter og krone endel for at se prinsen af Condé, kunne såsom kompliment ikke andet end bringe hende af humør.

Men den store motiv, som hun foregav til denne forunderlige resolution, var den attrå, som hun havde til religionens forandring, eller rettere, den begærlighed hun havde til at bortdrive sin øvrige tid udi Frankrig og Italien, hvor hun ikke med fornøjelse kunne leve, uden ved at antage landets tro.

Jeg haver tilforn viset, at intet trykkede hende mindre end religionen, og at derfore pavens tro kunne ikke være den magnet, som trak hende til Italien. Men det måtte nu så hedde, en maske måtte påtages, og en komedie med største gravitet og andagt spilles.

Så snart hun var kommen i Nederlandene, forsvor hun hemmeligen sin fædernetro til Bryssel, og siden offentligen til Innsbruck, hvor pave Alexander skikkede hende en vidtløftig troens bekændelse, som hun på knæ oplæsede i stadens kirke, og det med sådan andagt, at en historieskriver vidner, at den pavelige bibliothecarius Lucas Holstenius, som var overværende, næppe kunne bare sig for gråd, hvoraf man kan dømme, at samme lærde bibliothecarius haver bedre kendt bøger end mennesker; thi ingen, som kendte Kristina, kunne henføre hendes omvendelse til anden end føromtalte årsag, i lige måde til den begærlighed hun havde til at distingvere sig ved sælsomme, usædvanlige og uordentlige bedrifter; thi dertil sigtede alle hendes idrætter. Chevreau anfører en historie, som bestyrker dette:

Dronning Kristina, siger han, forsvor den lutherske religion om formiddagen, og, da man om eftermiddagen regalerede hende udi Innsbruck med en komedie, sagde hun til nogle fornemme herrer, som did vare skikkede for at divertere hende: "Det er billigt, at I under mig at se et skuespil, efterat jeg tilforn haver regaleret Eder med et andet af samme natur" — "[Il] est bien juste que vous me donniez la comédie, après vous avoir donné la farce."

Hun skrev derpå et hel andægtigt brev til paven, sigende, at hun agtede scepter og krone mindre end den ære at adlyde Hans Hellighed; om paven troede noget deraf, kan med sikkerhed ikke siges. Man ser alene, at han lod som han ingen tvivl bar om hendes omvendelses alvorlighed; thi da hun derpå rejsede til Rom, blev hun stateligen af Hans Hellighed imodtagen.

Kristina fandt og sin regning ved at holde stift ved den romerske tro, helst såsom de svenske veksler siden begyndte at slå fejl, og hun derfore måtte blive de romerske pavers kostgænger; i lige måde efterdi hende gaves fuldkommen frihed til at søle sig udi alle italienske vellyster, som ortodoksien på de steder udsletter.

Hun begav sig derefter til Frankrige for at omgås med lærde folk i samme rige. Om hun profiterede noget af deres omgængelse, skal jeg ej kunne sige. Det er troligere, at hun af deslige folks hykleri er bleven mere bestyrket udi hendes forfængelighed. Én af de franske oratores flatterede hende da med disse ord:

"Sueciam Christinam te fecit
Roma Christinam,
Utinam Gallia christianissimam."

Om den gode orator derved bildte sig ind, at den unge konge af Frankrig torde få i sinde at ægte hende, kendte han samme konge ikke ret, hvilken i den alder så hellere efter en køn end en middelaldrig latinsk dronning. Om hendes ankomst til Frankrig og hendes opførsel sammesteds haves tilforladelig underretning udi madame [de] Mottevilles Mémoires, hvoraf jeg noget her vil anføre.

Da hendes ankomst rygtedes udi Paris, begave sig mere end 20,000 borgere til Conflans for at imodtage hende. Guvernøren af Paris med anden øvrighed komplimenterede hende ved St. Anthonii port. Hun blev ført igennem staden mellem en utrolig mængde af folk til hovedkirken, hvor Te Deum blev sunget, og blev da en skuepenge slagen, hvor hun forestilles til hest med disse ord: «Regina Suecorum in Urbem regie excepta

Hertugen af Guise, som kongen skikkede ud mod hende, havde gjort hendes portræt således:

Denne prinsesse, siger han, er ikke høj af positur, men haver en net talje, smukke hænder, noget høje skuldre, hvilken fejl hun dog skjuler ved hendes sælsomme klædedragt. Hendes ansigt er stort; hun haver en krum næse, glimrende øjen og en smuk hud, endskønt derpå ses nogle arr af småkopper. Hun bærer undertiden en hat og mandssko, haver mands røst og manér, affekterende en amazoninde. Hun er ellers høflig, taler 8 sprog, særdeles det franske, ligesom hun kunne være født udi Paris. Hun ved alting, indtil vore mindste hofintriger, etc.

Folk stødte sig i begyndelsen over hendes sælsomme dragt; men man vænnede sig til siden dertil. Man forundrede sig over hendes gejst, og over den store kundskab hun havde om Frankrig, såsom hun kendte ikke alene alle fornemme familier, men endogså alle lærde mænd. Med et ord: hun kunne sige de franske det, som de selv ikke vidste udi deres eget land.

Efterat hun havde beset alting udi Paris, begav hun sig til Compiègne, hvor hoffet var, af hvilket hun herligen blev imodtagen. Udi en samtale, som der holdtes om undersåtternes troskab mod kongen, da én af de nærværende sagde, at sådant fandtes hos alle honnette folk, svarede hun, at det var sandt udi alle andre lande, men at hun havde mærket, at utroskab blev ikke regnet for den største fejl udi Frankrig.

Men, så meget behagelig, som hun kunne gøre sig ved sin esprit, så meget foragtelig gjorde hun sig ved hendes opførsel. Hun lignede i ingenting et fruentimmer, og tog ikke den fornødne modesti udi agt. På den italienske komedie brød hun undertiden udi en høj latter, og undertiden ved dybe sukke og berømmelser gav tilkende, at scenerne behagede hende. Hun plejede at synge i selskab, og undertiden var som henrykket udi tanker.

Hun var sig selv ulig, høflig, but, fritalend[e] såvel udi religionssager som udi ting, hvori hendes køn udfordrer tavshed. Hun løftede benene højt op på stolen, hvor hun sad, endogså i hoffets nærværelse. Hun bandede ofte, og med et ord, iagttog intet af de anstændigheder, som rekommanderer høje standspersoner. Hun syntes at have afsky for al[t] fruentimmerselskab, og blev det derfor des mere lagt hende til last, da hun udi Saint-Germain lod se så stor begærlighed efter at se en bekendt skøge ved navn Ninon, og var samme Ninon det éneste fruentimmer i Frankrig, for hvilket hun lod se megen estime [sic].

Dette forårsagede, at, da hun anden gang kom til Frankrig, nemlig 1657, man trakterede hende med koldsindighed. Medens hun i samme år var til Fontainebleau, begik hun en meget hæslig gerning, i det at hun dømte en af hendes betjentere, nemlig Monaldeschi, fra livet, og ved sin livkaptajn lod ham myrde. Medens eksekutionen skete, diverterede hun sig, og var ganske lystig udi hendes kabinet. Hvad samme Monaldeschis brøde var, kan ingen sige. Der menes, at han røbede nogle af hendes hemmelige historier.

Det hele land havde afsky for denne gerning, og hoffet besværgede sig derover, såsom det var formasteligt mod regeringen; dog blev det derved, så at man alene lod sig nøje med at vise koldsindighed mod hende. Hun lod, siger madame [de] Motteville, i det øvrige se slet opførsel. Hun løb maskeret på alle bals, for ofte på komedien ganske alene med mandspersoner, og udi de første karrosser, som hende mødte; så at de franske skæmmede sig over den berømmelse, som de tilforn havde lagt på hende; og var man villig til at forsyne hende med rejsepenge, for at blive hende des snarere kvit.

English translation (my own):

Queen Kristina had, since she left the kingdom, many strange adventures; for, as her character was to act a tragic heroine, so the rest of her life is nothing but a play full of romantic and affected actions. The first stage where she began to present a scene since her death was in the Netherlands. The Prince de Condé was the hero she sought there, and to whom she declared her resignation from the government by a letter of the following content:

"I would have done wrong to leave a throne which I have hitherto possessed without informing you of such a resolution. To such an end have driven me the esteem and affection which I have borne to you, equally the friendship which you have shown towards me, while I sat at the helm. Now, as I have changed my condition, I come to testify to you that, notwithstanding the change which fate has made in both our fortunes, that I will always preserve the same esteem which I have always had for your merits, and I hold the good thoughts which you bear for me to be to me as great an honour as to be a reigning queen."

The rest is of the same leaven; and one cannot hear without disgust such talk, that a queen testifies to having abandoned scepter and crown out of affection for a foreign prince, especially as the prince could have absolutely no service from her renunciation unless she had also declared him her successor. She otherwise made herself known publicly by having made her journey alone to see the said exiled prince, and that it pained her that there was no palace in Brussels large enough for her to lodge there with him.

The Prince immediately had himself summoned to pay his compliment. But the conversation turned out to be cold on both sides, for, as she did not treat the Prince on the same footing as the Archduke, who was governor of the Spanish Netherlands, he became resentful of it and would not expose himself to any public visit, but only let himself be summoned as a private person among others. Indeed, when the Queen afterwards, when she became aware of him, wanted to distinguish him above others, he said: "Madame, tout ou rien" — that is: "Either all or nothing", and then went away, so that, therefore, if this good queen had left scepter and crown at last to see the Prince de Condé, such a compliment could not but put her out of spirits.

But the great motive which she pretended for this strange resolution was the desire which she had for a change of religion, or rather, the desire which she had to spend the rest of her time in France and Italy, where she could not live with pleasure without adopting the faith of the country.

I have previously shown that nothing oppressed her less than religion, and that therefore the faith of the Pope could not be the magnet that drew her to Italy. But it had to be so now, a mask had to be put on, and a comedy had to be acted with the greatest gravity and devotion.

As soon as she had arrived in the Netherlands, she secretly renounced the faith of her fathers in Brussels, and then publicly in Innsbruck, where Pope Alexander sent her a lengthy confession of faith, which she read on her knees in the city church, and with such devotion that a historian testifies that the Papal librarian Lucas Holstenius, who was present, could hardly help but weep, from which one can judge that the same learned librarian knew books better than people, for no one who knew Kristina could attribute her conversion to any other cause than the aforementioned, equally to the desire she had to distinguish herself by strange, unusual and irregular achievements, for all her actions aimed at that. Chevreau cites a story that confirms this:

Queen Kristina, he says, abjured the Lutheran religion in the morning, and when in the afternoon she was treated to a comedy in Innsbruck, she said to some distinguished gentlemen who were there to entertain her: "It is fair that you should see a play under me, after I have previously treated you to another of the same nature" — "[Il] est bien juste que vous me donniez la comédie, après vous avoir donné la farce."

She then wrote a whole devout letter to the Pope, saying that she esteemed scepter and crown less than the honour of obeying His Holiness; whether the Pope believed any of it cannot be said with certainty. One sees only that he pretended that he had no doubt about the seriousness of her conversion, for, when she then travelled to Rome, she was received in a stately manner by His Holiness.

Kristina also found her way by adhering strictly to the Roman faith, preferably as the Swedish bills of exchange later began to fail, and she therefore had to become the boarder of the Roman Popes; in the same way, she was given complete freedom to wallow in all Italian pleasures, which orthodoxy in those places eradicates.

She then went to France to associate with learned people in the same kingdom. Whether she profited any by their interaction, I cannot say. It is more likely that she was further strengthened in her vanity by the hypocrisy of such people. One of the French orators then flattered her with these words:

"Sueciam Christinam te fecit
Roma Christinam,
Utinam Gallia christianissimam."

["Sweden made thee Kristina,
Rome made thee Kristina,
Would that France were most Christian."]

If the good orator thereby imagined that the young King of France would dare to think of marrying her, he did not know the same King well, who at that age looked rather for a fairer woman than a middle-aged Latin queen. Of her arrival in France and her conduct there is reliable information in Madame de Motteville's Mémoires, from which I will quote here.

When her arrival was announced in Paris, more than 20,000 citizens went to Conflans to receive her. The governor of Paris and other dignitaries complimented her at the Porte Saint-Antoine. She was led through the city amidst an incredible crowd to the main church, where the Te Deum was sung, and then a medal was struck, on which she is represented on horseback with these words: "Regina Suecorum in Urbem regie excepta" — "The Queen of Sweden royally welcomed into the City."

The Duke de Guise, whom the King sent to her, had made her portrait thus:

This princess, he says, is not tall in stature, but has a nice waist, beautiful hands, somewhat high shoulders, which defect she nevertheless hides by her strange dress. Her face is large; she has a crooked nose, brilliant eyes and a beautiful skin, although some scars from smallpox are visible on it. She sometimes wears a hat and men's shoes, has a man's voice and manners, affecting an Amazon. She is otherwise polite, speaks 8 languages, especially French, as if she had been born in Paris. She knows everything, down to our smallest court intrigues, etc.

People were offended at first by her strange dress, but they soon got used to it. They were amazed at her mind and at the great knowledge she had about France, as she knew not only all the noble families, but even all the learned men. In a word: she could tell the French what they themselves did not know in their own country.

After she had seen everything in Paris, she went to Compiègne, where the court was, by which she was gloriously received. In a conversation which was held about the fidelity of the subjects to the King, when one of those present said that such was found among all honest people, she replied that it was true in all other countries, but that she had noticed that infidelity was not considered the greatest fault in France.

But, as much as she could make herself agreeable by her wit, so much did she make herself contemptible by her conduct. She resembled a lady in nothing at all, and did not observe the necessary modesty. At the Italian comedy she sometimes burst into loud laughter, and sometimes by deep sighs and praises she made it known that the scenes pleased her. She used to sing in company, and sometimes was as if rapt in thought.

She was unlike herself, polite, blunt, outspoken both in religious matters and in matters on which her sex required silence. She raised her legs high on the chair where she sat, even in the presence of the court. She often swore, and in a word, observed none of the decencies that recommend persons of high station. She seemed to have abhorrence for all female company, and it was therefore all the more reproach was laid upon her when, in Saint-Germain, she showed such great desire to see a well-known harlot named Ninon, and this same Ninon was the only woman in France for whom she showed much esteem [sic].

This caused that, when she came to France the second time, namely in 1657, she was treated with coldness. While she was at Fontainebleau in the same year, she committed a very heinous deed, in that she sentenced one of her servants, namely Monaldeschi, to death, and had him murdered by the captain of her bodyguards. While the execution was taking place, she diverted herself and was quite merry in her cabinet. What Monaldeschi's crime was, no one can say. It is believed that he revealed some of her secret histories.

The whole country was disgusted with this deed, and the court complained about it, as it was presumptuous against the government; yet it remained there, so that they were content only to show coldness towards her. For the rest, she, says Madame de Motteville, showed bad behaviour. She went masked to all balls, too often to the comedy quite alone with men, and in the first carriages that met her, so that the French were ashamed of the praise which they had formerly laid on her, and they were willing to provide her with travelling money, in order to get rid of her the sooner.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ludvig Holberg.

Thursday, October 30, 2025

Corrado Ricci on Kristina's life in Italy, part 3

Sources:

Cristina di Svezia in Italia, article written by Corrado Ricci for Nuova antologia di scienze, lettere ed arti, volume 41 (125), pages 29 to 31, published by the Direction of Nuova antologia, 1892; original at the Bavarian State Library


Roma, visioni e figure: con 29 illustrazioni, pages 142 to 144, by Corrado Ricci, 1925; original at Cornell University


The article:

Intanto ad Alessandro VII crescevano i sopraccapi e i fastidi per la sua convertita che pretendeva costantemente onoranze eccessive, superiori alla prammatica e al cerimoniale in uso. Non rinunziò ella a visitare il Campidoglio perchè i Senatori si rifiutarono di riceverla a capo scoperto accampando che appunto a capo coperto i loro predecessori avevano ricevuto un imperatore come Carlo V? Ed è veramente curioso ch'ella persistisse ognor più a manifestare pretese su pretese, quando poi a sua volta mancava alle norme più semplici della devozione frequentando gli altari senza il rosario e senza libri di preghiera.

Ma le pratiche religiose erano una fatica noiosissima per lei che vera passione dimostrava solo per la sua Accademia, per le commedie e i drammi musicali. S'era messa sino a studiar canto con sommo dispiacere del papa. — Ma ben altre pillole il povero vecchio doveva ingoiare! — Da un dispetto, da un capriccio di lei potevano nascere danni sensibili alla religione, proprio quando la sua conversione cominciava a produrre utili risultati, avendola imitata il marchese di Sultzbach. Alla corte pontificia si sopportava tutto con santa pazienza, e s'andava anche coi piedi di piombo nel farla avvertita dei danni cui poteva andare incontro.

Ovvio però era l'accorgersi sin da principio che Cristina con le sue stranezze avrebbe finito per divenire la favola di Roma e perdere il prestigio dapprima esercitato sul pubblico; il quale, una sera, al teatro Barberini, dopo averla aspettata lungamente, perchè la rappresentazione potesse cominciare, al suo apparire l'accolse con urli e fischi. Cristina s'inchinò ringraziando, atto di sprezzante confidenza non degno certo d'una sovrana! E peggio fece ancora quando, ad un simile dispetto del pubblico, per un nuovo indugio, rispose fischiando da parte sua mefistofelicamente.

La plebe cessò allora di rispettarla. Al Corso le rivolse motti poco puliti cui rispose ridendo. Ai rimproveri, invece, che le venivano dall'alto, sino dal pontefice, pareva attendesse compunta, ma due minuti dopo, data una scrollatina di spalle, badava a fare i comodi suoi, fino a costringere il pontefice ad aspettarla in una chiesa dove non si recò che quando lo seppe partito!

Nella scelta del confidente religioso ella aveva seguìto fini criteri — diremo così — d'estetica! Il cardinal Decio Azzolini da Fermo non era soltanto un ingegno pronto e vivace, un parlatore brillante, ma anche un magnifico uomo, celebrato e favorito dalle dame. L'origine della conoscenza sua con Cristina si pretendeva risalisse ad una galanteria. Volendo colei discendere dalla carrozza presso S. Luigi dei Francesi e non sapendo dove porre il piede, tanto la via era limacciosa, egli, poco lontano, accorse, si levò la mantellina, la stese sul fango, e la regina passò. Falso o vero, il fatto — in sè ben poco importante — resterebbe a provare che l'Azzolini passava per un uomo galante. L'epigramma infatti del signor di Coulanges è assai più maligno che la storiella del mantello.

«Mais Azolin dans Rome
sceut charmer ses ennemis [sic].
Elle eût sans ce grand homme
passé des tristes nuits.»

L'autorità dell'Azzolini sull'animo di Cristina era tale che lo stesso pontefice si serviva di lui per intermediario quando voleva farlo sapere utili consigli. Invece, com'era a prevedersi, il cardinale le suggeriva le scuse e la tattica per avere soccorsi, consigliandole nei casi gravi a minacciar di rimpatriare; minaccia che faceva subito Alessandro arrendevole. Prometteva poi di vivere sobria, rassegnata e obbediente, e, promettendo soltanto, spillava danari al Papa quando già l'erario era tormentato dalla siccità. Ottenuto quanto voleva, si ribellava, e ad Alessandro, che la consigliava di ritirarsi, durante la peste, in un monastero, rispondeva di non esser nata per vivere fra quattro mura e di voler morire sul campo di battaglia. Il Provana soggiungeva ingenuamente: «Io non so che guerra voglia esser questa!» mentre il suo dubbio aveva un'efficace risposta in tutta la condotta di Cristina. La quale invece si preparava alla partenza e per mettere insieme quattrini impegnava i gioielli e vendeva malamente carrozze e cavalli.

Se n'andò una sera di luglio, e il riguardo del contagio non fu che la scusa per giustificare il viaggio che voleva fare in Francia ed in Germania. Andò fino a Civitavecchia a cavallo, accompagnata da parecchi cardinali e provvigionata dal Papa. «Aveva indosso» — dice il Claretta — «un giustacuore, una gala di trina, una sottana di colore sul bigio, solo a metà gamba; una ciarpa a traverso la vita; calze e scarpe bianche con rosetta nera, ed in testa una parrucca incipriata». Tutt'insieme, una bella caricatura!

English translation (my own):

In the meantime, Alexander VII's annoyances grew over his convert, who constantly demanded excessive honours, exceeding customary standards and ceremonial. Did she not give up visiting the Capitoline Hill because the Senators refused to receive her bareheaded, arguing that their predecessors had received an emperor like Charles V with their heads covered? And it is truly curious that she persisted in making ever greater demands when, in turn, she herself violated the simplest norms of devotion by frequenting altars without a rosary and without prayer books.

But religious practices were a very tedious chore for her, and she showed true passion only for her Academy, for comedies and musical dramas. She had even taken to studying singing, much to the Pope's displeasure. — But the poor old man had to swallow far different pills! — A single outburst, a whim on her part, could cause significant damage to religion, just when her conversion was beginning to produce useful results, as the Marquis of Sulzbach had imitated her. At the pontifical court, everything was endured with saintly patience, and they even proceeded with caution in warning her of the harm she might incur.

It was obvious, however, from the outset that Kristina, with her eccentricities, would eventually become the talk of Rome and lose the prestige she had initially wielded over the public. One evening, at the Teatro Barberini, the audience, after having waited a long time for her in order to begin the performance, greeted her with hoots and whistles upon her appearance. Kristina bowed in thanks, an act of contemptuous confidence certainly unworthy of a sovereign! And it was even worse when, in response to the audience's similar displeasure, she responded by Mephistophelianly whistling at herself for another delay.

The common people then ceased to respect her. At the Corso, they addressed her with unsavory remarks, to which she responded by laughing. She seemed to await the rebukes coming from above, even from the Pontiff, with composure; but two minutes later, with a shrug, she was going about her business, even forcing the Pontiff to wait for her in a church, where she did not show up until she learned he had left!

In choosing her religious confidant, she had followed fine — so to speak — aesthetic criteria! Cardinal Decio Azzolino of Fermo was not only a quick and lively genius, a brilliant speaker, but also a magnificent man, celebrated and favoured by the ladies. The origin of his acquaintance with Kristina was said to be based on gallantry. When she wanted to alight from the carriage near San Luigi dei Francesi and, unsure where to put her foot because the path was so muddy, he ran up nearby, took off his cloak, spread it on the mud, and the Queen passed by. True or false, the fact — in itself of little importance — would prove that Azzolino was considered a gallant man. Indeed, Monsieur de Coulanges's epigram is far more malicious than the story of the cloak.

"Mais Azolin dans Rome
sceut charmer ses ennemis [sic].
Elle eût sans ce grand homme
passé des tristes nuits."

["But Azzolino in Rome
knew how to charm her enemies [sic];
she had without this great man
passed sad nights."]

Azzolino's influence over Kristina's mind was such that the Pontiff himself used him as an intermediary when he wanted to pass on useful advice. Instead, as foreseen, the Cardinal suggested excuses and tactics for obtaining succour, advising her, in serious cases, to threaten repatriation — a threat that immediately made Alexander compliant. She then promised to live soberly, resignedly and obediently, and, by promising nothing more, she extorted money from the Pope when the treasury was already racked by drought. Having obtained what she wanted, she rebelled, and when Alexander advised her to retire to a monastery during the plague, she replied that she was not born to live within four walls and wanted to die on the battlefield. Provana naively added: "I don't know what kind of war this is!" while his doubts were effectively answered in Kristina's entire conduct. She, however, was preparing to leave and, to raise money, she pawned her jewels and sold carriages and horses at a low price.

She left one evening in July, and concern about the contagion was merely an excuse to justify the journey she wanted to make to France and Germany. She rode to Civitavecchia on horseback, accompanied by several cardinals and provisioned by the Pope. "She was wearing", says Claretta, "a justaucorps, a lace ruche, a greyish skirt that reached only mid-calf; a scarf around her waist; white stockings and shoes with a black rosette, and a powdered wig on her head." All in all, a fine caricature!


Above: Kristina.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.


Above: Corrado Ricci, painted by Ettore Tito in 1913.