Showing posts with label Kristina's love for some women. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kristina's love for some women. Show all posts

Friday, September 12, 2025

Article on Kristina in France, on her execution of Monaldeschi, and on her psyche, in "Åbo Underrättelser" newspaper, year 1931, part 1

Source:

Drottning-mörderska, article written by "Egon" for Åbo Underrättelser, issue 104, page 4, issue of Monday, April 20, 1931; original at the Finnish National Library (Kansalliskirjasto/Nationalbiblioteket)


Åbo Underrättelser, 20.04.1931 no 104, s. 4 https://digi.kansalliskirjasto.fi/sanomalehti/binding/2668194 Kansalliskirjaston Digitaaliset Aineistot


The article:

DROTTNING-
MÖRDERSKA.
Drottning Kristinas mord på Monaldeschi i Fontainebleau. Hennes psyke. — Ankomsten till Frankrike.
FRÅN Å. U:S PARISKORRESPONDENT.
Paris, i april.
Gustaf Vasas karaktäristik av svenskarna, „De äro ett hetsigt, men för storverk fallet folk”, är också en koncis psykologisk analys av Vasakynnet. Ett temperament på en gång koleriskt och sangviniskt... nerver, än starka som stålsträngar, än vekt dallrande som strängarna på Cecilia Vasas gitarr i en drömalkov på Uppsala slott... som kung Eriks strängalek vid Mälarens strand med Karin i knät och minnet av Maria Stuart i sävens sorgsna snus... kraft och vekhet... tankar, som brottas med Gud och satan... hat och storsinthet... borgerlig klokhet och isolerande geni... gärningar, än låga, än stora, så stora, att de nämnas bland världshistoriens underverk.

I Gustav Adolfs dotter, Kristina, var detta komplex av intellektuella och sentimentala kontraster inkarnerat. Man kallade henne „underlig”: somliga förklarade henne vara „sinnessjuk”. Hade de rätt? Uppfattningen av en människas själstillstånd influeras av hennes omgivnings intellektuella nivå. I en omgivning av kälkborgare föreföll Kristina „konstig” och „underlig” — när hon i höftbred ståt gick över Stockholms stortorg, spirituellt raljerande med Monsieur Descartes (Cartesius), viskade bodhökarna: „Hon är besatt av satan” — men i en miljö av forskare och filosofer, där intelligenserna blixtrade i en vetenskaplig ordafejd, skilde hon sig från de andra varken i tankar eller ord. Där var hon fullt normal, i sin själs rätta klimat. Hon var intellektuellt jämbördig med sina lärda kavaljerer. Ibland överglänste hon dem med en tanke, som bländade Descartes och kom Oxenstierna att viska: „Sin fars ingenium”.

Kristina var en syntes av Mars och Minerva, amazon och filosof. Amazon! Hur lärde hon sig alfabetet? I segerrapporterna från Breitenfeld. Augsburg och Nürnberg? Genom hennes första barndomsår rullade ekot av Torstensons kanoner. På kartan följde hon den svenska härens marsch genom Europa. Så lärde hon sig geografi. Hennes värld? Det svenska stormaktsväldet! I hennes fantasi blev det ett rike utan gräns, sagans och äventyrets land, som hägrade upp i vinterkvällarna på Stockholms slott, då hon lyssnade till hovofficerarnas berättelser om söderlandens sol och vin, om vårens karnevaler och galanta baler, om vallfartssången i passionens tid och påskens orgelbrusande katedraler... och i sina barndomsdrömmar var hon redan långt borta från Sverige, alltför kallt för hennes eldiga och till de underbara äventyren längtande Vasasjäl. Så lik sin far! Var det inte samma sinnets oro, som drev Gustav Adolf ut i världen till kamp och bragd, till döden på ärans fält? — Amazon, en dotter av Mars, var Kristina på grund av arv och fostran. Ensamheten och döden förde henne in i Minervas rike. Hon hade inga lekkamrater [sic]. Hon lekte med slottsofficerarnas värjor och pistoler, och på deras knä red hon ut i sin drömvärld; men hennes intima vänner voro hennes tankar, tidigt fördjupade av Dödens majestät, som hon kort efter sin sjätte födelsedag såg i fackelsken och under dundrande salut precedera en hjältes infärd i Sveriges Pantheon.

Hon ärvde en krona med ovanskliga smycken och en ära utan like. Makten, så farlig även för människor i mogen ålder, blev den unga drottningens tragedi; den blev hennes härskare och tyrann, en Mefisto, som lockade och förförde och mobiliserade mot hennes personlighet alla de lidelser, som gåvo Vasablodet dess hetta och snabba lopp. Hennes intelligens blev som en fackla i storm, Vasakynnets oro steg till hysteri — hon hade mycket av kung Eriks sjuka genialitet —, och hennes starkt er*tiska natur slog över i onatur [sic]. Hon blev „en karlkvinna” — ett mysterium för människor med sunda sinnen, en idol för er*tiskt utspårade män och kvinnor [sic]. Hennes intellekt blev alltmer och mer en funktion av hennes excentriska känsloliv. Den längtan till äventyret, till det fjärran okända, som var hennes andliga arvedel, fick passionens demoniska vildhet; den förde hennes tanke och känsla bortom ansvarighetens gräns. En fascinerande kvinna för de exklusiva herrar från söderlandens hov, som åto och drucko vid taffeln på Stockholms slott i gnistregnet från hennes hänsynslöst frivola ingenium — en förargelse och galenskap för sansade svenskar — en sorg för Axel Oxenstierna, som likväl aldrig uttalade en fällande dom; i hans sista timma, då kvällssolen sken in på hjältekonungens bild vid bädden fullkomnades hans vishet i förlåtande barmhärtighet: „Hon är dock den store Gustav Adolfs dotter”...

En augustimorgon i Marseille's hamn år 1656. — Vem är denna unga och sköna dam, som i jaktrob och ridstövlar går dansande ned för landgången från en italiensk galeja, välkomnad av Hans Majestät Ludvig XIV:s överchambellan, hertig de Guise? Det är en drottning utan land, en gudinna utan tempel — Gustav Adolfs dotter, som en junidag 1654 lämnade den krona hon fått i arv, för att bli en kunglig vagabonde i romantikens och galanteriets värld. Hon har färdats vida... Hamburg, Bryssel, Köln, Innsbruck, där hon med tillämpning av sin faders religiösa tolerans blev katolik... och sedan till Milano, Florens och Rom. Nu kommer hon från Civita-Vecchia, brynt av Medelhavets saltfriska vindar. Hertig de Guise ledsagar henne till Paris i galakaross med förriddare och trumpetare. Hertigen är fascinerad av hennes sprakande ingenium och pikanta manér — en kvinnlig musketör! I sina brev till Ludvig XIV, som hertigen sänder från Marseille med en musketörkurir, presenterar han „la belle suédoise Christine de Vasa” som „une femme tout à fait extraordinaire”... „hon behärskar åtta språk och talar franska som en parisiska... hon talar om Franska akademien, om vår konst, vår litteratur och vetenskap, som om hon vore professor vid Sorbonne... hon är filosof, men verkar mer yngling än kvinna... när hon berättar om hovet i Stockholm, blir blicken kall och leendet satiriskt... dock ej då hon talar om sin hovdam, Mademoiselle Ebba Sparre, som hon ännu tycks älska, såsom en yngling älskar sin första kärlek [sic]... hennes er*tik är maskulint betonad... hon är ett tjusande mysterium, oåtkomlig för män, men hon kurtiserar damerna i min svit, särskilt den unga markisinnan de Ganges, som hon blivit förälskad i, sedan hon under ett uppehåll på vägen såg henne bada... vilket naturens mästerverk! utropade „la suédoise” och kysste markisinnan med en lidelse, som [sic]... ja, Ers Majestät, en underbar person — jag vågar ej säga en kvinna — gör snart sin entré i Paris”. — Under färden till Paris skickar Kristina mellan samtalen om Condé, Turenne, Corneille och Pascal ömma biljetter, till väninnan i Stockholm, Ebba Sparre, „ma bien-aimée”, men medan hon skriver, ger hon markisinnan de Ganges trånande blickar, och en natt i Lyon klär hon ut sig till musketör och spelar mandolin under markisinnans balkong; morgonsolen finner henne fördjupad i Pascal's matematik... en karlkvinna, „la reine andr*gyne”, en telning på Vasaträdet, som synes de psykologiskt naiva underlig och bizarr, men som, med hänsyn tagen till det ärftlighetspsykiska kausalsammanhanget, är normal — ett bevis på naturens logiska stringens — en produkt av de sällsamma safter, som ge Vasaträdet en på en gång gudomlig och mefistofelisk skönhet... rotat i en jord, som ligger på gränsen mellan det geniala och abnorma... än se vi det geniala — Gustav Vasa, Gustav Adolf —, än det abnorma — Erik XIV —, än en syntes av bådadera — Kristina.

Versailles' slottsvakt slår alarm [sic]. Trumpeterna smattra, och trummorna skrälla. „Garde à vous!” Kungens stab står bugande på trappan. Vem kommer? En drottning utan land, en gudinna utan tempel — Kristina av Vasa.
Egon.

English translation (my own):

KILLER
QUEEN.
Queen Kristina's murder of Monaldeschi in Fontainebleau. Her psyche. — Arrival in France.
FROM ÅBO UNDERRÄTTELSER'S PARIS CORRESPONDENT.
Paris, in April.
Gustav Vasa's characterisation of the Swedes, "They are a hot-tempered people, but inclined to great works", is also a concise psychological analysis of the Vasa disposition. A temperament at once choleric and sanguine... nerves, sometimes strong as steel strings, sometimes weakly trembling like the strings of Cecilia Vasa's guitar in a dream alcove at Uppsala Castle... like King Erik's string playing on the shore of Lake Mälaren with, Karin on his knee and the memory of Mary Stuart in the sad snuff of the reed... strength and weakness... thoughts that wrestle with God and Satan... hatred and magnanimity... bourgeois wisdom and isolating genius... deeds, sometimes low, sometimes great, so great that they are mentioned among the wonders of world history.

In Gustav Adolf's daughter, Kristina, this complex of intellectual and sentimental contrasts was incarnated. She was called "strange": some declared her "insane". Were they right? The perception of a person's state of mind is influenced by the intellectual level of its surroundings. In an environment of bourgeois people, Kristina appeared "weird" and "strange" — when she walked hip-width apart across Stortorget in Stockholm, spiritually raving with Monsieur Descartes (Cartesius), the shopkeepers whispered: "She is possessed by Satan" — but in an environment of scientists and philosophers, where intelligences flashed in a scientific verbal feud, she differed from the others neither in thought nor word. There she was completely normal, in the right climate for her soul. She was intellectually equal to her learned cavaliers. Sometimes she outshone them with a thought that dazzled Descartes and made Oxenstierna whisper: "Her father's genius".

Kristina was a synthesis of Mars and Minerva, an Amazon and a philosopher. An Amazon! How did she learn the alphabet? In the victory reports from Breitenfeld. Augsburg and Nuremberg? Through her first childhood years the echo of Torstensson's cannons rolled. On the map she followed the Swedish army's march through Europe. That is how she learned geography. Her world? The Swedish superpower empire! In her imagination it became a kingdom without borders, the land of fairy tales and adventure, which loomed in the winter evenings at Stockholm Castle, as she listened to the court officers' stories about the sun and wine of the southern lands, about the carnivals and gallant balls in spring, about the pilgrimage songs of the Passion and the organ-roaring cathedrals at Easter... and in her childhood dreams she was already far away from Sweden, too cold for her fiery Vasa soul, longing for wonderful adventures. So like her father! Was it not the same mental restlessness that drove Gustav Adolf out into the world to fight and feat, to death on the field of honour? — An Amazon, a daughter of Mars, Kristina was so by inheritance and upbringing. Solitude and death brought her into the kingdom of Minerva. She had no playmates [sic]. She played with the swords and pistols of the castle officers, and on their knees she rode out into her dream world; but her intimate friends were her thoughts, early absorbed by the majesty of Death, whom she saw shortly after her sixth birthday in torchlight and under thunderous salutes preceding a hero's entry into the Pantheon of Sweden.

She inherited a crown with unusual ornaments and an honour without equal. Power, so dangerous even for people of mature age, became the young Queen's tragedy; it became her ruler and tyrant, a Mephisto, who attracted and seduced and mobilised against her personality all the passions that gave the Vasa blood its hot and rapid course. Her intelligence became like a torch in a storm, the Vasa disposition's anxiety rose to hysteria — she had much of King Erik's sick genius — and her strongly er*tic nature broke out into something unnatural [sic]. She became "a man-woman" — a mystery to people of sound minds, an idol for er*tically deranged men and women [sic]. Her intellect became more and more a function of her eccentric emotional life. The longing for adventure, for the distant unknown, which was her spiritual heritage, acquired the demonic wildness of passion; it carried her thought and feeling beyond the limits of responsibility. A fascinating woman for the exclusive gentlemen from the southern court, who ate and drank at the table at Stockholm Castle in the shower of sparks from her recklessly frivolous ingenuity — an outrage and madness for sober Swedes — a sorrow for Axel Oxenstierna, who nevertheless never pronounced a condemning sentence; in his last hour, when the evening sun shone on the hero-king's picture by the bed, his wisdom was perfected in forgiving mercy: "She is, after all, the daughter of the great Gustav Adolf"...

An August morning in the port of Marseilles in 1656. — Who is this young and beautiful lady, who, in hunting robes and riding boots, dances down the gangway of an Italian galley, welcomed by His Majesty Louis XIV's chief chamberlain, the Duke de Guise? She is a queen without a country, a goddess without a temple — Gustav Adolf's daughter, who, on a June day in 1654, quit the crown she had inherited to become a royal vagabonde in the world of romance and gallantry. She has traveled far... Hamburg, Brussels, Cologne, Innsbruck, where, applying her father's religious tolerance, she became a Catholic... and then to Milan, Florence and Rome. Now she comes from Civitavecchia, tanned by the salty winds of the Mediterranean. The Duke de Guise accompanies her to Paris in a gala carriage, with chevaliers and trumpeters. The Duke is fascinated by her sparkling wit and piquant manner — a female musketeer! In his letters to Louis XIV, which the Duke sent from Marseilles with a musketeer courier, he presents "la belle suédoise Christine de Vasa" ["the beautiful Swede, Kristina of Vasa"] as "une femme tout à fait extraordinaire" ["a completely extraordinary woman"]...

"She knows eight languages and speaks French like a Parisian... she talks about the Académie Française, about our art, our literature and science, as if she were a professor at the Sorbonne... she is a philosopher, but seems more of a young man than a woman...

"When she talks about the court in Stockholm, her gaze becomes cold and her smile satirical... but not when she talks about her lady-in-waiting, Mademoiselle Ebba Sparre, whom she still seems to love, as a young man loves his first love [sic]... her er*ticism is emphasised in a masculine way... she is a charming mystery, inaccessible to men, but she courts the ladies in my suite, especially the young Marquise de Ganges, with whom she has fallen in love, since during a stopover on the road she saw her bathing... 'what a masterpiece of nature!' exclaimed 'la suédoise', and she kissed the Marquise with a passion like [sic]... yes, Your Majesty, a wonderful person — I dare not say a woman — will soon make her entrance in Paris". —

During the journey to Paris, Kristina, between conversations about Condé, Turenne, Corneille and Pascal, sends tender notes to her girlfriend in Stockholm, Ebba Sparre, "ma bien-aimée" ["my beloved"], but while she writes, she gives the Marquise de Ganges longing glances, and one night in Lyons she dresses up as a musketeer and plays the mandolin under the Marquise's balcony; the morning sun finds her immersed in Pascal's mathematics... a man-woman, "la reine andr*gyne" ["the andr*gynous Queen"], a reproduction of the Vasa tree, which seems strange and bizarre to the psychologically naive, but which, taking into account the causal connection of heredity and psyche, is normal — a proof of the logical stringency of nature — a product of the strange juices that give the Vasa tree a beauty that is at once divine and Mephistophelian... rooted in a soil that lies on the border between the ingenious and the abnormal... now we see the ingenious — Gustav Vasa, Gustav Adolf —, now the abnormal — Erik XIV —, now a synthesis of both — Kristina.

The Versailles palace guard sounds the alarm [sic]. The trumpets blare, and the drums beat. "Garde à vous!" The King's staff stands bowing on the steps. Who comes? A queen without a country, a goddess without a temple — Kristina of Vasa.
Egon.

Friday, August 29, 2025

Augustin Cabanès' biography of Kristina from the standpoint of her "sanity" and her psychology and mental health, year 1905, part 7

Source:

Les indiscrétions de l'histoire, volume 3, pages 214 to 221, by Augustin Cabanès, 1905; original at the University of Michigan


The biography:

VII
Mme la duchesse d'Orléans, mère du Régent, avait entendu parler de la reine de Suède par «le feu roi» (Louis XIV); mais il n'y a pas à douter qu'elle ajoute beaucoup de son cru aux propos qui ont pu être tenus devant elle.

«Christine», écrit-elle, «ne mettait jamais de coiffe de nuit, mais elle s'entourait la tête avec une serviette. Une fois qu'elle ne pouvait dormir, elle fit faire de la musique auprès de son lit. Comme le concert était de son goût, elle avança soudain la tête hors de ses rideaux et s'écria: «Mort diable! qu'ils chantent bien!» Les castrats et les Italiens, qui ne sont pas des plus braves, furent tellement épouvantés à l'aspect de cette étrange figure qu'ils demeurèrent muets et il fallut que la musique cessait...»

Après avoir rappelé le meurtre du grand écuyer Monaldeschi, par ordre de Christine, elle la dit «très vindicative et livrée à toutes sortes de débauches, même avec les femmes... Elle a forcé Mme de Brégy à des turpitudes et celle-ci n'a pu se défendre...» Elle ajoute cependant un peu plus loin: «Cette reine ne pouvait plaire aux femmes, car elle les méprisait toutes en général.» (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, par M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), t. I, p. 280.)

On a dit quel fut l'étonnement de la reine de Suède à la vue des incroyables embrassades de la cour. Lorsqu'elle vint à Fontainebleau, plusieurs dames, en l'allant saluer, s'avancèrent pour la baiser. Elle y trouva un peu à redire, toutefois sans en rien témoigner; elle se contenta de dire: «Quelle fureur ont ces dames à me baiser! est-ce à cause que je ressemble à un homme?» (Menagiana, t. III des Ana, p. 109. La reine Christine était, comme nous l'avons dit, toujours en justaucorps et la tête ornée d'une perruque d'homme; il n'est pas surprenant qu'elle ait pu donner le change sur son sexe.)

Il faut croire qu'elle y prit goût; on peut même dire qu'elle y prit grand plaisir, si nous en croyons ce que relate le prince Édouard, palatin de Bavière; dans une lettre qu'il adressait à son oncle, le duc de Mantoue, lettre qui n'était vraisemblablement pas destinée à la publicité.

«Nous avons fait», écrivait-il, «ces jours passés, un fort joli voyage à Auxerre, pour y voir incognito la reine de Suède: ce que nous avons fait, ma femme en qualité de demoiselle suivante de la marquise de Mouy, et moi en celle de son écuyer.

«Cette reine nous ayant reconnus, et ne voulant pas le faire voir, nous galantisa fort, et même la marquise de Mouy, sur ce qu'elle savait si bien choisir son monde, et tout bas, s'approchant de nous, nous fit mille civilités et particulièrement à ma femme, à qui elle témoigna le plus obligeamment du monde le sensible desplaisir qu'elle avoit de ne lui pouvoir donner, dans l'estat où elle nous voyoit, les marques de l'estime et de l'affection qu'elle avoit pour elle, de laquelle pourtant elle la priait de vouloir être très assurée, et nous dit cent mille autres galanteries de très bonne grâce.

«Toutes ses postures sont d'homme et nullement de femme. Aussi la plus agréable louange qu'on lui puisse donner est de lui dire qu'elle est le plus honneste homme du monde.

«Elle aime fort les belles femmes. Elle en trouva une à Lyon qui lui plut. Elle la baisoit partout: la gorge, les yeux, le front très amoureusement et mesme la vouloit baiser la langue à la bouche, et coucher avec elle, ce que la femme ne voulut pas.

«M. de Guise lui a fait présent de trois de ses perruques dont elle en porte toujours une avec un chapeau chargé de plumes, qu'elle tient toujours à la main en parlant. Elle porte un justaucorps et une cravate au cou. Elle n'a point de femme avec elle qui paraisse et peu d'hommes même.

«Voilà, Monsieur, ce que nous avons vu en ce petit voyage.» (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, 10 novembre 1885, p. 657.)

Si cette épître est, comme tout donne lieu de le présumer, d'une authenticité non douteuse, elle nous révèle, chez Christine de Suède, une inversion s*xuelle des plus caractérisées.

Un autre épisode, dont la source, il est vrai, est plus suspecte que la précédente, achèvera de nous édifier.

Tout le monde a entendu parler, peu ou prou, de l'infortunée marquise de Ganges et de sa fin tragique, qui inspira les premiers chants de Gilbert (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, pp. 157 et suiv.). La «belle Provençale» comme on la désignait à la cour, se nommait, de son véritable nom, Diane de Joannis; elle était la fille de Gabriel de Joannis, marquis de Roussans, et de Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. Tandis que le fameux peintre Mignard faisait son portrait, véritable chef-d'œuvre de l'art, la reine Christine de Suède proclamait la marquise le plus beau chef-d'œuvre de la nature.

«Ah! si j'étais homme», lui écrivait l'ardente princesse, «je tomberois à vos pieds, soumis et languissant d'amour; j'y passerois mes jours, j'y passerois les nuits, pour contempler vos divins appas, et vous offrir un cœur tendre, passionné et fidèle. Puisque cela n'est point, tenons-nous-en, incomparable marquise, à l'amitié la plus pure, la plus confiante et la plus ferme. De mon côté, voilà tout ce que je pense; mais mes brûlants désirs ne sont point satisfaits. Vos beaux yeux, vous le savez, sont les auteurs innocents de tous mes maux; eux seuls peuvent, dans un instant, en réparer l'outrage, et faire mon bonheur en les adoucissant. Me refuseriez-vous, hélas! un de vos regards gracieux? Non, non; aussi sensible que belle, vous écouterez avec complaisance les tendres plaintes de ma douleur profonde, et je passerai le reste de ma vie dans un douleureux enchantement.

«En attendant, qu'une agréable métempsycose change mon sexe, je veux vous voir, vous adorer, et vous le dire à chaque instant. Jusqu'à présent, j'ai cherché partout le plaisir et je ne l'ai point goûté. Si votre cœur généreux veut avoir pitié du mien, à mon arrivée à l'autre monde je le caresserai avec une volupté toujours nouvelle; je le savourerai dans vos bras victorieux, et le ferai durer éternellement. Dans cette douce espérance, je file des jours de vie, et mon bonheur s'accroît en pensant à vous.

«Adressez donc vos prières au ciel, belle marquise, afin que mes vœux soient exaucés, autant pour votre félicité que pour la mienne, qui dépend entièrement de vous pour le présent et pour l'avenir.»

On s'est souvent demandé pourquoi la reine Christine avait témoigné d'une si vive répugnance pour le mariage. Cette antipathie tenait-elle, comme on l'a dit, — après tout, l'hypothèse était soutenable, — à une anomalie s*xuelle?

On a parlé d'hermaphroditisme; il est certain que ses passions équivoques donnent à cette supposition une grande vraisemblance. Certes, elle pouvait être sincère en écrivant: «J'ai une antipathie si grande pour le mariage, que si le Roi de l'univers vouloit déposer à mes pieds son sceptre et sa couronne, quelque galant qu'il fût, et quelque bonne mine qu'il eût d'ailleurs, je refuserois de l'épouser. Jugez après cela si Christine, qui aime sa liberté plus que sa vie, ira s'enchaîner de gaieté de cœur aux caprices tyranniques d'un mari, c'est-à-dire d'un despot.» (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, pp. 21 et suiv. Ces lettres sont-elles bien authentiques? On ne semble pas avoir complètement élucidé cette question. (Cf. Intermédiaire, 25 octobre 1889, p. 612).)

Elle aurait même fait aux États de Suède la réponse qu'on lui prête: «Il naîtrait plutôt de moi un Néron qu'un Auguste. Le beau présent que je ferais à mon pays!», que nous n'en serions pas autrement surpris.

Serait-ce qu'elle se soit crue inapte à contracter une union féconde, en raison d'une imperfection physique? Rien ne nous autorise à affirmer que cette imperfection ait réellement existé.

Nous avons relaté ailleurs (Dans la Chronique médicale, 1er octobre 1905.) la grotesque aventure dont elle fut l'héroïne, à l'âge de 50 ans. Surprise de se voir «une excroissance de chair dans un lieu qui lui fit espérer d'être de notre sexe», — ce sont les termes de la dépêche qu'envoyait l'attaché à la légation française de Rome au ministre Colbert de Croissy, à la date du 2 novembre 1680, — Christine communique son doute à son médecin, puis successivement à sa femme de chambre, à son chirurgien, à un père jésuite et jusqu'à un cardinal, très avant dans ses bonnes grâces.

L'excroissance augmentait toujours et «se maintenait dans une forme qui confirmait les espérances de tout l'entourage.» On crut la reine devenue roi, et le médecin, transporté d'enthousiasme, se jetant aux genoux de Christine, s'écriait: «Salve, rex Suecorum!» Ce n'est qu'à un second examen que le Diafoirus, reconnaissant sa méprise, constatait qu'il s'agissait d'un prolapsus utérin et non d'un appendice viril.

En dépit d'une auto-suggestion soigneusement entretenue, les dernières illusions de Christine s'évanouissaient: femme elle était, femme elle restait. Femme de génie qui, sur bien des points, a devancé son temps, mais très femme par son amour de l'intrigue, par sa vanité naïve, par son défaut de volonté et d'énergie, par son appétit, jamais rassasié, de sensations qu'elle avait vainement tenté d'éprouver.

Swedish translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

VII
Madame hertiginnan av Orléans, regentens mor, hade hört talas om Sveriges drottning från »den salige konungen« (Ludvig XIV); men det råder ingen tvekan om att hon lade till mycket av sitt eget till de anmärkningar som kan ha fällts inför henne.

»Kristina«, skrev hon, »bar aldrig nattmössa, utan virade en handduk runt huvudet. En gång, när hon inte kunde sova, spelade hon musik vid sängen. Eftersom konserten föll henne i smaken stack hon plötsligt ut huvudet från gardinerna och ropade: »Djävulens död! Så bra de sjunger!« Kastraterna och italienarna, som inte är de modigaste, blev så skräckslagna vid åsynen av denna märkliga figur att de förblev tysta, och musiken var tvungen att upphöra...«

Efter att ha erinrat sig mordet på överstallmästaren Monaldeschi, på befallning av Kristina, beskriver hon henne som »mycket hämndlysten och benägen till alla möjliga utsvävningar, även med kvinnor... Hon tvingade madame de Brégy till sedefördärv, och hon kunde inte försvara sig...« Hon tillägger dock lite längre fram: »Denna drottning kunde inte behaga kvinnor, ty hon föraktade dem alla i allmänhet.« (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, av M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), vol. I, s. 280.)

Det har sagts hur förvånad den svenska drottningen blev vid åsynen av hovets otroliga omfamningar. När hon kom till Fontainebleau gick flera damer fram för att hälsa henne och kyssa henne. Hon fann lite att klaga på, men utan att visa några tecken på det; hon sade helt enkelt: »Vilken furie dessa damer har över att kyssa mig! är det för att jag ser ut som en man?« (Menagiana, vol. III av Ana., s. 109. Drottning Kristina var, som vi sagt, alltid i justaucorps och hennes huvud pryddes med en mansperuk; det är inte förvånande att hon kunde lura folk om sitt kön.)

Man måste tro att hon tyckte om det; vi kan till och med säga att hon tyckte mycket om det, om vi skall tro vad pfalzgreve Edward av Bayern berättar i ett brev han riktade till sin onkel, hertigen av Mantua, ett brev som förmodligen inte var avsett för publicitet.

»Vi gjorde«, skrev han, »en mycket trevlig resa de senaste dagarna till Auxerre, för att inkognito se Sveriges drottning: vilket vi gjorde, min maka i hennes egenskap av fröken i sällskap med markisinnan de Mouy, och jag i hennes egenskap av stallmästare.«

»Denna drottning, som kände igen oss men inte ville visa det, visade oss stor tapperhet, och till och med markisinnan de Mouy, med motiveringen att hon så väl visste hur man skulle välja sitt folk, närmade sig oss mycket tyst och visade oss tusen artigheter, särskilt mot min maka, för vilken hon på det mest tillmötesgående sätt i världen vittnade om det stora missnöje hon kände över att inte kunna ge henne, i det tillstånd hon såg oss i, tecken på den aktning och tillgivenhet hon hyste för henne, vilket hon dock bad henne att vara mycket säker på, och berättade för oss hundratusen andra tapperheter med mycket god nåd.

»Alla hennes ställningar är av en man och inte alls av en kvinna. Därför är det mest angenäma beröm man kan ge henne att säga att hon är den ärligaste mannen i världen.

»Hon älskar vackra kvinnor mycket. Hon fann en i Lyon som behagade henne. Hon kysste henne överallt: halsen, ögonen, pannan, mycket kärleksfullt, och hon ville till och med kyssa henne med tungan i munnen, och sova med henne, vilket kvinnan inte ville.

»Monsieur de Guise har givit henne tre av sina peruker i present, varav hon alltid bär en med en hatt full av fjädrar, som hon alltid håller i handen när hon talar. Hon bär en justaucorps och en kravatt. Hon har ingen kvinna med sig som visar sig, och inte ens några män.

»Detta, min herre, är vad vi har sett på denna lilla resa.« (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, den 10 november 1885, s. 657.)

Om denna epistel, som allt antyder, är av otvivelaktig äkthet, avslöjar det för oss, hos Kristina av Sverige, en högst karakteristisk s*xuell inversion.

Ännu en episod, vars källa visserligen är mer misstänkt än den föregående, kommer att fullborda vår edifikation.

Alla har hört, mer eller mindre, talas om den olyckliga markisinnan de Ganges och hennes tragiska slut, vilket inspirerade Gilberts första sånger (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, s. 157 ff.). »La belle Provençale«, som hon kallades vid hovet, kallades, med sitt riktiga namn, Diane de Joannis; hon var dotter till Gabriel de Joannis, markisen av Roussans och Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. Medan den berömde målaren Mignard målade hennes porträtt, ett sant mästerverk, utropade drottning Kristina av Sverige markisinnan till naturens vackraste mästerverk.

»Ah! om jag vore en man«, skrev den ivriga prinsessan till henne, »skulle jag falla för Era fötter, undergiven och tynande av kärlek; jag skulle tillbringa mina dagar där, jag skulle tillbringa mina nätter där, för att begrunda Er gudomliga behag och erbjuda Er ett ömt, passionerat och troget hjärta. Eftersom det inte är så, låt oss, ojämförliga markisinna, hålla oss till den renaste, mest tillitsfulla och fastaste vänskapen. För min del är det allt jag tänker; men mina brinnande begär är inte tillfredsställda. Era vackra ögon, det vet Ni, är de oskyldiga upphovsmännen till alla mina problem; de ensamma kan, på ett ögonblick, reparera min skam och göra mig lycklig genom att mildra dem. Skulle Ni vägra mig, ack! en av Era graciösa blickar? Nej, nej; hur känslig Ni än är vacker, kommer Ni med självbelåtenhet att lyssna på de ömma klagomålen i min djupa sorg, och jag kommer att tillbringa resten av mitt liv i en smärtsam förtrollning.

»Under tiden, medan en behaglig metempsykos förändrar mitt kön, vill jag se Er, älska Er och säga det till Er i varje ögonblick. Fram till nu har jag sökt njutning överallt och inte smakat den. Om Ert generösa hjärta vill förbarma sig över mitt, kommer jag vid min ankomst till den andra världen att smeka det med en ständigt ny vällust; jag kommer att njuta av det i Era segerrika armar och få det att bestå för evigt. I detta ljuva hopp spinner jag fram livsdagar, och min lycka ökar i att tänka på Er.

»Rikta därför Era böner till himlen, vackra markisinna, så att mina önskningar må uppfyllas, lika mycket för Er lycka som för min, vilken helt och hållet beror på Er för nuet och för framtiden.«

Det har ofta frågats varför drottning Kristina hade betygat en så livlig motvilja mot äktenskap. Beror denna antipati, som det har sagts — hypotesen var trots allt hållbar — på en s*xuell anomali?

Det har talats om hermafroditism; det är säkert att hennes tvetydiga passioner ger detta antagande stor sannolikhet. Hon kunde säkerligen ha varit uppriktig när hon skrev: »Jag hyser en så stor motvilja mot äktenskap att om universums konung ville lägga sin spira och sin krona vid mina fötter, hur galant han än må vara, och hur gott han än må ha, skulle jag vägra att gifta mig med honom. Döm efter det om Kristina, som älskar sin frihet mer än sitt liv, gärna kommer att kedja sig fast vid en makes tyranniska nycker, det vill säga en despots.« (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, s. 21 ff. Är dessa brev verkligen autentiska? Denna fråga tycks inte ha blivit helt klarlagd. (Jfr Intermédiaire, den 25 oktober 1889, s. 612).)

Hon skulle till och med ha givit Sveriges Ständer svaret som tillskrevs henne: »En Nero skulle födas av mig hellre än en Augustus. Vilken fin gåva jag skulle ge mitt land!«, och vi skulle inte bli förvånade på annat sätt.

Kunde det vara så att hon ansåg sig olämplig för ett fruktbart äktenskap på grund av en fysisk ofullkomlighet? Ingenting tillåter oss att bekräfta att denna ofullkomlighet verkligen fanns till.

Vi har berättat på annat håll (I Chronique médicale, den 1 oktober 1905.) om det groteska äventyr hon var hjältinnan i, vid 50 års ålder. Förvånad över att se »en köttig utväxt på en plats som fick henne att hoppas vara av vårt kön«, — detta är villkoren i det meddelande som attachén vid den franska legationen i Rom skickade till minister Colbert de Croissy, daterat den 2 november 1680, — meddelade Kristina sina tvivel till sin läkare, sedan successivt till sin kammarjungfru, sin kirurg, en jesuitfader och till och med en kardinal, mycket välkommen till henne.

Utväxten fortsatte att öka och »höll sig i en form som bekräftade allas omkringståendes förhoppningar«. Man trodde att drottningen hade blivit konung, och läkaren, upprymd av entusiasm, kastade sig för Kristinas knän och utropade: »Salve, rex Suecorum!« — »Var hälsad, svenskarnas konung!«. Det var först vid en andra undersökning som Diafoirus, som insåg sitt misstag, konstaterade att det var en livmoderprolaps och inte en manslem.

Trots en noggrant upprätthållen självsuggestion höll Kristinas sista illusioner på att försvinna: hon var en kvinna, hon förblev en kvinna. En genial kvinna som på många sätt var före sin tid, men i hög grad en kvinna i sin kärlek till intriger, i sin naiva fåfänga, i sin brist på vilja och energi, i sin aptit, aldrig mätt, av sensationer som hon förgäves hade försökt uppleva.

English translation (my own):

VII
Madame the Duchess d'Orléans, mother of the Regent, had heard of the Queen of Sweden from "the late King" (Louis XIV); but there is no doubt that she added much of her own to the remarks that may have been made before her.

"Kristina", she wrote, "never wore a nightcap, but wrapped a towel around her head. One time, when she could not sleep, she had music played by her bed. As the concert was to her taste, she suddenly stuck her head out from her curtains and cried: 'Devil's death! How well they sing!' The castrati and the Italians, who are not the bravest, were so terrified at the sight of this strange figure that they remained silent, and the music had to stop..."

After recalling the murder of the grand equerry Monaldeschi, by order of Kristina, she describes her as "very vindictive and given to all sorts of debauchery, even with women... She forced Madame de Brégy into turpitudes, and she could not defend herself..." However, she adds a little further on: "This queen could not please women, because she despised them all in general." (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, by M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), vol. I, p. 280.)

It has been said how astonished the Queen of Sweden was at the sight of the incredible embraces of the court. When she came to Fontainebleau, several ladies, going to greet her, advanced to kiss her. She found a little to complain about, but without showing any sign of it; she simply said: "What fury these ladies have to kiss me! is it because I look like a man?" (Menagiana, vol. III of the Ana., p. 109. Queen Kristina was, as we have said, always in a justaucorps and her head adorned with a man's wig; it is not surprising that she was able to deceive people about her sex.)

One must believe that she took a liking to it; we can even say that she took great pleasure in it, if we are to believe what Prince Palatine Eduard of Bavaria, relates in a letter he addressed to his uncle, the Duke of Mantua, a letter which was probably not intended for publicity.

"We made", he wrote, "a very pleasant journey these past few days to Auxerre, to see incognito the Queen of Sweden: which we did, my wife in her capacity as demoiselle following the Marquise de Mouy, and I in that of her equerry.

"This queen, having recognised us and not wanting to show it, gallanted us greatly, and even the Marquise de Mouy, on the grounds that she knew so well how to choose her people, and very quietly, approaching us, showed us a thousand civilities and particularly to my wife, to whom she testified in the most obliging way in the world the great displeasure that she had at not being able to give her, in the state in which she saw us, the marks of the esteem and affection that she had for her, of which however she begged her to be very sure, and told us a hundred thousand other gallantries with very good grace.

"All her postures are of a man and not at all of a woman. Therefore, the most agreeable praise one can give her is to say that she is the most honest man in the world.

"She loves beautiful women very much. She found one in Lyons who pleased her. She kissed her everywhere: the throat, the eyes, the forehead, very amorously, and she even wanted to kiss her with her tongue in her mouth, and to sleep with her, which the woman did not want.

"Monsieur de Guise has given her a present of three of his wigs, one of which she always wears with a hat full of feathers, which she always holds in her hand when speaking. She wears a justaucorps and a cravat. She has no woman with her who appears, and few men, even.

"This, my Lord, is what we have seen on this little journey." (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, November 10, 1885, p. 657.)

If this epistle is, as everything suggests, of undoubted authenticity, it reveals to us, in Kristina of Sweden, a most characteristic s*xual inversion.

Another episode, whose source, it is true, is more suspect than the previous one, will complete our edification.

Everyone has heard, more or less, of the unfortunate Marquise de Ganges and her tragic end, which inspired Gilbert's first songs (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, pp. 157 et seq.). "La belle Provençale" as she was called at court, was called, by her real name, Diane de Joannis; she was the daughter of Gabriel de Joannis, Marquis de Roussans, and Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. While the famous painter Mignard was painting her portrait, a true masterpiece of art, Queen Kristina of Sweden proclaimed the Marquise the most beautiful masterpiece of nature.

"Ah! if I were a man", wrote the ardent princess to her, "I would fall at your feet, submissive and languishing with love; I would spend my days there, I would spend my nights there, to contemplate your divine charms, and to offer you a tender, passionate and faithful heart. Since that is not so, let us, incomparable Marquise, stick to the purest, most trusting and firmest friendship. For my part, that is all I think; but my burning desires are not satisfied. Your beautiful eyes, you know it, are the innocent authors of all my ills; they alone can, in an instant, repair the outrage and make me happy by softening them. Would you refuse me, alas! one of your graceful glances? No, no; as sensitive as you are beautiful, you will listen with complacency to the tender complaints of my deep sorrow, and I will spend the rest of my life in a painful enchantment.

"In the meantime, while a pleasant metempsychosis changes my sex, I want to see you, adore you, and tell you so at every moment. Until now, I have sought pleasure everywhere and have not tasted it. If your generous heart wishes to have pity on mine, upon my arrival in the other world, I will caress it with an ever-new volupty; I will savour it in your victorious arms and make it last eternally. In this sweet hope, I spin out days of life, and my happiness increases in thinking of you.

"Address, therefore, your prayers to heaven, beautiful Marquise, so that my wishes may be granted, as much for your felicity as for mine, which depends entirely on you for the present and for the future."

It has often been asked why Queen Kristina had testified such a lively repugnance to marriage. Was this antipathy due, as has been said — after all, the hypothesis was tenable — to a s*xual anomaly?

There has been talk of hermaphroditism; it is certain that her equivocal passions give this supposition a great likelihood. Certainly, she could have been sincere in writing: "I have such a great antipathy for marriage that if the King of the universe wanted to lay his scepter and his crown at my feet, however gallant he might be, and whatever good mien he might have, I would refuse to marry him. Judge after that if Kristina, who loves her freedom more than her life, will happily chain herself to the tyrannical whims of a husband, that is to say, of a despot." (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, pp. 21 et seq. Are these letters truly authentic? This question does not seem to have been completely clarified. (Cf. Intermédiaire, October 25, 1889, p. 612).)

She would even have given the Estates of Sweden the answer attributed to her: "A Nero would be born of me rather than an Augustus. What a fine present I would make to my country!", and we would not be otherwise surprised.

Could it be that she believed herself unfit for a fecund union because of a physical imperfection? Nothing allows us to affirm that this imperfection really existed.

We have related elsewhere (In the Chronique médicale, October 1, 1905.) the grotesque adventure of which she was the heroine, at the age of 50. Surprised to see "an excrescence of flesh in a place which made her hope to be of our sex", — these are the terms of the dispatch sent by the attaché at the French legation in Rome to the minister Colbert de Croissy, dated November 2, 1680, — Kristina communicated her doubt to her doctor, then successively to her chambermaid, her surgeon, a Jesuit father and even a cardinal, very much in her good graces.

The excrescence continued to increase and "maintained itself in a form which confirmed the hopes of all those around her". It was believed that the Queen had become king, and the doctor, transported with enthusiasm, threw himself at Kristina's knees, exclaiming: "Salve, rex Suecorum!" — "Hail, King of the Swedes!". It was only on a second examination that Diafoirus, recognising his mistake, noted that it was a uterine prolapse and not a virile appendage.

Despite a carefully maintained auto-suggestion, Kristina's last illusions were vanishing: she was a woman, she remained a woman. A woman of genius who, in many ways, was ahead of her time, but very much a woman in her love of intrigue, in her naive vanity, in her lack of will and energy, in her appetite, never satiated, for sensations that she had tried in vain to experience.



Above: Kristina.


Above: Augustin Cabanès.

Notes: "S*xual inversion", or, in more precise, more accurate and more modern words and forms, h*mos*xuality, bis*xuality or l*sbianism, etc., is not a mental illness or psychological condition, a s*xual perversion or anomaly, a sin, a choice, a moral violation or failing, or the result of a bad upbringing or imprinting on the opposite sex for oneself and then consequently developing attraction to people of one's own sex, as many people believed up until the middle of the last century (both towards qu**r people in general and in relation to Kristina), but a natural, positive-neutral and harmless part of a person's romantic and/or s*xual constitution. It is very possible that Kristina was bir*mantic and bis*xual (although she is also often seen by various biographers over the years as either a l*sbian or straight), but I believe that the stories about her s*xually ass*ulting or r*ping other women are only rumours, made up by her enemies to defame her or ruin her reputation personally and politically and which were naively believed and repeated by others (both her contemporaries and posterity), and they also indicate a wider and erroneous and destructive view from older times (and which sadly still persists today in some circles) of women attracted romantically and/or s*xually to other women as "unnatural", "perverted" or "predatory".

Kristina may certainly have had crushes on some women, such as on Madame la comtesse de Brégy (Charlotte de Saumaize), some of them intense but fleeting or of varying duration and/or intensity levels, but ultimately she is known or confirmed to have had only two serious relationships in her life: the first was with her lady-in-waiting Countess Ebba Sparre, and the other was with a man, Cardinal Decio Azzolino. It is possible that Kristina was also either as*xual or demis*xual, the latter meaning that she may have needed to have or form a strong emotional bond or attachment to someone to be able to have or feel any s*xual attraction or desire for them; and if so, she only ever experienced this feeling for those two people.

The two letters attributed to Kristina, the one to the Marquise de Ganges and the other concerning her refusal to marry, are both fake. They were fabricated in 1761 by François Lacombe.

Monday, July 7, 2025

Biographical article on Ebba Sparre by Bertil Broomé in "Svenska män och kvinnor: biografisk uppslagsbok", year 1954

Source:

Sparre, Ebba, article written by Bertil Broomé for Svenska män och kvinnor: biografisk uppslagsbok: 7. Sibylla-Tjällgren, page 139, published by Albert Bonniers Förlag, 1954



The biography:

7. Sparre, Ebba Larsdotter, friherrinna, hovdam, f. 1626, † 19 mars 1662 i Stockholm. Dotter till S. 4 i hans första gifte. — S., som var känd under namnet "la belle comtesse", tillhörde som hovfröken drottning Kristinas närmaste vänner och spelade en framträdande roll i tidens brokiga hovliv ss. deltagare i baletter och andra förlustelser. Hon upphöjdes i friherrligt stånd 1647. S. var en tid förlovad med Bengt Oxenstierna men bröt med denne och gifte sig 1653 — enligt en uppgift under drottning Kristinas påtryckningar — med riksrådet och generalen greve Jacob Casimir De la Gardie (bd 2 s. 236). Ännu under sin Romvistelse förde drottning Kristina korrespondens med S.
B. B-é.

English translation (my own):

7. Sparre, Ebba Larsdotter, baroness, lady-in-waiting, born 1626, † March 19, 1662 in Stockholm. Daughter of S. 4 by his first marriage. — S., who was known as "la belle comtesse", was one of Queen Kristina's closest friends as a lady-in-waiting and played a prominent role in the motley court life of the time, participating in ballets and other entertainments. She was raised to the rank of baroness in 1647. S. was engaged to Bengt Oxenstierna for a time, but broke up with him, and in 1653 she married — according to one account, under pressure from Queen Kristina — the councilman and general Count Jakob Kasimir de la Gardie (vol. 2 p. 236). Even during her stay in Rome, Queen Kristina corresponded with S.
B. B-é.

Sunday, June 1, 2025

"Nordisk familjebok" on Ebba Sparre, year 1917

Source:

Nordisk familjebok, tjugusjätte bandet: Slöke - Stockholm, page 575, edited by Theodor Westrin, 1917


The biography:

10. Ebba Larsdotter S., den föregåendes syster, f. 1626, d. 1662, var en af de mest firade skönheterna vid drottning Kristinas lysande hof. Hon gick allmänt i och utom hofvet under namnet La belle comtesse ("vackra grefvinnan"). Hon var jämnårig med drottningen, stod högt i hennes ynnest och var hennes enda kvinnliga gunstling. Ebba S. fick dock icke mycken glädje af hennes vänskap. Hon hade varit förlofvad med Bengt Oxenstierna (den sedermera, under Karl XI:s tid, så bekante statsmannen), men under dennes frånvaro utrikes föll det drottningen in att bryta denna förbindelse och gifta sin gunstling med den några år yngre Jakob Kasimir De la Gardie (se d. o. 6), en broder till den allsmäktige Magnus Gabriel, hvars släkt Kristina nu på allt sätt ville gynna, helst då hon på samma gång kunde få det nöjet att förarga Oxenstiernorna. Ebba S., som oaktadt sin äldre förbindelse mottagit De la Gardies hyllning, var dock ej villig till detta giftermål, när det kom till allvar. Men Kristina visste att drifva sin nyck igenom; förlofningen firades vid hofvet under julen 1651 och giftermålet i början af följande år, båda under stora lustbarheter. Huru lyckligt ett under sådana omständigheter knutet äktenskap skulle bli, är lätt att tänka sig. Det upplöstes dock snart af döden, då De la Gardie stupade vid Köpenhamns belägring 1658; och inom fyra år därefter följde honom hans änka i grafven. Det förtroliga förhållandet till hennes annars så ostadiga kungliga väninna bibehöll sig dock, äfven sedan denna lämnat sitt fädernesland, intill Ebbas död.

English translation (my own):

10. Ebba Larsdotter S., the sister of the preceding [Gustaf Larsson S.], b. 1626, d. 1662, was one of the most celebrated beauties at Queen Kristina's brilliant court. She generally went in and out of court under the name La belle comtesse ("the beautiful Countess"). She was the same age as the Queen, stood high in her favour, and was her only female favourite.

Ebba S., however, did not get much joy from her friendship. She had been engaged to Bengt Oxenstierna (later, during the time of Karl XI, such a well-known statesman), but during his absence abroad it occurred to the Queen to break this relationship and marry her favourite to the few years younger Jakob Kasimir de la Gardie (see d. o. 6), a brother of the all-powerful Magnus Gabriel, whose family Kristina now wanted to favour in every way, particularly when at the same time she could have the pleasure of annoying the Oxenstiernas.

Ebba S., who, despite her earlier relationship, had received de la Gardie's homage, was not, however, willing to this marriage when it came to seriousness. But Kristina knew how to carry out her whim; the engagement was celebrated at court during Christmas 1651 and the marriage at the beginning of the following year, both amidst great revelry.

How happy a marriage contracted under such circumstances would be is easy to imagine. It was, however, soon dissolved by death, when de la Gardie fell at the siege of Copenhagen in 1658; and within four years his widow followed him to the grave. The intimate relationship with her otherwise unsteady royal friend was maintained, however, even after she had left her Fatherland, until Ebba's death.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Kristina.

Note: Ebba Sparre and Jakob Kasimir de la Gardie were married in 1653, not 1652.

"Tietosanakirja" on Ebba Sparre, year 1916

Source:

Tietosanakirja: Ribot-Stambul, page 1703, published by Tietosanakirja-Osakeyhtiö, 1916; original at Indiana University


The biography:

10. Ebba S. (1626-62), kuningatar Kristiinan suuri ja ainoa suosikki, edellisen tytär. Hän oli tunnettu kauneudestaan ja älystään ja häntä nimitettiin „la belle comtesse”ksi. Vaikutti paljon kuningattareen, jonka kanssa, myös hänen kruunusta luopumuksensa jälkeen, oli ahkerassa kirjeenvaihdossa. Korotettiin 1647 vapaaherransäätyyn ja meni 1652 naimisiin valtaneuvos Jakob Kasimir De la Gardien kanssa.

English translation (my own):

10. Ebba S. (1626-62), Queen Kristina's great and only favourite, daughter of the former [Lars Eriksson S.]. She was known for her beauty and intelligence and was called "la belle comtesse". She greatly influenced the Queen, with whom she corresponded frequently, even after her abdication. She was elevated to the rank of baroness in 1647 and married the councilman Jakob Kasimir de la Gardie in 1652.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Kristina.

Note: Ebba Sparre and Jakob Kasimir de la Gardie were married in 1653, not 1652.

Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld on Kristina, year 1914

Source:

Die H*mos*xualität des Mannes und des Weibes, page 661, by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld, 1914; original at Princeton University


The account:

Christine, Königin von Schweden, 1626—1689. Tochter Gustav Adolfs. Bekannt durch ihr männliches Auftreten und tr*nsv*stitische Gewohnheiten. Kameradschaftliche Verhältnisse mit Männern, wies alle Freier ab. H*mos*xualität aus dem negativen Verhalten gegenüber dem männlichen Geschlechte ihrer starken Virilität und der Freundschaft zu der Gräfin Ebba Sparre gefolgert. Vgl. Jhb. VIII. Höchstetter, und deren Quellen, und Briefe der Elisabeth Charlotte von der Pfalz vom 28. Nov. 1719.

English translation (my own):

Kristina, Queen of Sweden, 1626-1689. Daughter of Gustav Adolf. Known for her masculine appearance and tr*nsv*stite habits. She maintained friendly relationships with men, but rejected all suitors. Her h*mos*xuality was inferred from her negative attitude toward the male sex, her strong virility, and her friendship with Countess Ebba Sparre. See Jhb. VIII. Höchstetter, and its sources, and a letter from Elisabeth Charlotte of the Palatinate of November 28, 1719.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld.

Sunday, March 30, 2025

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 2

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 25 to 34, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

In 1644, being then eighteen, she was declared of age, according to the laws of Sweden; the regency was dissolved, and she assumed the reins of government with all the ceremonies used on such occasions.

We can hardly imagine a position more magnificent and interesting than that of Christina when she assumed the government of her kingdom; and the portrait which may be drawn of her at this period of her life, presents a picture so different from that degradation of character and situation she afterwards exhibited, that in justice to her, — in justice to human nature, we must dwell upon it for a moment.

Sweden, which had been for several ages only an obscure corner of Europe, had gradually risen in the scale of nations, from the time that Gustavus Vasa, the great-grandfather of Christina, had delivered his country from the usurpation of the Danes. It had attained the highest degree of glory and importance by the military exploits and political influence of her father, the great Gustavus. After his death, the generals Baner, Wrangel, and Torstenson, maintained the glory of the Swedish arms in Germany; and during the minority of his daughter, the wise and firm administration of the council of regency, and particularly of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, had maintained the internal tranquillity and prosperity of the kingdom. Under these auspicious circumstances, Christina, who had been born to the throne, — cradled, as she says, amid laurels and trophies of victory, — assumed a sceptre which was her's [sic] by the double right of her hereditary claims and the free consent of the states-general. She was in the bloom of youth, full of health, vigour, and activity; the natural cheerfulness of her spirits had been preserved by constant exercise of body and mind; and although she was proud, passionate, and capricious, she was also gay [cheerful], frank, and generous. She entertained at this time a lofty and even sublime idea of the high destiny to which she was called, and of the multiplied duties and tremendous responsibility it imposed on her. All her resolutions and intentions appear to have been right and just; and to put these intentions into practice, she had youthful enthusiasm, surpassing talents, a strong constitution, and the prospect of a long life and reign before her. Though learned beyond most of her sex, the vanity of learning had not yet seized her, and literature was to her, what it ought always to have been — an amusement, not a pursuit. She understood most of the languages of Europe; Latin, French, German, Italian, she wrote and spoke as fluently as her native tongue; her proficiency in Greek has already been mentioned. At this time she seems to have preferred the French language, and it was spoken almost habitually in her court. She would have no prime minister, and from the very commencement of her reign, (dating it from the dissolution of the regency,) she received and read all the dispatches, dictated the replies to her secretaries, which she afterwards looked over and corrected herself; and while the regal power had all the gloss of novelty, she certainly wore it with dignity and grace. Her indefatigable attention to the business of the state excited the astonishment of the foreign ministers, and the admiration of her people; she constantly attended all the deliberations of her council, and by the force of her character and her resolute temper, she exercised the most unbounded influence over the senate, who yielded to her more than they would have yielded to a monarch of their own sex. It is asserted that she was at this time more despotic than any Swedish sovereign from the time of Eric XIV. to the change of the constitution under Gustavus III.

In person she was not handsome; her figure was below the middle size, but well formed, with the exception of a slight deformity in one of her shoulders, caused by a fall in her infancy; it was, however, scarcely perceptible; and her deportment, and all her movements were remarkable for dignity, ease, and freedom. Her features were rather large and striking in proportion to her figure, and her whole countenance, unless controlled for especial purposes, was singular for its mobility and vivacity. Her eyes were of a brilliant hazel, quick and penetrating; her nose aquiline, her mouth too wide, and when at rest, not agreeable in its expression; her smile, however, was bright and pleasing, and her teeth fine, though she took little care of them. She had a profusion of light brown hair, which she seldom combed; and a man's fur cap, or a knot of ribbon, was in general her only coiffure, till later in life she exchanged these for a periwig. She was extremely negligent in her dress, and never allowed herself more than a quarter of an hour at her morning toilet. Except upon state occasions, her attire was very simple and uniform; it consisted of a suit of plain grey stuff or cloth, shorter than was usually worn, for the convenience of walking and riding, with a black scarf round her neck, and rarely a single ornament. She was temperate, and even abstemious in eating, apparently quite indifferent as to what was placed before her, and was never heard to praise or dispraise any dish at the table.

Notwithstanding her despotic temper, her general deportment was frank, good-humoured, and easy. She affected in conversation a stoicism which she was far from carrying into practice. Her singularities had not at this time degenerated into that extreme of eccentricity and coarseness which she afterwards exhibited. When inclined to play the queen, her countenance could assume an expression of exceeding haughtiness, and her eyes so much fire and vivacity, that General Wrangel, who had made all Germany tremble at his very name, was himself known to tremble (or perhaps affect to tremble) in her presence. Like our Elizabeth, she took pleasure in daunting with a look those who approached her; and her courtiers, who soon discovered her foible, knew well how to flatter her in this respect.

She had women about her, as part of her royal state, but seldom condescended to notice, far less converse with, any of them, and openly professed an unmeasured contempt for her own sex. Her only female favourite was the Countess Ebba Sparre, one of her maids of honour, who was a year or two younger than herself, and eminently beautiful and amiable. Christina used to call her "La belle comtesse", and by this title she was distinguished to the end of her life. Ebba Sparre never attempted to exercise the slightest influence over her royal mistress, and appears to have been of a gentle, unobtrusive disposition, and blameless manners.

Among the men who surrounded Christina in the beginning of her reign, the first in rank was her cousin, Charles-Gustavus, the Prince Palatine. The most celebrated was the Chancellor Oxenstiern, esteemed at the time the greatest statesman in Europe; more than a match for Richelieu in abilities, and far his superior in wisdom and integrity. But the most distinguished by the queen's favour, was the Count Magnus de la Gardie, whom she married to her cousin, the Princess Mary Euphrosyne, and loaded with honours. He was her grand-chamberlain, and afterwards ambassador to France. M. Chanut, the French minister, a man of considerable ability, possessed much of her confidence; and Adler Salvius, whom she raised from an obscure station to be a senator and a noble, was high in her favour, and entrusted with her most secret negotiations.

Her cousin, Charles-Gustavus, had a high command in the army, where he studied the art of war under Torstenson and Wrangel; and when he visited the court was always treated by the queen with the honour due to his birth and rank. Although he was the heir-presumptive to the crown, and was much beloved by the military, she never indulged the slightest jealousy against him; and though he was a suitor for her hand, she kept him steadily at a distance, nor did he ever dare to presume on that partiality in his favour which the whole court had early detected.

Count Peter Brahé held at this time the office of Drotset, or grand judiciary and first senator of Sweden, (a dignity resembling that of our Lord High Chancellor.) He was a man of great talents and integrity, and high in the confidence of the queen and the people.

This slight sketch will give some idea of Christina and her court during the first five or six years of her reign; nor can we wonder that the eyes of all Europe should have been fixed on this singular woman with interest, admiration, and astonishment. She was, in fact, the only sovereign of that time who was invested with anything like personal greatness. Mazarin governed France during the minority of Louis XIV.: Olivarez governed Spain in the name of Philip IV.; Cromwell ruled England in his own name. The Emperor was almost imbecile: Christina alone maintained the regal dignity in her own person. Her first actions, private and public, were wise and beneficent. She added to her fleet, and invited skilful shipwrights from Holland. She made some excellent regulations with regard to the commerce, taxes, and coin of her kingdom. In her minority she had founded the university of Abo, in Finland; she now endowed it richly, and established there a valuable library, which in a few years amounted to ten thousand volumes. She also added to the revenues and privileges of the university of Upsal, and founded an academy of literature at Stockholm.

The celebrated Hugo Grotius had been patronised by her father, Gustavus Adolphus, and during her minority had been taken into the service of Sweden, and appointed by Oxenstiern, Ambassador to France. He returned from his embassy in the first year of her reign, and she received him with all the distinction due to his uncommon merit. After he had rendered an account of the affairs entrusted to him, he entreated permission to resign his offices. To the queen he pleaded his broken health; and to Oxenstiern the deep disgust and weariness with which his long diplomatic career had inspired him. Christina gave him to understand how much his continuance in her service would gratify her; but as he persisted in his wish, she presented him with a gratuity of 12,000 crowns, and dismissed him with honour. Grotius died within a few months afterwards (In August 1645.), and Christina wrote to his widow a feeling and elegant letter, purchased the whole of his library and MSS. for a large sum of money, and presented them to the university of Upsal. The fame of this well-timed munificence was quickly spread through Europe, at a period when the name of Hugo Grotius was most illustrious in politics and literature.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Note: Åbo is the Swedish name for the Finnish city of Turku, in the Uusimaa region.

Wednesday, February 26, 2025

Ada Harrison's biography of Kristina, part 15

Source:

Christina of Sweden, pages 58 to 63, by Ada Harrison, 1929


The biography:

The plague was still at Rome, and Christina stayed at Pesaro. In the provincial dullness her scheme for the conquest of Naples flowered again. So ripe did it grow that she returned to France to prosecute it, and we hear of one of her gentlemen providing new uniforms for the household, so that it should not disgrace her in her new position. The uniforms were expensive and tasteful, in grey and purple, with various details of decoration. When, however, it was discovered that the number of men-at-arms who were to bear them was about forty, and that no support was to be dreamed of from Mazarin to assist them in the taking of Naples, the project halted. Comically impracticable as it had been from its inception, it dragged on for years, and when in the end it was abandoned, it was succeeded for Christina by a Near Eastern scheme, which answered equally well as an occupation and was never in any great danger of accomplishment.

It was while Christina was at Fontainebleau, awaiting an invitation to the French court which was slow in coming, that her chamberlain Monaldeschi was murdered. This peculiar and horrible incident roused at the time, and subsequently, a storm of shocked enquiry about Christina. She had always been a nine days' wonder. She now seemed a nine days' wonder with a savage taste for blood. Every historian interprets the incident according to his particular view of the queen's character. It was to one the culminating eccentric violence of a violent and eccentric nature. Another sees in it the action of an ailing woman brought to a pitch of nervous irritability. To a third it was a crime of passion committed by a woman who had turned upon her lover.

As the true facts remain unknown, the true interpretation must do likewise. Monaldeschi was a member of the lesser Italian nobility who had worked himself into the queen's confidence and been, as usual, wildly rewarded. If she took all her gentlemen for lovers, as scandal said, then he was the queen's lover; but this is unlikely. He was certainly an adventurer enjoying much power, and enjoying it, as was inevitable, precariously. It is not so much the murder itself, or as Christina would have said, the execution, that was startling. Surrounded by frauds and impostors as she was, it was no wonder that she should react against some of them as suddenly and violently as she had originally taken them up. It is the manner of the execution that so uneasily stirs the imagination.

As far as can be learnt[,] the whole affair was the result of a falling-out of thieves. At this time Monaldeschi and the two Santinellis were dividing the queen's confidence. Monaldeschi was Christina's chamberlain[,] and Ludovico Santinelli was her captain of the guard. Francesco Santinelli had been despatched from France to Rome to take the queen's diamonds out of pawn. Being a knave[,] he immediately pledged them and took the money. This news reached Monaldeschi's ears. The chamberlain was anxious, from jealous motives, to expose Santinelli. He was unwilling, however, to do it straightforwardly with the evidence at his command. A richer and fuller opportunity suggested itself. He therefore set to work and laid a long and torturous train against his rival, forging letters and evidence, involving himself in a mass of underhand business. He was working in Christina's palace, and knowledge of his activities came to her ears. Having once suspected him, she set herself to mark him step for step, tracking him as he was tracking Santinelli. When all the evidence seemed ready[,] she called him before her, and in the presence of the other Santinelli and a Jesuit father asked him what was fit punishment for the man who betrayed her secret confidence. Condemning himself out of his own mouth, Monaldeschi replied, 'the vilest death.' Then Christina turned upon him and broke it to him in a flash that he was not the instrument[,] but the victim of justice. The priest was to confess him and Santinelli immediately to carry out the sentence.

A horrible scene ensued. The condemned man flung himself in an agony before the queen. His supplication was terrible, but Christina remained unmoved. She ordered the priest and the executioner to do their duty, and withdrew. Twice the Jesuit father followed her to beg mercy. Once even Santinelli went to implore her to consider again. She simply told him to bring her word when Monaldeschi was dead. At last Santinelli drew up his guard and bade the victim prepare. But a further horror was added. Monaldeschi, warned by some premonition, had put on a shirt of mail under his coat. To kill him[,] the guard had to fight him up and down the long gallery where the scene had taken place. Covered with wounds[,] he fell at last, and died, having endured in his last hours the whole range of physical and mental torture.

Christina received the news of his death with satisfaction. The brutality of her conduct is impossible to explain. That she should imagine herself able, with her royal prerogative, to order an execution, is conceivable; but that she, a woman, should remain almost within earshot of its being bloodily enacted, and then affect to rejoice, puts her in a light too savage for her nature. The only explanation is that there must have been stuff in Monaldeschi's investigations, which, once disclosed, would have struck her terribly near. She must have been either horribly afraid, or, more likely, for she was no coward, she must have been threatened beyond redemption in that self-esteem which was her mania.

The murder, committed by a guest on French soil, was bitterly condemned in France. Mazarin, in an attempt to smooth things over, advised the queen to disown it, but this Christina, with her own perverse courage, obstinately refused to do. The terms of her refusal, as was usual with her, improved on courage:

'Understand this, all of you, valets and masters, small and great, that it was my pleasure to act thus, and that I must not and do not give account of my actions to anybody. Prince Condé did well to write of you, "This old fox who has taken in God and the devil." Believe me, Jules, you had better conduct yourself in a manner pleasing to me. ...'

Contrary to appearances[,] there was none of the braggadocio of fear in this letter to the most powerful man in France. It was simply Christina's normal reaction to an inferior who had attempted to give her advice. In her own remarkable fashion she continued insensible of having committed any enormity, and no more than a month after Monaldeschi's death, she was requesting Mazarin to find a duchy for Francesco Santinelli.

Louis XIV, to show his disapproval, kept the queen waiting at Fontainebleau five months for an invitation to Paris. In her enforced idleness, Christina thought again enthusiastically of Cromwell. For a second time she proposed a visit to England, but found her offers once more politely ignored by the Protector. When at last the invitation came for her to join the French court, she hurried with undiminished confidence to the capital. Her most striking success this time was with the scholars of the Academy, who admired her wit and learning and felt no close interest in the fate of Monaldeschi. The rest of Paris continued to dwell upon it, but Christina refused to be under a cloud.

No royal apartments being offered, she lodged in Mazarin's section of the Louvre, and went constantly to the play, attended only by gentlemen, and calling the first coach that came to hand. She watched Louis XIV dance in one of those miraculous ballets which the Cardinal encouraged to keep the King's mind off State affairs, and being invited to supper afterwards, kept her royal host waiting. At this supper she met the young Marquise de Castellane, called La Belle Provençale. She was immensely struck with her beauty, and spared no pains to enjoy her society. This unusual attention gave rise to the rumour that Christina felt an immoderate passion for the young Marquise, the same as she had been suspected of feeling for Ebba Sparre, her single woman friend in Sweden, and for the Comtesse de Suze, who inspired a wit to the following verses:

'Belle et charmante Comtesse,
Une généreuse princesse
Dit que vous l'avez su charmer;
Christine l'avoue elle-même.
Puisque votre sexe vous aime,
Le mien a droit aussi de vous aimer.'

She stayed on in Paris through Carnival, having all the fun of the fair, and continually offering herself as a spectacle to the crowd. At last she moved off south for Lent, having caused Anne of Austria to declare that if Christina did not go, she must. None of her hosts, except perhaps Mazarin, had any patience left for her, and Christina, in her turn, was beginning to find the French light. The O Cato, O Cicero strain revived in her letters. Of Paris too she was obliged to write: 'Where are the men?'


Above: Kristina.


Above: Kristina condemns Monaldeschi to die, painted by Johan Fredrik Höckert.

Wednesday, January 15, 2025

Sophie Hoechstetter on Kristina's youth, year 1908, part 2

Source:

Christine, Königin von Schweden in ihrer Jugend. Ein Versuch (Essay) von Sophie Hoechstetter, article written by Sophie Hoechstetter for Jahrbuch für S*xuelle Zwischenstufen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der H*mos*xualität, volume 9, pages 183 to 196, edited by Dr. Magnus Hirschfeld, 1908


The essay:

Wenden wir uns nun zu dem, was uns, Christines s*xuelle Natureigentümlichkeit berührend, zugänglich ist.

Zunächst sei erwähnt, was sie selbst darüber andeutet:

"Ich kam mit einem Helme, vom Haupte an bis auf die Knie, zur Welt, so daß ich nur das Gesicht, die Arme und Beine frei hatte. Ich war ganz rauh, ich hatte eine grobe und starke Stimme. Alles dies machte die Frauen glaubend, daß ich ein Knäblein wäre. Der König sagte" (später, als er Irrtum und Enttäuschung überwunden hatte) "von mir: Sie wird geschickt sein, denn sie hat uns alle betrogen.

Meine Mutter konnte mich nicht leiden, denn ich war schwarzbraun und wie eine kleine Mohrin. — — — Mein hitziges und ungestümes Temperament hat mir nicht weniger Neigung zur Liebe als zur Ehrbegierde gegeben. In was für Unglück würde mich eine so schreckliche Neigung gestürzt haben, wenn Gottes Gnade nicht meine Fehler selbst gebraucht hätte, mich davon zu bessern.

Meine Ehrbegierde, mein Stolz, der sich niemand unterwerfen konnte, und mein Hochmut, der alles verachtete, haben mir zu wunderbaren Bewahrungsmitteln gedient und durch Deine Gnade hast Du denselben eine so feine Zärtlichkeit beigefügt, durch welche Du mich vor einer Neigung, die für Deine Ehre und meine Glückseligkeit so gefährlich war, in Sicherheit gesetzt hast. —

Ich habe noch zwei andere Fehler, daß ich nämlich zu oft und zu laut lache und daß ich allzugeschwind gehe. Aber weil ich niemals zur Unzeit lache, so habe ich auf diesen Fehler ebenso wenig geachtet, als auf meinen Gang. Alle diese Fehler würden von geringer Erheblichkeit sein, wenn sie sich nicht an einem Frauenzimmer befänden."

(Diese Sätze sind aus den 1681 geschriebenen Memoiren [Reifsteinsche Übersetzung] die Christine in einer langen Einleitung Gott widmet! Wir erinnern uns hierbei, daß etwa 90 Jahre später J. J. Rousseau in der Vorrede seiner Confessions die Absicht aussprach, mit diesem Werk in der Hand vor Gott zu treten.)

Es schien mir erläßlich, über das Thema von Christines Sexualität die nach vertrauenswürdigem Urteil zum größten Teil im Hofklatsch wurzelnden Memoiren des Chanut heranzuziehen. Ich zitiere im folgenden Emil Daniels größeren Essai über Christine, (Preuß. Jahrbücher 1899) den er gelegentlich des Erscheinens von Christine de Suède et le cardinal Azzolino. Lettres inédites (1666-1668). Avec une introduction et des notes par le baron de Bildt, ministre de Suède et Norvège à Rome. Paris 1899 veröffentlichte (1) In einem seiner Einleitungskapitel (Christine et l'amour) führt Herr v. Bildt eine große Zahl von Christines "Liebhabern" an, eine bis*xuelle Beanlagung zieht er hier nicht in Betracht.).)

Daniels sagt:

"Bildt erinnert an einer Stelle seines Werkes an die eigentümlichen Umstände, welche die Geburt der Königin begleiteten, und meint, sie sei zwar kein andr*gynisches Geschöpf gewesen, wohl aber für die sexuellen Funktionen schlecht gebaut oder mindestens wenig dazu geneigt.

Möglicherweise habe sie bereits in ihren schönsten Jahren das Gefühl einer geheimen physischen Inferiorität, einer sexuellen Schwäche gehabt. In diesem Sinn verweist auch Bildt alle Geschichten, welche damals am Mälarsee und sonstwo in Europa über den angeblich sittenlosen Lebenswandel der jungen Fürstin umhergetragen wurden, in das Reich der Fabel und des Hofklatsches.

In einem großen Teil beruhen diese unsauberen Histörchen, die natürlich auch bei der Nachwelt vielen Glauben gefunden haben, auf den sogenannten Memoiren Chanuts, des französischen Gesandten in Schweden.

Das genannte Buch erschien nach dem Tode Chanuts, aber noch bei Lebzeiten Christines, die darüber an den gelehrten Freigeist Bourdelot (der ihre Sprüche sammelte) schrieb: "mich verleumden, heißt die Sonne angreifen."

Daniels sagt weiter, nachdem er Christines Erziehung schilderte:

"Es ist klar, daß dieses absolute Ineinandergreifen von Natur und Erziehung ein Mannweib hervorbringen mußte, ein Frauenzimmer bildete sich mit starker und männlicher Stimme" (durch Erziehung?!) "und unzarten Manieren. Die Histörchenerzähler am schwedischen Hofe raunten sich sogar geheimnisvoll zu, daß bei Christine Andr*gynie vorläge. Jedoch, Christine war wirklich ein Weib. Die Berichte des Arztes, welcher sie auf ihrer Reise von 1666-68 begleitete, Berichte, welche uns in regelmäßigen Zwischenräumen über die Bedingungen des physischen Lebens der Königin informieren, lassen in dieser Hinsicht keinen Zweifel übrig."

Als an derselben Stelle Christines Verhältnis zu Azzolini erörtert wird, schreibt Daniels:

"Es läßt sich in diesem Zusammenhange die Aufwerfung der Frage nicht umgehen, ob die Freundschaft zwischen der Königin und den Kirchenfürsten einen erlaubten oder einen unerlaubten Charakter getragen hat. Christine selber sagt in ihrer Lebensbeschreibung: "Ich würde mich sicher verheiratet haben, wenn ich in mir selber die Kraft vermißt hätte, die Freuden der Liebe zu entbehren" und Ranke meint, man dürfe dem angeführten Selbstbekenntnis um so unbedenklicher glauben, als die Memoiren zugleich eine Art Beichte seien." (Wir erinnern uns der Widmung an Gott.) "Bildt urteilt über den angedeuteten heiklen Punkt skeptischer als Ranke und will in bezug darauf uns ein non liquet gelten lassen. Man muß jedoch sagen, daß die einzige Beweisstelle, auf welche Bildt seinen Verdacht begründet, ein Argument von nur sehr geringem Gewicht bildet. Bildt hat nämlich unter den Papieren des Nuntius Marescotti eine chiffrierte Depesche Azzolinos gefunden, welche dem Einwande entgegentritt, daß Christine sich deshalb nicht zur Königin von Polen eigne, weil sie bei ihren 42 Jahren die Dynastie nicht mehr fortzupflanzen vermöchte. Der Kardinal merkt dawider: ihre Leibesbeschaffenheit ist noch so kräftig, daß man jetzt sicher auf eine noch zehn Jahre anhaltende Fruchtbarkeit hoffen kann; früher allerdings dürfte ihr übermäßiges "Calore" sie wohl untüchtig gemacht haben."

Calore, von Bildt mit ardeur, Feuer übersetzt, läßt noch weitere Begriffe zu.

Daniels fährt fort:

"Ich glaube, daß "calore" statt im psychologisch-s*xuellen im pathologisch-gynäkologischen Sinn ausgelegt werden muß — mit anderen Worten, daß Azzolino sagen will, das aufgeregte, zerrüttete Nervensystem der Königin, ihr krankhaft erhitztes (calore!) Temperament habe sie in ihren jüngeren Jahren zur Mutterschaft ungeeignet gemacht."

Ich füge noch folgendes an, was mir in diese Erörterungen zu gehören scheint. Als sich Christine über die Motive ihres Abfalls von der evangelischen Kirche aussprach, da nannte sie als Hauptgrund, wenn man katholisch wäre, genieße man den Trost, einer Kirche anzugehören, "die so viele wunderbare Jungfrauen hervorgebracht hat, welche die Schwachheiten ihres Geschlechtes überwunden und sich Gott geopfert haben." (Daniels.)

Wir kommen nun zu der Beziehung der Königin zu ihrem Hoffräulein, der Gräfin Ebba Sparre. Arkenholz spricht von Ebba Sparre nur sehr kurz, in einer die Königin als sehr derb von Sitten charakterisierenden Anekdote, und in einer belanglosen Briefnote. Er nennt Ebba Sparre einmal Christines "Liebling", ein andermal Christines "Favoritin".

Als Berichterstatter über Christines Beziehung zu Ebba Sparre zitiert Grauert Chanut, Menegiane [sic], Lundblad und faßt das dort Gegebene in dem Satz zusammen:

"Die einzige ihres Geschlechtes, womit sie näheren Umgang pflog, war ihr Hoffräulein Ebba Sparre, durch bewunderungswürdige Schönheit und durch Verstand ausgezeichnet: mit dieser stand sie in vertrauter und inniger Freundschaft."

Lassen wir auch hier Christine selbst sprechen, in den drei durch Arkenholtz zugänglichen Briefen an Ebba Sparre.

Sie sind nach dem Abschied von Schweden geschrieben und werfen ein rückfallendes Licht auf jene Jugendbeziehung.

"Brüxelles, 1655.
Que mon bonheur seroit sans second, s'il m'étoit permis de la partager avec vous, et si vous étiez témoin de ma félicité. (Anmerkung: im Schoß der katholischen Kirche fand Christine das erwähnte Glück.)

Je vous jure que [je] serois digne de l'envie des Dieux, si je pouvois jouir du bien de vous voir; mais puisque je d'ésespère [sic] si justement ce bonheur, il faut que vous me donniez au moins cette satisfaction, de croire qu'en quelque endroit du monde que je me trouve, je conserverai éternellement le souvenir de votre mérite, et que j'emporterai au de-là des monts, la passion et la tendresse que je vous ai toujours portée.

Conservez-moi du moins votre cher souvenir, et ne troublez pas la douceur de la félicité, dont je souis [sic], par un si injuste oubli de la personne du monde qui vous honnore le plus.

Adieu, Belle, souvenez-vous de votre
Christine."

"Que je serois heureuse s'il m'étoit permis de vous voir, Belle, mais je suis condamnée du sort à vous aimer et vous estimer toujours sans vous voir jamais; et cette envie que les astres portent aux félicités humaines, empêche que je ne sois entiérement heureuse, puisque je ne la puis être, étant éloignée de vous.

Ne doutez pas de cette vérité, et croiez qu'en quelque lieu du monde que je me trouve, vous y avez une personne qui vous est entiérement acquise, comme je l'ai toujours été.

Mais est-il possible, Belle, que vous vous souveniez encore de moi? Vous suis-je encore aussi chère que je vous l'étois autrefois? Ne me suis-je pas trompée, lorsque je me suis persuadée que j'étois la personne du monde que vous aimiez le plus? Ha, si cela est, ne me d'étrompez [sic] pas: laissez-moi plutôt mon erreur, et ne m'enviez point la felicité imaginaire que me donne l'opinion d'étre [sic] chérie de la plus aimable personne du monde. Conservez-moi, s'il se peut, ce bien, et ne souffrez pas que le tems (temps) ni l'absence me privent de la satisfaction d'étre [sic] aimeé [sic] de vous, et croiez que quoiqu'il puisse arriver, je ne cesserai d'être à vous.

Adieu, Belle, adieu. Je vous embrasse un million de fois.
de Rome, le 6. Janvier 1656.
Christine Alexandre."

"Vous avez trop de connoissance de Vous-même pour n'être pas persuadée, qu'en quelque endroit du monde que je sois, vous y faites toujours une partie de mon souvenir, et que le tems n'a pas de pouvoir sur l'amitié que je vous ai jurée.

Celui qui vous rendra ce billet, me sera témoin auprès de Vous, que je fais toujours justice à votre mérite et à votre beauté.

Après avoir vu dans le plus beau et le plus joli pais du monde, tout ce qu'il y a de charmant et de beau en notre sexe, je soutiens avec plus de hardiesse, qu'il n'y a personne, qui osât vous disputer l'avantage que vous emportez surtout ce, qu'il y a de plus aimable au monde.

Dites-nous après cela, si l'on se peut consoler, quand on est condamné à une absence éternelle. Mais si je suis assurée de ne vous voir jamais, je suis assurée de vous aimer toujours, et vous êtes cruelle si vous en doutez.

Une amitié qui est éprouvée par trois ans d'absence, ne vous doit pas être suspecte, et si vous n'avez oublié le droit que vous avez sur moi, il vous souviendra qu'il y a deja douze ans que je suis en possession d'être aimée de vous. Enfin qui je suis a vous d'une manière qu'il est impossible que vous puissez me perdre, et ce ne sera jamais qu'avec la vie, que je cesserai de vous aimer. Le Sieur Balad[r]ier vous portera de mes nouvelles, et pour moi, je vous dis ceci de plus particulier, que je serois aujourd'hui la plus heureuse Princesse du monde, s'il m'étoit permis de vous avoir pour témoin de mes félicités, et si je pouvois espérer un jour la satisfaction de vous être utile. Si cette occasion se présente, faites état du pouvoir que vous avez sur moi, et soiez assurée, qu'il n'y aura que l'impossible, que me dispensera de vous servir.

Adieu, vivez heureuse et souvenez-vous de moi. Je vous embrasse un million de fois et vous prie, d'être assurée, que je vous aime de tout mon cœur.
de Pesaro, le 27. Mars 1657.
Christine Alexandra.

Mes compliments à tous mes amis et amies. Assurez-les de ma part, que si je n'ai pour tous la même tendresse, qu' j'ai pour vous, je ne laisserai pas d'avoir pour eux la même constance."

"Ich weiß, daß ich Sie unaufhörlich lieben werde. Die Zeit hat nicht die geringste Macht über die Freundschaft, die ich ihnen zugeschworen. Gedenken Sie noch des Rechtes, das Sie über mich haben — bedienen Sie sich des Rechtes. Gedenken Sie noch an ihr Recht über mich — daß ich schon seit zwölf Jahren im Besitz Ihrer Liebe bin, und Ihnen so eigentümlich zugehöre, daß Sie meiner unmöglich verlustig werden können, und ich auch nicht eher aufhören kann, Sie zu lieben, als ich aufhören werde zu sein."

Wir haben wohl nicht Grund zu denken, daß dies der Normalstil jener Zeit von einer Königin an ihr Hoffräulein war.

Wir wollen an diese Beziehung nicht mit Neugier tasten. Die Briefe klingen an Erinnerungen — an zwölf Jahre der Freundschaft.

Welche Ausprägung sie hatte, ist nicht der Gegenstand unserer Erörterungen.

Aber sicherlich hat die jünglinghafte Königin die schöne Gräfin auf eine schöne Weise geliebt. Sie weiß nur ein Liebeswort für Ebba Sparre: "Belle".

Und mich dünkt, dieses Wort ist ein Charakteristikum der virilen Art:

Jede virile Frau liebt in ihrer Freundin die schöne Frau. Wir werden nie finden, daß im befreundeten Verkehr zwischen normalen Frauen je eine die andere "Belle" nennt.

Wir erinnern uns hier an Otto Weiningers glänzende Definition: es müßte uns eine Scham sein, etwas schön zu nennen, denn wir finden nur das schön, was wir lieben, Weininger hat, und mit allem Recht, die Passion, die persönlichste Sehnsucht in das Wort gelegt.

***

Ich habe mit dem Vorstehenden versucht, dem Leser durch Urteile von Christines Geschichtsschreibern und Zeitgenossen, durch Proben ihrer Briefe und Aphorismen einen selbständigen Eindruck zu vermitteln.

Die nachfolgende eigene Zusammenfassung beansprucht nicht mehr, als die aus dem Gegebenen erwachsene Impression eines Einzelnen zu sein.

Dem, der auch nur einige Erfahrung auf dem Gebiet der Zwischenstufenerscheinungen hat, wird sich Christine als Bisexuelle eingliedern Formel M + W etwa, mit hervorwiegend homosexueller Neigung. Und zwar ist sie ein ausgeprägter Typ des geistig Virilen.

Ihre Geschlechtsfunktionen sind weiblich, aber selbst ihr Körper bevorzugt männliche Übungen, Gewohnheiten, Tracht. Ihr Verstand, Charakter, ihre Seele tragen alle Züge des Jünglings.

Es werden Christine Liebschaften unschöner Art mit Männern nachgeredet. Ohne allen Zweifel hat Christine versucht, dem zu folgen, was sie doch für ihre Natur hielt.

Wir können durchaus nicht erwarten, daß die Bis*xuelle sich von vornherein klar war über ihre stärkere Neigung. Auch ist ihr das Geschlechtsleben sekundär — sie ist ein vorwiegend auf das Spirituelle gestellter Typ.

Als ein männlicher Geist, ein Charakter, der jeder sinnlichen Maßlosigkeit geradezu feindselig gegenüberstand, (sie bekundet in den Memoiren einen oft betonten Abscheu vor dem Trunk, vor der geschlechtlichen Ausschweifung), hatte sie in den Jahren ihres Elans die s*xuelle Note überhaupt nur gemäßigt. Sie mag sich in der Beziehung zu Ebba Sparre in irgend einer Form ausgelebt haben.

Beinahe konnte es auch scheinen, daß ihr Verhältnis zu Azzolini, dem hochgebildeten Kardinal, sich wiederum in diesen Bahnen bewegte — doch das wäre ein Thema für sich. Wenigstens aber scheint sicher, daß Christine in den beiden belangvollen Neigungen ihres Lebens Platonikerin war, Platonikerin im alten Sinn des Wortes: der Freundschaft und der Liebe für eine Person fähig.

Einer ihrer Aphorismen: "ce n'est pas la dévotion, mais la vanité des hommes, qui déclare la guerre au corps" beweist wohl, daß sie sich ihres Körpers bewußt war, daß sie sinnlichen Feinheiten nicht ferne stand. Dennoch, das Sinnliche scheint ihr, ohne die Vergeistigung einer Miterschütterung der Psyche, immer etwas Untergeordnetes gewesen zu sein. Das braucht nicht zu widerlegen, daß man ihr vielleicht wirklich s*xuelle Exzesse noch würde nachweisen können.

"Mein Vater liebte die Frauen zu viel", sagte sie einmal. Einige atavistische Noten würden ihr Gesamtbild nicht wesentlich ändern.

Aber was an ihr persönlich und eigengeschaffen war, nahm den stärksten Aufstrom auf geistigem Gebiet.

Aus ihren Schriften, aus den Schilderungen ihrer Zeitgenossen und Geschichtsschreiber ersteht uns ihr Bild:

Sie ist die Tochter des großen Gustav, trägt sein kühnes Profil, seine Germanenhaare, seinen Mut und das Verführerische seines wohlgebildeten und kühnen Wesens.

Wir sehen sie ausgestattet mit ungewöhnlichem Intellekt, den sie kultiviert, wie kaum je eine andere königliche Frau es tat.

Sie unterdrückt in ihrer Natur, was sie ihrer für unwert hält. Sie steht ein wenig auf der Vulkanerde des Genialischen.

Sie ist von persönlichem Stolz erfüllt, von heftigen Affekten durchpulst.

All ihre Affekte aber sind der Aufstrom edler oder doch großliniger Gefühle: Mut, Freundschaft, Ehrgeiz, Umgestüm in Haß und Neigung, Verschwendung für Andere, Pietät, größtes geistiges und charakterliches Wollen. Die Freundschaft ist ihr eine Lebenssache. Sie überlegt einmal, ob man einen Freund dann täuschen dürfe, wenn es zu seinem Wohle eine Notwendigkeit wäre. Und sie findet das eine höchst schwierige, kaum befriedigend zu lösende Angelegenheit, eine Frage "von zärtlicher Beschaffenheit". Sie hat für eine schöne und kluge Frau Zärtlichkeit und Freundschaft. Sie nennt sie "Belle" und allen Geschichtsschreibern Christines wird aus dem persönlichen Liebeswort die Gräfin Ebba Sparre zur Aphrodite.

Auch diese Freundschaft paßt sich dem Typ ein: ein stark intellektueller, vorwiegend männlicher Charakter, dem in den Jahren der Jugend eine schöne Herzensflamme aufglüht, dem die anderen Naturäußerungen seiner Doppelgeschlechtichkeit nur dritten oder vierten Ranges und der Bekämpfung notwendig erscheinen. Das Denken und Wollen Christines hat in den Jahren ihrer Jugend die Distinktion eines edlen Geistes und die Vornehmheit der Kompromißunfähigkeit.

Auch aus ihren späten Tagen ragen noch Zeugen dieser vornehmen Gesinnung: sie war fanatische Katholikin gewesen — und sie formulierte einst, als sie auf einen neuen Thron hoffte, ein Manifest, das in außerordentlicher Parität der Juden gedachte. ...

Wenn Arkenholtz am Schlusse seiner Charakteristik sagt: "in Betrachtung der erhabenen Eigenschaften, durch welche Christine sich zu ihrem größten Ruhm von andern unterschied, werden auch die Feinde des Namens Christine nicht in Abrede stellen können, daß ganze Jahrhunderte dazu gehören, um in ihrem Geschlechte noch eine Person hervorzubringen, die ihr gleichkomme", so werden wir das nicht so sehr für Übertreibung halten.

Vielleicht wird man sagen, ich hätte ihre Lichtseiten zu sehr betont. Es konnte hier nicht alles von ihr erzählt werden — aber die Beschäftigung mit ihrem Leben, mit ihrer Jugend war eine schöne Aufgabe — und über den Dingen ihrer Jugend liegt der verführerische Reiz des Kühnen und des Heldenhaften. Und die Jugend eines Menschen ist sein Entscheidendes — nicht immer für ihn selbst, wenn ihr keine Reife in Schönheit folgt, wohl aber für unsere Zuneigung.

Wie sollen wir uns auf einen solchen Jugendunterbau ihr späteres Leben erklären? Die Frage drängt sich noch auf.

Es ist wohl zunächst, ihr Körper versagte. Sie hat bis zu ihrer Thronentsagung, bis zu ihrem 28. Lebensjahr gearbeitet wie kaum eine andere Frau. Nun will die Physis nicht mehr Stand halten.

So sehen wir diese Gestalt, die etwas Edeljünglinghaftes hatte, zuletzt untergehen in Überspannung aller Kräfte und dem folglichen Versagen und Zerrüttetsein.

Was diesen männlichen, selbständigen Geist, diese ungestüme Natur endlich vermochte, dem mutigen Glauben ihres Hauses zu entsagen und dafür mit erschreckendem Fanatismus dem (damals noch ketzerverbrennenden) Katholizismus zu leben, scheint eher auf dem Gebiet partieller Psychose als Psychologie zu liegen: Die Wasas waren religiös überlastet. (Gustav Adolf, Gustav III., Oberst Gustavson). Dem großen Gustav gab sich als Gegengewicht ein glänzender Wirklichkeitssinn, reale Klugheits-Politik.

Christine, die Erbin der religiös-mystischen Wasanote, bekam von der Natur kein Gegengewicht, sondern nur noch Verwandtes und neu Belastendes: ein ungestümes Temperament der heftigsten Affekte.

Macht, Glanz, Kunst, erhöhte Lebensform im päpstlichen Rom, die schwüle Inbrunst eines das S*xuelle (im Mariendienst) sehr berührenden Kults, das waren wohl die Lockmittel für Christine.

Das s*xuelle Moment des Mariendienstes scheint mir in diesem Fall von besonderem Belang. Bewußt war diese Unterströmung der mystisch veranlagten, mehr h*mo- als bis*xuellen Natur selbstredend nicht.

Bewußt war das Angedeutete Christine keineswegs. Sie wollte "die Schwachheiten ihres Geschlechtes überwinden, als Zugehörige der Kirche, die so viele reine Jungfrauen hervorgebracht hat." — —

Wir haben in Christine von Schweden die größte fürstliche Frau aus dem Zwischenstufengeschlecht zu sehen — ja, nicht nur dies, Christine gehört unter allen virilen oder bis*xuellen Frauen zu den Bedeutendsten.

Mit der Krone Schwedens hat Christine Alexandra ihre Jugend, ja man möchte fast sagen, auch ihre Würde aufgegeben.

Drei Briefe an Ebba Sparre, die Freundin schönerer Tage kommen noch in der nächsten Zeit aus dem freiwilligen Exil.

Und dann geht eine einst stolze und elanvolle Seele in ein Land und in Erlebnisse, wohin ihr nicht mehr unsere Sympathie folgt, sondern nur noch ein intellektuelles Verstehen ihres sich dem Unglück und dem Untergang zuneigenden Schicksals.

English translation (my own):

Let us now turn to what is accessible to us concerning Kristina's s*xual nature.

First, let us mention what she herself says about it:

"I was born with a caul from my head down to my knees, so that only my face, arms and legs were exposed. I was very hairy, I had a coarse and strong voice. All this made the women believe that I was a little boy. The King said" (later, when he had overcome his error and disappointment) "of me: She will be clever, for she has deceived us all.

My mother could not stand me, for I was blackish-brown and like a little Moor. — — — My hot and impetuous temperament gave me a tendency to love as much as to ambition. Into what misfortune would such a terrible inclination have plunged me if God's grace had not used my own faults to correct me.

My ambition, my pride, which no one could subdue, and my arrogance, which despised everything, have served me as wonderful preservatives, and through Your grace, You have added to them such a delicate tenderness, by which You have protected me from an inclination that was so dangerous to Your honour and my happiness.

I have two other faults, namely, that I laugh too often and too loudly, and that I walk too quickly. But because I never laugh at the wrong time, I have paid as little attention to this fault as to my gait. All these faults would be of little consequence if they did not belong to a woman."

(These sentences are from the Memoirs written in 1681 [Reifstein's translation], which Kristina dedicates to God in a long introduction! We remember here that about 90 years later, J. J. Rousseau expressed his intention in the prologue to his Confessions to appear before God with this work in his hand.)

It seemed to me necessary to consult Chanut's memoirs on the subject of Kristina's sexuality, which, according to reliable judgement, are largely rooted in court gossip. In the following I quote Emil Daniel's longer essay on Kristina (Preuß. Jahrbücher 1899), which he wrote on the occasion of the publication of Christine de Suède et le cardinal Azzolino. Lettres inédites (1666-1668). Avec une introduction et des notes par le baron de Bildt, ministre de Suède et Norvège à Rome. Paris, 1899 (1) In one of his introductory chapters (Christine et l'amour) Mr. Bildt lists a large number of Kristina's "lovers", but does not consider a bis*xual inclination here.).)

Daniels says:

"In one passage of his work, Bildt recalls the peculiar circumstances that accompanied the Queen's birth, and says that she was not an andr*gynous creature, but was poorly built for s*xual functions, or at least had little inclination towards them.

It is possible that even in her prime she had a feeling of a secret physical inferiority, a s*xual weakness. In this sense, Bildt also relegates all the stories that were circulating at that time on Lake Mälaren and elsewhere in Europe about the young princess's supposedly immoral lifestyle to the realm of fable and court gossip.

To a large extent, these unscrupulous stories, which have naturally found much credence among posterity, are based on the so-called Memoirs of Chanut, the French ambassador in Sweden.

The book in question was published after Chanut's death, but during Kristina's lifetime, and she wrote about it to the learned freethinker Bourdelot (who collected her sayings): "To slander me is to attack the sun."

Daniels continues, after describing Kristina's upbringing:

"It is clear that this absolute interplay of nature and nurture must have produced a man-woman, a woman formed with a strong and masculine voice" (through upbringing?!) "and rude manners. The storytellers at the Swedish court even whispered mysteriously that Kristina was andr*gynous. However, Kristina was really a woman. The reports of the doctor who accompanied her on her journey from 1666-68, reports which inform us at regular intervals about the conditions of the Queen's physical life, leave no doubt on this point."

When Kristina's relationship with Azzolino is discussed in the same passage, Daniels writes:

"In this context, the question cannot be avoided as to whether the friendship between the Queen and the princes of the Church was of a permissible or impermissible nature. Kristina herself says in her autobiography: "I would certainly have married if I had lacked the strength within myself to forgo the joys of love", and Ranke thinks that one can believe the self-confession quoted all the more without hesitation, as the memoirs are also a kind of confession." (We remember the dedication to God.)

"Bildt is more skeptical about the delicate point mentioned than Ranke and wants to grant us a non liquet in this regard. It must be said, however, that the only piece of evidence on which Bildt bases his suspicions is an argument of very little weight. Bildt has found an encrypted dispatch from Azzolino among the papers of the nuncio Marescotti, which counters the objection that Kristina is not suitable to be Queen of Poland because, at 42 years of age, she is no longer able to continue the dynasty. The cardinal notes, however, that her physical constitution is still so strong that one can now certainly hope for her fertility to last for another ten years; earlier, however, her excessive "calore" may well have rendered her unfit."

Calore, translated by Bildt as ardeur, fire, allows for other terms.

Daniels continues:

"I believe that "calore" must be interpreted in a pathological-gynecological sense rather than in a psychological-sexual sense — in other words, that Azzolino wants to say that the Queen's agitated, shattered nervous system, her pathologically heated (calore!) temperament, made her unsuitable for motherhood in her younger years."

I would like to add the following, which seems to me to belong to this discussion. When Kristina spoke about the reasons for her defection from the Protestant Church, she said that the main reason was that if one were Catholic, one would enjoy the comfort of belonging to a Church "which has produced so many wonderful virgins who have overcome the weaknesses of their sex and sacrificed themselves to God." (Daniels.)

We now come to the relationship between the Queen and her lady-in-waiting, Countess Ebba Sparre. Arckenholtz speaks of Ebba Sparre only very briefly, in an anecdote that characterises the Queen as having very coarse morals, and in an insignificant note in a letter. He calls Ebba Sparre Kristina's "darling" at one point, and Kristina's "favourite" at another.

As a reporter on Kristina's relationship with Ebba Sparre, Grauert quotes Chanut, Menagiana, and Lundblad and summarises what is said there in the sentence:

"The only member of her sex with whom she had a close relationship was her lady-in-waiting Ebba Sparre, distinguished by her admirable beauty and intelligence: with her she was in a close and intimate friendship."

Let us let Kristina speak for herself here too, in the three letters to Ebba Sparre made available by Arckenholtz.

They were written after leaving Sweden and shed a retrospective light on that youthful relationship.

"Bruxelles, 1655.
Que mon bonheur serait sans second s'il m'était permis de la partager avec vous et si vous étiez témoin de ma félicité. (Note: Kristina found the mentioned happiness in the bosom of the Catholic Church.)

Je vous jure que [je] serais digne de l'envie des dieux si je pouvais jouir du bien de vous voir, mais puisque je désespère si justement ce bonheur, il faut que vous me donniez au moins cette satisfaction: de croire qu'en quelque endroit du monde que je me trouve, je conserverai éternellement le souvenir de votre mérite, et que j'emporterai au de-là des monts la passion et la tendresse que je vous ai toujours portée.

Conservez-moi du moins votre cher souvenir, et ne troublez pas la douceur de la félicité, dont je jouis, par un si injuste oubli de la personne du monde qui vous honnore le plus.

Adieu, Belle, souvenez-vous de votre
Christine."

"Que je serais heureuse s'il m'était permis de vous voir, Belle, mais je suis condamnée du sort à vous aimer et vous estimer toujours sans vous voir jamais; et cette envie que les astres portent aux félicités humaines empêche que je ne sois entiérement heureuse, puisque je ne la puis être, étant éloignée de vous.

Ne doutez pas de cette vérité, et croyez qu'en quelque lieu du monde que je me trouve, vous y avez une personne qui vous est entièrement acquise, comme je l'ai toujours été.

Mais est-il possible, Belle, que vous vous souveniez encore de moi? Vous suis-je encore aussi chère que je vous l'étais autrefois? Ne me suis-je pas trompée lorsque je me suis persuadée que j'étais la personne du monde que vous aimiez le plus? Ha, si cela est, ne me détrompez pas! Laissez-moi plutôt mon erreur, et ne m'enviez point la félicité imaginaire que me donne l'opinion d'être chérie de la plus aimable personne du monde. Conservez-moi, s'il se peut, ce bien, et ne souffrez pas que le temps ni l'absence me privent de la satisfaction d'être aimée de vous, et croyez que quoiqu'il puisse arriver, je ne cesserai d'être à vous.

Adieu, Belle, adieu. Je vous embrasse un million de fois.
De Rome, le 6 janvier 1656.
Christine Alexandre."

"Vous avez trop de connaissance de vous-même pour n'être pas persuadée qu'en quelque endroit du monde que je sois, vous y faites toujours une partie de mon souvenir et que le temps n'a pas de pouvoir sur l'amitié que je vous ai jurée.

Celui qui vous rendra ce billet me sera témoin auprès de vous que je fais toujours justice à votre mérite et à votre beauté.

Après avoir vu dans le plus beau et le plus joli pais du monde, tout ce qu'il y a de charmant et de beau en notre sexe, je soutiens avec plus de hardiesse qu'il n'y a personne qui osât vous disputer l'avantage que vous emportez surtout ce qu'il y a de plus aimable au monde.

Dites-nous après cela si l'on se peut consoler quand on est condamné à une absence éternelle. Mais si je suis assurée de ne vous voir jamais, je suis assurée de vous aimer toujours, et vous êtes cruelle si vous en doutez.

Une amitié qui est éprouvée par trois ans d'absence ne vous doit pas être suspecte, et si vous n'avez oublié le droit que vous avez sur moi, il vous souviendra qu'il y a deja douze ans que je suis en possession d'être aimée de vous. Enfin, qui je suis a vous d'une manière qu'il est impossible que vous puissez me perdre, et ce ne sera jamais qu'avec la vie, que je cesserai de vous aimer?

Le Sieur Baladrier vous portera de mes nouvelles, et pour moi, je vous dis ceci de plus particulier, que je serais aujourd'hui la plus heureuse princesse du monde s'il m'était permis de vous avoir pour témoin de mes félicités et si je pouvais espérer un jour la satisfaction de vous être utile. Si cette occasion se présente, faites état du pouvoir que vous avez sur moi, et soyez assurée qu'il n'y aura que l'impossible que me dispensera de vous servir.

Adieu, vivez heureuse et souvenez-vous de moi. Je vous embrasse un million de fois et vous prie d'être assurée que je vous aime de tout mon cœur.
De Pesaro, le 27 mars 1657.
Christine Alexandra.

Mes compliments à tous mes amis et amies. Assurez-les de ma part que si je n'ai pour tous la même tendresse que j'ai pour vous, je ne laisserai pas d'avoir pour eux la même constance."

"I know that I shall love you unceasingly. Time has not the slightest power over the friendship I have sworn to you. Remember the right you have over me — use that right. Remember your right over me — that I have been in possession of your love for twelve years, and that I belong to you so peculiarly that you cannot possibly lose me, and I cannot stop loving you until I cease to exist."

We have no reason to think that this was the normal style of that time from a queen to her lady-in-waiting.

We do not want to approach this relationship with curiosity. The letters are reminiscent of memories — of twelve years of friendship.

What form it took is not the subject of our discussions.

But the young Queen certainly loved the beautiful Countess in a young man's way. She only knows one word of love for Ebba Sparre: "Belle".

And I think that this word is a characteristic of the virile type:

Every virile woman loves the beautiful woman in her friend. We will never find that in friendly relations between normal women one calls the other "Belle".

We remember here Otto Weininger's brilliant definition: we should be ashamed to call something beautiful, because we only find that beautiful which we love. Weininger has, and rightly so, put the passion, the most personal longing, into the word.

***

With the above I have tried to give the reader an independent impression through the opinions of Kristina's historians and contemporaries, through samples of her letters and aphorisms.

The following summary claims to be no more than the impression of one individual based on the given information.

Anyone who has even a little experience in the area of intermediate phenomena will classify Kristina as a bis*xual (M + F, for example) with predominantly h*mos*xual tendencies. She is a pronounced type of mentally virile.

Her s*xual functions are feminine, but even her body prefers masculine exercises, habits, and dress. Her mind, character, and soul bear all the traits of a young man.

Kristina is said to have had unpleasant affairs with men. There is no doubt that Kristina tried to follow what she believed to be her nature.

We cannot expect the bis*xual to have been aware of her stronger inclinations from the outset. Her s*x life is also secondary to her — she is a predominantly spiritual type.

As a male spirit, a character who was downright hostile to any sensual excess (in her memoirs she often expresses a disgust for drink and s*xual excess), she had only moderated the s*xual note in the years of her élan. She may have lived it out in some form in her relationship with Ebba Sparre.

It could also almost seem that her relationship with Azzolino, the highly educated cardinal, was moving along similar lines — but that would be a topic in itself. But at least it seems certain that Kristina was a Platonist in the two important inclinations of her life, a Platonist in the old sense of the word: capable of friendship and love for one person.

One of her aphorisms: "ce n'est pas la dévotion, mais la vanité des hommes, qui déclare la guerre au corps", proves that she was aware of her body, that she was not far removed from sensual subtleties. Nevertheless, the sensual always seems to have been something subordinate to her, without the spiritualisation of a concomitant shock to the psyche. This does not need to refute the fact that one could perhaps still prove that she really did commit s*xual excesses.

"My father loved women too much", she once said. A few atavistic notes would not significantly change her overall picture.

But what was personal and self-created about her had the strongest impact on her spiritual realm.

Her image emerges from her writings, from the descriptions of her contemporaries and historians:

She is the daughter of the great Gustav, bears his bold profile, his Germanic hair, his courage and the seductiveness of his well-formed and bold nature.

We see her endowed with an unusual intellect which she cultivated like few other royal women ever did.

She suppresses in her nature what she considers unworthy of her. She stands somewhat on the volcanic ground of geniality.

She is filled with personal pride and pulsating with violent emotions.

But all her emotions are the upsurge of noble or at least grand feelings: courage, friendship, ambition, tumultuousness in hatred and affection, extravagance for others, piety, the greatest intellectual and characterful will. Friendship is a matter of life for her. She once considered whether one could deceive a friend if it were necessary for his well-being. And she found this to be a very difficult matter, hardly to be resolved satisfactorily, a question "of tender nature". She has tenderness and friendship for a beautiful and intelligent woman. She calls her "Belle", and for all Kristina's historians, the personal word of love turns Countess Ebba Sparre into Aphrodite.

This friendship also fits the type: a strongly intellectual, predominantly masculine character, who in his youth has a beautiful flame of heart, and for whom the other natural manifestations of his bis*xuality appear to be of only third or fourth rank and necessary to fight against. In her youth, Kristina's thoughts and desires have the distinction of a noble spirit and the nobility of an inability to compromise.

Even from her later days there are still witnesses to this noble attitude: she was a fanatical Catholic — and once, when she was hoping for a new throne, she formulated a manifesto that commemorated the Jews with extraordinary equality. ...

When Arckenholtz says at the end of his characterization: "In view of the sublime qualities by which Kristina distinguished herself from others to her greatest glory, even the enemies of the name Christine will not be able to deny that whole centuries would be needed to produce another person in her line who could equal her," we will not consider this to be such an exaggeration.

Perhaps it will be said that I have emphasised her bright side too much. It was not possible to tell everything about her here — but dealing with her life, with her youth, was a beautiful task — and the things of her youth have the seductive charm of the bold and the heroic. And a person's youth is what makes him important — not always for himself, if it is not followed by maturity in beauty, but certainly for our affection.

How are we supposed to explain her later life on the basis of such a youthful foundation? The question still remains.

First of all, her body failed her. Until she abdicated the throne, until she was 28 years old, she worked harder than almost any other woman. Now her body can no longer cope.

So we see this figure, who had something of the noble young man about her, finally perish in an over-exertion of all her powers and the consequent failure and shattering.

What finally made this manly, independent spirit, this impetuous nature, renounce the courageous faith of her house and instead live with frightening fanaticism for Catholicism (which at that time still burned heretics), seems to lie more in the area of partial psychosis than psychology: The Vasas were religiously overburdened. (Gustav Adolf, Gustav III, Colonel Gustafsson). The great Gustav had a brilliant sense of reality, a real, clever policy, as a counterweight.

Kristina, the heiress of the religious-mystical Vasa note, received no counterweight from nature, but only something related and newly burdening: an impetuous temperament of the most violent emotions.

Power, splendour, art, the elevated way of life in papal Rome, the sultry fervour of a cult that touched on sexuality (in the Marian service) — these were probably the lures for Kristina.

The s*xual aspect of the Marian service seems to me to be of particular importance in this case. This undercurrent of the mystically inclined, more h*mosexual than bis*xual nature was of course not conscious.

Kristina was not at all aware of what was being suggested. She wanted to "overcome the weaknesses of her sex, as a member of the Church that has produced so many pure virgins." — —

In Kristina of Sweden we see the greatest royal woman of the intermediate s*x — yes, not only this, Kristina is among the most important of all virile or bis*xual women.

By giving up the crown of Sweden, Kristina Alexandra gave up her youth, and, one might even say, her dignity.

Three letters to Ebba Sparre, the friend of better days, will soon be coming from voluntary exile.

And then a once proud and energetic soul goes to a country and into experiences where she no longer has our sympathy, but only an intellectual understanding of her fate, which is leaning towards misfortune and ruin.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Sophie Hoechstetter.