Saturday, August 30, 2025

Francis William Bain on Kristina and the failure of Pope Innocent X's bull against the Treaty of Westphalia, and on the 1648 election of the King of Poland

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 83 to 86, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

CHAPTER III.
BEFORE turning to Christina's personal and domestic history, we must dismiss two foreign events which immediately concerned her.

Immediately after the conclusion of peace, the Pope, Innocent X, published a Bull, dated November 26th, 1648, fulminating against the treaty, with special condemnation of the delivery of ecclesiastical benefices to heretics, and the increase in the number of electorates — an eighth having been created for Charles Lewis, son of Frederic V. Throughout this ill-advised instrument Christina was studiously ignored, reference being made only to Sweden and the Swedes. But the Bull only succeeded in making the Pope ridiculous: the Emperor refused to allow it to be published in his dominions; and a special refutation was composed by Herman Conring, pointing out the folly of attempting, among other matters, to put this slight upon a monarch recognized by the Emperor and the other powers, and alluding with a satiric touch to the answer once made by Pius II. to the ambassador of Frederic III., that it was the custom of the Holy See to recognize as king the person who sat on the throne. He might have added with reference to Christina that it was with her fame as with that of Brutus and Cassius in the funeral procession described by her favourite Tacitus: "Their lustre shone forth all the brighter, for that their images were not seen."

Thus the Bull proved a complete fiasco; the second affair was more important. Just before the negotiations finished, King Ladislaus of Poland died. The news of his death was not unwelcome in Sweden, always in an embarrassing situation with regard to him. His arrogant claims and constant hostility had been a thorn in her side, nor did the dubious twenty-six years' truce at Stumsdorff, in 1635, set the Swedes at rest. Hence it became of great moment to endeavour to ensure the election of a king friendly to Swedish interests. Of the candidates, rumour assigned to the late king's brother-in-law, the Duke of Neuburg, the best chance of favour with the Poles. Of the two remaining sons of Sigismund, Charles Ferdinand was preferred in Sweden for his pacific disposition, while France on the other hand supported the claims of John Casimir, fearing the Austrian proclivities of his brother. The Emperor's candidate, Ragoczy, being a man of warlike disposition, was viewed by both powers with equal dislike. Christina was strongly determined not to allow the Polish crown to pass out of the royal house, not only because neither of the brothers were likely to give Sweden any trouble, but also to avoid the possibility of their renewing their claims to the Swedish throne, should she die without heirs. Nevertheless it was dangerous to show decided preference for any candidate without ascertaining who was most popular in Poland; since to do so might make a dangerous enemy of the king who should be actually elected. Under these circumstances she despatched Canther, one of her secretaries, into Poland — nominally to discuss the conditions of a peace; principally[,] however[,] to try and discern the temper of the Poles, and the chances of success of the various candidates. It was reported that the party of Casimir was most likely to carry the day, and accordingly the Queen, who had written on the point to the Chancellor, and found that their opinions herein coincided, sent letters of recommendation to Poland on behalf of John Casimir, with orders not to present them without consulting the French ambassador, and unless the tide seemed to be setting in his favour; otherwise they were to make use of similar letters on behalf of his brother. John Casimir was in short elected in December 1648.

When Christina on this occasion asked Chanut whether the King of France, in writing to the late King of Poland, had not given him the title of King of Sweden, he answered no, not knowing, it is said, anything to the contrary. But it is certain that the French Court gave him this title, and when the Court of Sweden complained, France replied that the title had been given to the King of Poland as in petitorio, to the King of Sweden as in possessorio, of the kingdom.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Innocent X.


Above: Hermann Conring.

Note: Stuhmsdorf is the old German name for the village of Sztumska Wieś, in what is now in the administrative district of Gmina Sztum within Sztum County in Poland's Pomeranian Voivodeship.

Francis William Bain on Kristina's joy at the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia and the rest of the Swedes' displeasure at it and its political and religious effects and their incomprehension of Kristina's tolerant way of thinking, on the horrors of the Thirty Years' War that made the benefits of the peace so necessary and justified, and on Kristina's unrelenting determination to make that peace a reality in spite of strong opposition

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 78 to 82, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

Christina was extravagantly delighted when at length the Peace was actually signed; she gave the courier who brought the news to Sweden a gold chain, worth 600 ducats, and raised the secretary who brought the instrument to the nobility. Te Deums were sung in the churches, cannons fired, and public rejoicings held by her order. But the Chancellor and his war party were by no means so much pleased; they had no such exact perception of the needs and exigencies of the time as the wise young Queen, and looked only to the fact that less gain had accrued to Sweden than in view of all her efforts they thought might and ought to have been the case. Most of the nobles even regretted the war for its own sake. Themselves first, Sweden next, and Germany to take care of itself was their policy: whereas Christina exactly reversed that order, and placed the wants of Germany and the Swedish people above everything else. When some expressed in her presence their opinion that the Peace would not be of long duration, she replied, "I know well that there can be no eternal peace in this world; but that same Providence which has brought freedom to Germany will watch over it to preserve it."

By the clergy, again, it was not so well received; it stank in their nostrils that Calvinism should be recognized, or any disposition shown to half measures with Catholicism. In the pulpits they preached against it; one bigoted preacher exclaimed that the cause of Lutheranism had been deserted, and delivered an invective against the Catholics. Christina had him summoned before her, and rebuked him so sharply that the poor man lost his wits, and denied that he had ever uttered what had been heard by four thousand people.

We must carefully remember these things when we listen to abuse of Christina; it was just by such actions as these that her large mind and catholic toleration gained her the rancorous abuse and hatred of pitiful religious and political sectarians who could not comprehend her. Nobles and Swedish Lutheran patriots bore her a grudge for the Peace of Westphalia. It is exactly in this reference that Christina showed a keener political insight than the Chancellor. "It was", says Geijer, "the beginning of a new order of things, which in its operation set him aside; in this, more than in the weakness of age, lay the secret of his powerlessness; his political life terminated with the Peace." From this moment he stands aside, and the Queen does everything by herself. "She did without him on several occasions", says Chanut, "consulting him only like the other ministers, without marking the wide distinction there was between his experience and that of her other advisers."

And this is the moment at which she reaches her greatest elevation. To understand the benefits conferred on the world by the peace[,] it is necessary to be familiar with the horrors of the Thirty Years' War. Fortunately this is not the place to dwell upon them; yet something must be said to help us to realize the situation. It was no longer a war of man against man, but brute against brute. Human nature was disappearing, in every sense of the word. Military license, famine and cannibalism, plague and pestilence ruled over Germany; the initial stages of rage and despair had long passed away, and only apathy remained to the miserable remnant of the population. A few more years, and this too would have vanished, and Germany have become a desert. "Almost all the country below Leipsic", wrote the Chancellor in 1643, "is a waste." "In the two armies", wrote Gronsfeld in 1648, "there were certainly more than 180,000 men, women, and children, who must all live as well as the soldiers; provisions are distributed every twenty-four hours for 40,000; how the remaining 140,000 are to live passes my comprehension, if they are not to pick up a bit of bread for themselves; there is not a single place where the soldiers[,] if they have money[,] can buy anything: I say this, not as approving exorbitancies, but to show that all was not done out of insolence, but much out of mere hunger."

The imagination, brooding however deeply over that picture, will notwithstanding never be able to reach the appalling misery of the actual facts. What wonder that Germany took long to recover, and that her civilization was thrown back for a century. That a period was put to this desolation, she has to thank Christina more than any statesman of that age; we shall not err in asserting that but for Christina the Peace might have been retarded indefinitely. But for her, the policy of the past, the policy of religious uncompromising antagonism and national antipathy, the policy of the war party and Oxenstiern, would have carried the day; Sweden and France would never have united, and the rest would have been chaos. The Peace of Westphalia, with all its consequences, even the existence of Germany as a nation, is entirely due to the unflagging energy and unwearied labour of Christina. And when we consider what was the strength of the opposition through which she carried it by the force of her genius and tenacity of her purpose, working, amidst a multitude of other business, from eighteen to twenty-two, harder than any under-secretary, to master all its minutest details, which she knew better than any paid official — never allowing herself to be absent from the Senate, even though frequently "suffering from fever, and obliged to be bled", till she had attained her end — we shall recognize that her claims to the admiration and gratitude of posterity are of quite another kind than those of many of its painted idols.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.

Francis William Bain on Kristina making Johan Adler Salvius a senator

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, page 78, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

The Queen kept her promise to Salvius; she made him a senator, in spite of the keen opposition of the nobility, always jealous of extending their privileges, and with additional reasons to increase their dislike of this novus homo. But Christina overruled all their objections. "When it is a question of good advice and wise counsel", she said in the Senate, "we do not ask sixteen quarterings, but what it is necessary to do. Salvius would no doubt be a capable man, if he was of good family." The new senator was in some apprehension of what his enemies might attempt against him; he wrote to the Queen a long and very diplomatic letter of thanks, recounting his services and explaining his fears. He came shortly after to Sweden, and was graciously received by the Queen, though he did not live long to enjoy his new honours, dying four years later.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Henry Woodhead on the rivalry between Sweden and Denmark, the Sound dues, and the Torstensson War

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 138 to 152, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

It has already been mentioned that Christian of Denmark endeavoured to raise a coalition against Sweden. The old animosity between the two nations was increased by personal as well as political considerations. The King of Denmark had tried to take the place of head of the Protestants in Germany, and his own failure was embittered by the brilliant achievements of Gustavus Adolphus and his Generals. On the other hand, Christian's reception of Maria Leonora had given so much offence in Sweden, that it had even been proposed to make war on that account.

Mutual ill offices kept these feelings rankling on each side. Denmark viewed her neighbour's progress on the Continent with alarm as well as with jealousy, and she feared to be surrounded by a powerful and unfriendly State. Still Denmark delayed to take such measures of precaution as might perhaps have averted a war.

The Danish nobles were as jealous as the Swedish of the sovereign authority; but they pursued an opposite policy, because the administration, which in Sweden was in the hands of the nobles, was managed in Denmark by an able and energetic monarch.

The Swedish nobles wished for war, because they had the direction of affairs, and took care to keep the prizes among themselves. The Danish nobles thought that a war would increase the power of their King, and would give him an opportunity to ally himself with the people against their order. They therefore obstinately refused to allow their country to be put in such a state of defence as could alone ensure its safety. The King was alarmed at Torstenson's successes in 1642, and renewed his efforts to rouse his people. Still thwarted by the Council, he declared himself not responsible for the evils which he foresaw would presently afflict Denmark.

His warnings were disregarded; but even now it would have been too late, for the Swedish Council had determined on war, and although Christian was not in a condition to resist, he very injudiciously continued to provoke his rivals.

The Sound dues were a fruitful source of quarrel between Denmark and her neighbours. Viewed by her statesmen as a natural and legitimate kind of revenue, these dues were considered by other maritime nations much as travellers consider the ransom exacted by a robber chief who pounces on them from some fastness which they are obliged to pass. The Sound dues had long rested on custom, rather than on law, and were tolerated chiefly because few vessels went that way.

Dantzic, Stralsund, and Lübeck traded with Hamburg by land.

The Dutch were the greatest traders in that part, and they suffered the most, but Sweden also suffered indirectly.

Christian the Second made a treaty with Charles the Fifth in 1544, by which it was provided that vessels passing that way should pay the customary dues. This was the first time the Sound dues were formally recognized; but Charles was willing to oblige a relative at the expense of the industrious Netherlanders.

The Dutch affirmed that the customary dues only amounted to one rose noble for each vessel; but Christian the Fourth now found his other sources of revenue so scanty that he was induced to assert the extravagant principle that the King of Denmark's will was the only rule as to the amount of the Sound dues.

Charles the First, always ready to oppress freedom, joined in a treaty with Spain and Denmark in 1638, the object of which was the ruin of the Dutch trade. Happily, the malice of the high contracting parties was neutralized by their ignorance, for they imagined that their decrees would suffice to transfer the whole Baltic trade from Holland to Denmark.

To their great surprise[,] the Dutch trade went on much the same as if the treaty had never been made, and Christian endeavoured to compensate himself by claiming a toll from the Dutch vessels which sailed round the North Cape to trade with Russia.

Not content with this, he prohibited Dutch vessels from fishing at Spitzbergen, which he asserted belonged to Greenland, and consequently to him. Seldom have so great pretensions been joined to so little power of enforcing them. The only profitable toll was that of the Sound, and Christian determined to make the most of the only tax which it was in his power to collect. In 1639 he raised his toll to 30 per cent, on the value of the commodities, and the Dutch stated that they paid him six millions of rix-dollars in that year.

Even this did not satisfy Christian, for in 1640 he raised his tolls still higher, and the Dutch felt that even their great profits could not support a tax which, in fact, amounted to confiscation.

They sent an embassy to Stockholm, and urged the Swedes to interfere. The embassy was well received, for the old hostility to Denmark had just been stimulated by the flight of the Queen Dowager, besides which the Swedes began to discover that they were indirectly injured by these enormous dues.

Sweden had long enjoyed exemption from toll in the Sound; but her trade had been so inconsiderable that the privilege had been little valued. A free passage was guaranteed to Swedish vessels in 1570, and was confirmed at the conference of Flacksjöbäch in 1580.

At the peace of Knäröd, in 1613, this agreement was recognized for all articles of merchandise except drinkables, on which the Swedes were to pay the same duty as was paid by the Danes themselves.

In 1622 Christian, moved by jealousy at the successes of Gustavus Adolphus in Liefland, prohibited troops and military stores from passing the Sound, and though the order professed to be general, it was, in reality, directed against Sweden.

Gustavus showed his appreciation of this proceeding by marching his army to the frontier of Denmark, and Christian, who was not supported by his Council, hastened to withdraw the obnoxious regulation. He was, however, always on the watch to revive his favourite measure, and in 1637, when the power of Sweden appeared to be waning, he removed the toll. Gunpowder and saltpetre were especially taxed. These articles had hitherto been shipped at Gothenburg. In consequence of Christian's exactions, they were carried overland to the east coast, and the difficulties which attended this mode of transit contributed to bring about the grand project of the Trolhätta canal, to unite the North Sea with the Baltic.

The disputes about the Sound dues increased, and as the Swedish Government reckoned on naval assistance from the Dutch, they determined in 1643 to strike a sudden blow at Denmark.

The question of peace or war was debated in the Council on the 12th of May, and Christina attended the sitting for the first time on this important occasion.

Oxenstiern and Banér were the only two members who spoke in favour of peace, and their only reason was that they thought Sweden had enough to do in Germany. The rest of the Council declared for war. The Chancellor withdrew his opposition, for the excessive tolls, he said, were really equivalent to a war in which Sweden alone suffered, while Denmark reaped the benefit without the danger or expense.

Although Sweden had fair cause for complaint, the way in which she began the war was anything but honourable.

Troops were collected in Sweden with the greatest secrecy, and orders were dispatched to Torstenson to move his army northwards under other pretences, and then suddenly to attack Denmark. The Council also determined that if Torstenson's invasion failed, he was to be disowned, but if it succeeded, Denmark was to be attacked on the other side by the army collected in Sweden.

It was then debated whether any further remonstrance should be addressed to Christian. Many of the Council objected to such a course, for fear he should take the alarm, but Oxenstiern appears to have persuaded his own conscience, and the conscience of his colleagues, that a demand for redress might supply the place of a declaration of war.

Complaints were accordingly addressed to Denmark, but they were so carefully worded that no suspicion was entertained of the impending attack.

Torstenson performed his part with so much address that no mistrust was roused until he suddenly broke into Jutland.

Even Grotius, who condemned the manner in which the war was begun, admired the ability with which it was conducted.

The manifesto containing the causes of the war, was sent to Denmark in January 1644, some time after Torstenson's invasion. The herald was contemptuously dismissed, because the war had been commenced without a proper declaration; and Christian, as a public assertion of the justice of his cause, had a medal struck with the inscription "Justus Jehovah Judex."

All the allies of Denmark failed her in the time of need. Charles I. might justly have given his relatives some aid, because the Swedes were busy at this time in stirring up the Scotch, but his own affairs were far too unsettled to let him take an active part in foreign politics.

Uladislaus of Poland was much inclined to assist the King of Denmark, but on this occasion France did good service to Sweden by her negotiations.

Torstenson himself expressed some apprehensions of a diversion on the side of Poland, but the Council wrote to him, "We will take care that the Russians and Poles keep quiet, while you pluck the feathers from the Danes."

Frederick William of Brandenburg pursued a more friendly policy towards the Swedes than his father had done, because he still hoped to be the accepted suitor of Christina: he therefore remained deaf to Christian's appeals.

Sweden made unusual efforts by sea during this war. A strong fleet was equipped under Fleming, and another squadron was hired from the Dutch. The old antipathy to Denmark had not abated, the old wrongs were not forgotten, and the war was popular with all classes.

The animosity was at least equal on the other side, and it was manifested in a way which showed that public opinion had some weight. Political pamphlets were widely circulated in Denmark, in which Oxenstiern was compared to Pilate, Fleming to Herod, and Torstenson to Judas Iscariot.

Christian, although deserted by his allies, and ill supported by the Danish aristocracy, showed a degree of fortitude sufficient to atone for many errors. Although in his sixty-eighth year, he worked incessantly in the preparation of his ships. When urged to spare himself a little, he answered that he was indeed too old and infirm for land service, but that he would fight his ships in such a way that all the world should know he was true to his country. By great exertions forty ships were got ready for sea in a very short time, and the old King led them against the Swedes.

He fell in with the fleet commanded by Fleming on the 1st of July, and a furious battle ensued. Christian received no less than twenty-three wounds. One ball lodged in his head, another knocked out his right eye; a cannon shot struck a gun carriage near which he was standing, the splinters from which killed and wounded a number of men. It was at first thought that the gallant old King was among the former, as he fell on the deck covered with blood. The Danes were discouraged by the cry, "The King is dead;" but in a short time he was on his legs again, with his bleeding face tied up, and animating his men with his sword in his hand.

In reply to the exhortations of his officers to go below, he expressed his determination to conquer or die.

Fleming fought with equal obstinacy. The battle had lasted all day, and the Danes were somewhat troubled at the condition of their King. Then Fleming collected those ships which were least damaged for a final attack. He bore down on the enemy, but was so hotly received that he was with difficulty able to retire again among his own ships, and night put an end to a combat which had lasten ten hours. The victory was claimed by each side. The Danes captured two ships and lost none of their own, but the Swedes remained the longest on the scene of the battle.

The animosity of the rival commanders was excessive. Christian was urged to return to Copenhagen after the battle, in order that his wounds might receive more skilful treatment. "I do not wish to live", said the old monarch, "unless I can be revenged on the Swedes."

Fleming took his shattered fleet to a sheltered place on the coast of Jutland, and although Torstenson was near at hand, the Danes sent over 1200 men, with some cannon from Fyen, to annoy the Swedish vessels. They erected a battery on some high ground overlooking the sea, but the distance was too great, and one shot only took effect. It struck the water first, and then entered the window of the Admiral's cabin. Fleming was just washing his hands when he was mortally wounded, and a servant who was holding a towel was killed on the spot. Fleming gave some directions regarding his successor, then[,] turning to his son with a ferocity quite unlike his usual character, he said, "Do not grieve, my son! I die the enemy of Denmark; see that you do the same!"

Although the late sea fight had not been very decisive, Sweden's navy was so crippled by it as to make her ultimate success doubtful. The Dutch sailors also revolted, as if to show that mercenaries cannot be depended upon any more by sea than by land.

Christian was much wanted at Copenhagen, but as soon as he left the fleet a great change took place in the energy with which it was directed.

Admiral Galte was left to blockade the Swedish fleet, but the latter no sooner got a fair wind than it stood out to sea without meeting any opposition, and for this want of courage and zeal Galte lost his head. A great disaster to the Danes soon followed. Great exertions were made in Sweden to equip another fleet, of which Wrangel took the command. Du Quesne, afterwards so celebrated for his naval exploits, was second in command, and the Dutch sailors returned to their duty. In the next battle the Swedes did not lose a single ship, but the Danes had ten ships captured, two burned, and three driven on shore. Among the captured vessels taken in triumph to Stockholm was the one which had carried the Queen Dowager to Denmark.

Immediately after the invasion of Denmark, Christian had sent to solicit the alliance and assistance of the Emperor, and the Imperial General Gallas had been ordered to follow Torstenson into Holstein, where he was joined by a Danish Corps.

As Gallas did not venture to give battle, he was soon reduced to the greatest extremities by his adversary, who established fortified posts all round his position, and cut off his supplies. Gallas was even more unfortunate in his retreats than in his battles, and when he escaped from Holstein at last, it was with only 1000 infantry. The rest of his army had perished either by the sword or by famine. The soldiers called him the army-loser instead of the army-leader.

The Danes, also, were very bitter against him, for their country had been more ravaged by his troops than by the enemy. They cast a medal, on one side of which was the inscription, "What Gallas accomplished in Holstein." The other side was blank.

Such was the position of affairs when Christina, who was now eighteen years old, was declared to have attained her majority, and the Regents resigned their authority into her hands.

Notes: Danzig is the old German name for the city of Gdańsk, located in what is now northern Poland in the historical region of Pomerania.

Liefland = Livonia.

Henry Woodhead on Kristina's anticipation of the consequences of Johan Banér's passing and on Lennart Torstensson and Karl Gustav in the Thirty Years' War

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 131 to 138, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of May 23/June 2 (Old Style), 1641 to Johan Kasimir is here:


The account:

Although Christina was only fifteen years old [sic], she fully appreciated the grave consequences that might ensue from the death of Banér at so critical a time. She wrote a letter to her uncle, the Prince Palatine, expressing her anxiety. She says, "I cannot conceal the bad news which has just arrived. Banér is dangerously ill, and not likely to recover. They do not think much about it here, and suppose that it will be easy to find one to take his place; but such men are not met with every day, and if he dies, our affairs will not go on well."

It was hardly to be expected that a successor should immediately be found who could take Banér's place. It was the fortune of Sweden to possess a man who even surpassed him in military ability — Leonard Torstenson.

Christina was, however, right in predicting the troubles which would follow the death of Banér. He had commanded an army composed of several different nations, which was, moreover, irregularly paid; but he had acquired such ascendancy over the soldiers as to be able always to keep them to their standards.

Immediately after his death, insurrections were threatened from all quarters. The different generals endeavoured to seize the command. The colonels formed a conspiracy to get more pay and more privileges. The men were mutinous and demanded their arrears. Torstenson had returned to Sweden on account of his health, and it was with reluctance that he again entered on active service, for which he believed himself unfit. Immediately on his arrival, he had an attack of gout, both in his hands and his feet, and the discontent of the soldiers increased at his consequent inaction. Secret negotiations were carried on with Austria by some officers of rank, and the whole army threatened to become disorganized.

The treason was discovered in a singular manner. Some papers relating to it were concealed in a stable. A kitten in search of playthings routed them out, when they were examined and taken to Torstenson.

A Swedish colonel named Seckendorf was arrested and condemned to death, but Torstenson, with a prudent generosity, declined to carry his investigations any further. He then began a series of movements which gave his troops no leisure for any more conspiracies.

He broke up his camp, and pretended to direct his march towards Westphalia, then turned suddenly about, and penetrated into Silesia, while the Imperial army was vainly seeking him in another direction.

Torstenson took Glogau, and was besieging Schweidnitz, when the Duke Francis Albert of Saxe-Lauenbourg attempted to relieve it. The Duke's force was completely routed, and he himself taken prisoner, mortally wounded.

Francis Albert was viewed with especial abhorrence by the Swedes, for in the earlier period of the war he had fought on their side, and it was believed that he had treacherously murdered Gustavus Adolphus at the battle of Lützen. It is at least certain that he was riding by the King's side at the time he received his death wound, and that he immediately afterwards deserted the Swedish service.

It cannot fail to be observed, as a curious coincidence, that the two warrior kings of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus and Charles XII. each fell in face of the enemy, but that in each case the fatal shot was supposed to have been fired by a traitor.

It was generally the policy of the Imperial commanders to avoid a battle when the forces were nearly equal, and it was almost always the policy of the Swedes to seek a battle under the same circumstances. For two months Torstenson constantly endeavoured to make Piccolomini fight; the latter, however, not only avoided a battle, but with great skill he took up a series of positions on the Riesengebirge, which could only be attacked at a great disadvantage, although his antagonist was thus prevented from penetrating into Bohemia. At last Torstenson was wearied with his obstinacy, and moved off to besiege Leipsic. This place was so important, that Piccolomini left his vantage ground to follow the Swedes. It was now Torstenson's turn to practise caution, for he did not wish to be shut in between the hostile fortress and so able a general: he therefore took up a position a short distance from Leipsic, at Breitenfeld.

The second battle of Leipsic took place on the same ground that the first battle had been fought, eleven years before, by Gustavus Adolphus, but the situation of the two armies was reversed, and the Swedes now held the ground which had been occupied by Tilly.

One of the first shots fired committed great havoc; it killed Torstenson's horse, knocked down that of Christina's cousin, Prince Charles Gustavus, and killed three officers of rank; but neither the General nor the Prince was injured by the fall he received. Slange, the Swedish Leonidas, was killed at the commencement of the battle, and his regiment fell into disorder, but was rallied by Charles Gustavus.

Wittenburg commanded the Swedish right wing, and was chiefly opposed to the Croats, who were more celebrated for their skill in marauding, than for their firmness in the day of battle. They fled at the first onset, although the Austrian regiments made a gallant and determined resistance.

The left flank of the Imperialists being thus disordered, Douglas was sent with four Scotch regiments to follow up the advantage. A fierce combat ensued. Liljehök endeavoured to cut off the Austrian regiments who were retreating to an entrenchment, but in his turn he was charged by a reserve of the Austrian Life Guards. The combat was once more doubtful, and Liljehök was left on the field mortally wounded. "Children", he said to his men, "I die content now that I have shown you the road; lay me down in the bushes." Charles Gustavus complied with his request, and then led a fresh charge, by which the formidable Life Guards were routed.

The battle raged with equal fury in the centre. One army burned to wipe off the defeat it had sustained on the same spot, the other army was equally eager to preserve its laurels. The Archduke fought like a common soldier, and Piccolomini led his regiment six times to the charge.

Their courage was in vain; the Imperialists were defeated along the whole line. Their cavalry fled. Their infantry took refuge in a wood, but it was so warmly cannonaded by the Swedes, that it was forced to take to the open again, where it was either captured or destroyed by the victorious cavalry. As soon as the battle was won, Charles Gustavus returned to the spot where he had left Liljehök. He was still alive, and inquired about the fortune of the day; he rejoiced at the victory of his countrymen, commended his wife and children to the care of the Prince, and prayed God to bless him, and his country through him. With these words on his lips the brave soldier died.

The Saxons had acquired the habit of thanking Heaven for successes by anticipation. During the battle they offered up their thanksgivings for the deliverance of Leipsic, but as the people came out of church they met crowds of the wounded, from whose accounts they found that their piety had again taken a wrong direction. All doubts were dispelled by the arrival of a Swedish trumpeter who came to summon the town, and Leipsic was glad to purchase immunity from plunder by a contribution of 150,000 rix-dollars.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Johan Banér.


Above: Lennart Torstensson.


Above: Karl Gustav.

Notes: Glogau is the German name for the city of Głogów in what is now the Lower Silesian Voivodeship in Poland. Its name in Czech is Hlohov.

Riesengebirge is the German name for the Giant Mountains, a mountain range located in the north of what is now the Czech Republic and the southwest of Poland, part of the Sudeten mountain system (part of the Bohemian Massif). Its name in Czech is Krkonoše and in Polish is Karlonosze. The Czech-Polish border, which divides the historic regions of Bohemia and Silesia, runs along the main ridge. The highest peak, Sněžka (Snieżka; Schneekoppe), is the Czech Republic's highest natural point with an elevation of 5,259 feet (1,603 meters).

Henry Woodhead on Johan Banér in the Thirty Years' War

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 109 to 131, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

Meanwhile[,] important events were taking place in Germany. John Banér, the Commander-in-Chief of the Swedish army, was aware of the Elector of Saxony's unfriendliness, and endeavoured by all means to conciliate him. The Elector, however, made peace with the Emperor in 1635. He had probably already made up his mind that it would be impossible for him to remain neutral, but he acted on this idea in a treacherous and dishonourable way. He suddenly attacked the dispersed Swedish detachments without any declarations of war, and published an order to kill every Swede. A little more ability and less cruelty would have rendered him worthy of respect, for Germany groaned under the tyranny of the foreign troops which had originally come there as the champions of freedom.

Banér now lost no time in temporizing, and it soon appeared that the Saxon generals were no match for him. He immediately recalled his detachments under Duval, Slange, and Ruthven, and sent the latter to relieve Dörnitz, which was besieged by Bandis with seven thousand infantry, but without cavalry or artillery. Ruthven fell on the besiegers with a much smaller force of the three arms combined, and almost annihilated their army. Slange met with equal success in another direction, and in a fortnight every Saxon force which ventured to face the Swedes, was totally defeated. Still[,] Banér was in a most critical position. He had been almost overmatched before, but now a new enemy had sprung up, and he was in the heart of that enemy's country. The wisdom of the recent truce with Poland was now experienced; the Swedish troops, no longer required there, marched with all haste into Germany, under the command of Torstenson, a general destined to surpass even Banér. Torstenson, at the head of four cavalry regiments which formed the advanced guard, met with eight Saxon regiments, which he completely routed, and took the whole of their baggage and standards, with two thousand prisoners. The best troops had everywhere the advantage in this sudden outbreak, but nearly all Germany was hostile to them, and they were surrounded by enemies whose numbers were constantly increasing.

Although the Swedish troops continued to fight well, their discipline had greatly declined, and they now equalled the Imperialists in licentiousness and cruelty. The city of Naumberg capitulated when summoned by Banér, and paid fifteen thousand rixdollars to be exempted from plunder. In defiance of this engagement the place was sacked by the Swedish troops, with all the circumstances of atrocity which had made the name of Tilly infamous at Magdeburg. It was only three years since the inhabitants of Naumberg had kissed the clothes of Gustavus Adolphus, and received him as their guardian angel; so rapidly demoralizing is war. Naumberg was no exception to the general rule; the Swedes treated every place they took in the same way; but such crimes no longer caused any astonishment, and the Protestant writers have naturally dwelt more on the cruelties practised by the Imperialists than on those practised by the Swedes.

The relaxation of discipline soon produced its natural result, — a mutiny in the Swedish army, which extended to the officers as well as the soldiery. At the same time that the men uttered tumultuous and mutinous cries, a deputation of colonels waited on Banér to express their dissatisfaction at the way French subsidies were employed, and to demand that a certain portion of them should be appropriated to each regiment.

Banér guessed their intention, and, instead of allowing the deputation to state their business, he received them with loud and vehement reproaches for the disorderly state of the troops, and for the outrages which had been perpetrated. But now, he said, "I shall suffer it no longer, but shall punish them, as well as those who ought to keep them in better order." Then, without waiting for any answer, he went into an inner room, he called on Colonel Krokow, one of the ringleaders, to accompany him. "I consider", said Banér, "that this amounts to a conspiracy; but I am not a fool, to suffer and remain silent; I will have the heads of the ringleaders. Go back to your regiments, and keep your men in order, and you, Colonel Krokow, take with you two hundred cavalry and arrest these plunderers."

Krokow was not inclined to lose his head the first; he therefore obeyed, and soon returned with four soldiers who had been caught in the act of plundering.

These men were immediately put to death, and the mutiny was quelled.

Banér took care that idleness should not be among his soldiers' faults. The Saxons were supported by two Imperial armies under Hatzfield and Marazini, amounting to 30,000 men, and large reinforcements were daily expected under General Götz. Banér determined to fight before these arrived, although his own army was still greatly outnumbered, as he had only 16,000 men. The Imperial Generals knew that their force would soon be overwhelming, and they declined meanwhile to give battle. They took up a strongly entrenched position at Wittstock, with the intention of resuming the offensive when they were in such force as to crush their enemy with ease.

Banér, with a prudent audacity, determined to attack an army which was double his own strength, and which was strongly entrenched; but he did so that he might not presently be obliged to fight under still greater disadvantages. He knew that nothing could save his army from destruction, but a complete victory. After his arrangements had been made with the utmost care and deliberation, he fought like a common trooper, because he knew that, without any exaggeration, he must conquer or die.

Banér and Torstenson began the attack by leading a furious charge with the cavalry of the right wing. The Fins fought desperately, and the two chiefs vied with their men in personal prowess; they fought hand to hand in the deadly struggle both on horseback and on foot. It was in vain; their efforts became fainter and fainter, and they were obliged to give ground before the overpowering numbers of the enemy. Leslie, with five regiments of infantry, advanced in support. The Scots fought gallantly as usual, but they also were repulsed. The tide of battle had set against the Swedes, and from the assailers they became the assailed. The enemy's cavalry and infantry surrounded them on all sides; two of Leslie's regiments lost their colours, and were totally destroyed. Banér himself thought the battle was lost. He sent repeated messages to Witzthum, to advance with the reserve; Witzthum coolly observed that this was a repetition of the battle of Nordlingen, that he knew how it would be, and that he would not lead his division to share in the general destruction. It does not appear whether his conduct was actuated by cowardice or by treachery. Perhaps he thought the opportunity of promotion too good to be lost, when he saw his two senior officers in such a predicament.

The battle seemed lost, when a sudden change took place. King and Stållhandske had been sent a long detour with the cavalry of the left wing, to take the enemy in the rear. The impediments they had met with were greater than had been foreseen, and their arrival was now despaired of. The obstacles were, however, at last surmounted, and they came up at the critical moment. The effect produced by a fresh body of troops in a well-contested battle is easily imagined.

Although the Swedes had been repulsed, yet the Imperialists were obliged to strain every nerve to keep the advantage; their whole army was already engaged, and was doing its utmost. The Swedish cavalry fell like a thunderbolt upon the wearied and disordered combatants, for King and Stållhandske were burning to retrieve the disasters caused by their involuntary delay. At the same time, a gallant officer in the reserve, named Berghoff, indignant at his commander's conduct, resolved to share the fate of his brave companions. He advanced without orders, and Witzthum then thought it advisable to do the same.

The event was not long doubtful. The Imperialists fled in all directions. They left five thousand men on the field, and lost one hundred and fifty stands of colours. The Swedes lost eleven hundred killed, among whom was the brave Berghoff; but the chasms in their ranks were not perceived, for whole regiments of the prisoners went over to the winning side.

The battle of Wittstock made a great sensation in Germany. The Protestant princes who had signed the peace of Prague, reproached the Elector of Saxony for enticing them to desert the common cause, and began to negotiate separately with the Swedes, whose prowess they now thought invincible.

Banér was, however, outnumbered more than ever in the campaign of 1637. He invested Leipsic, but was obliged to raise the siege and to retire before an army of thirty thousand Imperialists.

His intention was to cross the river Warta, at Landsberg; but when he arrived there he found Marazini before him, with an army double the strength of his own. Although nearly surrounded, Banér managed to deceive the enemy, and to make a most masterly retreat.

The Imperial generals wrote to Vienna, "Now we have caught Banér in a sack." The Swedish general spread the report that he was going to Poland, and his enemies made their dispositions to intercept him; but Banér turned suddenly back, passed the Oder, and entered Stettin. He had fairly doubled on the pursuers, and it was now too late to stop him. When afterwards informed of his adversaries' boast, he said, "Yes, they caught me in a sack, but they forgot to close up its mouth." This retreat from Torgau established Banér's claim to be ranked among generals of the first order.

Banér was driven, by the want of supplies, to the desperate measure of again falling upon his enemies; but his force was too small, and he was obliged to continue his retreat. The pursuing army, however, suffered the most from hunger, not only because it was the largest, but also because it had to pass over a country already drained to the utmost by Banér. Great part of Brandenburg, Pomerania, and Mecklenburg was now desert; the fields were covered with the bodies of the slaughtered peasants, the houses were in ashes, and, as winter approached, the soldiers suffered greatly from passing the cold nights in the open air.

Brandenburg was such a complete waste that Banér was obliged to relinquish the idea of crossing it, to fall upon Gallas. He was obliged to remain in Mecklenburg, while the north of Germany, devastated and ruined, remained as a barrier between the hostile commanders.

1639. — In the next campaign the rival armies had been reduced more nearly to an equality, by the ravages of disease and famine. Banér attacked the Austrian general Gallas, and pursued him through Saxony to the borders of Bohemia. Here Gallas was joined by Marazini, and took up a strong position at Chemnitz.

A battle was fought on the 4th of April, when the Swedes gained a complete victory. The Imperialists left eight thousand men on the field, and a great many more were taken prisoners. The Swedes only lost three hundred men.

Banér then ranged through Bohemia, committing his usual excesses. One of his officers, named Adam Pfuel, boasted that he had himself burned eight hundred villages and small towns, and other lieutenants imitated his atrocious proceedings. Some one ventured to ask Banér how he would answer for all his cruelties, when he replied, "Those must answer for them who gave me my orders."

Bernhard of Weimar had been for some time in the service of France, and although he performed no great exploits, yet he made a diversion towards the west in favour of Sweden. He died suddenly, in July, 1639, at the early age of thirty-five. By this event Piccolomini, the ablest of the Imperial Generals, was enabled to join the rest in attacking Banér, and he brought with him from the Netherlands some of the famous Spanish infantry, which had not yet lost at Rocroi its claim to be considered the finest in Europe.

The remains of Bernhard's army, under the French Commanders Longueville and Guébriant, now joined the Swedes. The Landgrave of Hesse also sent a contingent under Menander [sic], which, however, effected very little, owing to the treachery of its commander, who shortly after went over to the Imperialists.

The hostile armies were more nearly equal than before, but neither of the commanders cared to stake the fate of the campaign on a single battle; they endeavoured, therefore, to starve one another out.

This strange contest is said to have cost as many lives as two ordinary battles. Either the famine was more severe, or the endurance was less, on the side of the Imperialists, for at the end of a month Piccolomini broke up his camp and passed into Hesse.

As the Swedish army no longer required to be concentrated, Banér parted from his French and German allies. The leaders had a grand farewell banquet at Hildesheim, where they drowned the recollection of their late privations in excessive drinking. Two of the guests sickened and died immediately after the debauch; six months later they were followed by Prince George of Lüneburg and Banér. The popular belief attributed these deaths to poison, and the banquet of Hildesheim acquired an infamous celebrity.

Banér's health, however, had been failing for some time; fatigue, debauchery, and anxiety, had combined to destroy his constitution.

His state had been represented in Sweden, and he earnestly solicited leave to retire after the death of his second wife, to whom he was much attached. His brother, Axel Banér, supported his request in the Council, but it was opposed by Oxenstiern, who said that Banér could manage the soldiers better from his bed than anyone else could do from the saddle. The matter was warmly discussed, but the Chancellor had the last word; he said that Sweden required John Banér's services, and that John Banér must serve.

Want of patriotism was not one of Banér's faults. His zeal and energy seemed almost to increase as his bodily strength decayed. A young officer full of vigour, and burning with ambition, could not have exerted himself more than the sick general did in his last campaign.

The year 1641 began with unusual and excessive cold. Banér determined to take advantage of the frozen rivers, to make a sudden incursion into Bavaria, with the intention of surprising the Emperor and the chief notables of the Empire, who were assembled at the Diet of Ratisbon. The rivers, indeed, might thaw and leave him among his enemies, but the prize was great, and Banér had a right to trust to his genius for making a retreat.

On the 17th of January the army reached Regenstauf. Banér pushed on from here with the cavalry, one thousand infantry, and a few pieces of cannon, until he reached the banks of the Danube, opposite to Ratisbon, and so near, that voices could be heard across the stream. The assembled dignitaries were in the greatest alarm; the Emperor alone was firm. With a seasonable and proper pride[,] he determined rather to perish than to abandon the city, and he made arrangements for its defence with coolness and judgment.

His courage was not put to any further proof. The south wind, mightier than general or Emperor, frustrated Banér's scheme. The very day of his arrival[,] a sudden thaw took place. The ice of the Danube broke up, and Ratisbon was saved. The situations of the enemies were reversed by those few hours' south wind, and Banér's position was almost one for despair. The mercenaries paid by France, and commanded by Guébriant, had reunited with the Swedes to make this inroad. Its bad success produced the usual consequences; the allied commanders were dissatisfied with each other. It was said that Guébriant feared Banér might entice his army to resume their old service under Sweden. Whatever was the cause, he determined, in spite of all remonstrances, to separate from the Swedes.

Banér remained in the Upper Palatinate to refresh his soldiers, and he narrowly escaped destruction from a well-formed combination of the Emperor's.

Troops were concentrated with the greatest secrecy under Gleen and Mercy, the Archduke Leopold, and Piccolomini.

They were all to converge upon Chamb in the Upper Palatinate on the same day, the 9th of March. The bridges which Piccolomini threw over the Danube were reported to be for the Emperor's journey to Vienna.

The gates of Ratisbon were closed for several days, that no friend of the Swedes might escape and give them notice.

Everything was well planned, but it was not easy to catch Banér off his guard.

The division of the Imperial army under Gleen came from Bohemia, and was obliged to pass near the country occupied by the Swedes: the movement was seen and reported to Banér. The keen-witted general knew very well that a single division would not venture to come into his neighbourhood. He required no further hint to make the whole scheme flash upon his mind. He broke up his camp that very day and marched towards Bohemia.

He was only just in time. Slange, who commanded a brigade nearest to the enemy, was surrounded at Neuburg. This gallant officer knew the importance of gaining time for his Chief, and resolved to earn the title of the Swedish Leonidas. The Archduke summoned him to surrender, and pointed out the hopelessness of resistance. Slange answered that he would defend himself so long as he had his right arm remaining, the pith of the declaration consisting in the circumstance that he had lately lost his left arm. He had no artillery, very few infantry, and about 2,000 cavalry. The walls were breached, his ammunition was soon exhausted, and his only projectiles were stones. Under all these disadvantages he supported the attacks of the enemy four days. He had the proud satisfaction of knowing that the main army was saved by his courage and devotion.

Even as it was, Banér escaped most narrowly — Gleen pressed closely on his rear, Piccolomini made a forced march to seize a pass that would have completely cut him off, and only arrived one hour too late. Banér had been first in the advance, and was last in the retreat: he defended a post from mid-day until night with some light troops and a few pieces of cannon, and so brought off his army with little loss. The Elector of Saxony considered the destruction of the Swedish army so certain, that he ordered public thanksgivings to be returned for it. The experience he had already had of Banér might have made him more careful in hazarding an opinion. The Swedish light cavalry were plundering the country round Dresden just three hours after Hohenegg, his Court Chaplain, quitted the pulpit.

The defence of the pass of Prosnitz was Banér's last exploit. The fatigues and privations of this retreat completed the ruin of his constitution. He was carried in a litter when too ill to sit on horseback, but soon became unable even to bear this. A few days' rest revived him a little, but Piccolomini was approaching with a greatly superior army, and the Swedes were obliged to continue their retreat. The motion and fatigue made Banér worse again.

He reached Merseburg on the 8th of April, so altered by sickness as hardly to be recognised, and the doctors said he could not survive another day's journey.

It was then determined to make a stand to prevent Piccolomini from crossing the Saal. After a sharp action, however, the passage was forced and some of the enemy's troops nearly took Banér prisoner in Merseburg. They were driven out for the moment, but it was necessary to evacuate the place, for the defences were slight. The conqueror of so many battles had only the choice to remain behind and pass his few remaining days in captivity, or to die among his own troops. Like a gallant soldier as he was, he chose the latter alternative.

On the 8th of May he reached Halberstadt with the enemy still in pursuit. He was now delirious, but in a lucid interval he called his generals round his death-bed, exhorted them to unity, and recommended Torstenson as his successor. Then came a few more pangs and the great soldier was gone; but, whatever rest his spirit might find, it was long before his body was left in peace. The corpse of their general was carried off by the retreating Swedes before it was cold. His genius had carried them safely through two famous retreats, and they felt his devotion in remaining with them to the last. His remains were defended more jealously than either cannon or colours. Day after day the foe thundered in pursuit, and it was a month before the Swedes had sufficient respite to send the body of the warrior to the country he had served so faithfully.

Banér was certainly one of the greatest generals in the Thirty Years' War. He showed his ability in his brilliant victories, in his extraordinary retreats, and in maintaining the fidelity of his soldiers. His own fidelity was incorruptible at a period when this virtue was not a common one. The Emperor tried several times to win him. In 1639, as he was entering the hereditary states of Austria, Count Schlitt, the Governor of Prague, and a relation of Banér's, was directed to make proposals to him for a separate peace between Sweden and Austria, and to offer as his reward Glogan [sic] and Sagan, which had belonged to Wallenstein, as well as the rank of Prince of the Empire. Although these proposals were not entertained for a moment, they were renewed in the last year of Banér's life, and he was promised in addition the command of the Emperor's army against the Turks. The Austrian minister could not believe such magnificent bribes would be rejected.

"Banér's talking is all nonsense", he said, "a revenue of forty thousand ducats may surely dazzle any one." The Austrian knew very little of Banér to suppose that, when wearied and broken with service, he would stain his hitherto unspotted integrity, and spend his few remaining days an outcast from his country.

The popular belief was that if he had accepted these proposals, his career would not have been cut short so soon, and that the Court which employed the swords of assassins against Wallenstein, did not scruple to use poison at the banquet of Hildesheim. It would be difficult to set any limits to the crimes of this period, but actions of this nature are so abhorrent, even to the loosest code of honour, that, in default of positive evidence, we must incline to the belief that Banér's death may be accounted for by fatigues, anxieties, privations, and excesses.

He was married three times, and was certainly strongly attached to his two first wives, as each time that he became a widower his sorrow was so great that he wished to retire from the service.

His first wife was a lady who came from Brandenburg with Maria Leonora. She died in Germany in 1636, and Banér then wished to give up his command, that he might carry her over to Sweden and bury her there; but his desire was overruled by Oxenstiern. His second wife was the Countess Löwenstein. She had been the most intimate friend of his late wife, who had with her dying breath expressed the wish that she should marry Banér. This arrangement seems to have suited all parties, for the marriage took place the same year. The Countess Löwenstein was remarkable for understanding, amiability, and virtue; she was Banér's good angel, and inspired all his best actions; but she died three years after their marriage. Banér was inconsolable, and vehemently urged his application for leave to return to Sweden, both on account of his affliction and his own failing health. He lamented her loss sincerely, although during her life, as well as that of her predecessor, he had continually carried on intrigues with other ladies.

Very shortly after her death he fell in love with the Margravine of Baden-Durlach, a beautiful girl of sixteen. The preliminaries were soon arranged, and the marriage took place. The priest had just pronounced his blessing on this new alliance, when a messenger rushed in to announce the advance of Piccolomini. Banér did not even stop to take leave of his bride, but rode off at full speed to his camp.

Banér's character was arbitrary, and, though beloved by his army, he was never liked by his colleagues. He was on bad terms with Oxenstiern, Salvius, and Wrangel, and it has already been related how Guébriant refused to act with him, to the great detriment of the service.

His maxim was to have no princes, and as few as possible of the high nobility in his army, because he found by experience that they were unwilling to render the implicit obedience which he required. "What is the reason", said he, "that Gallas and Piccolomini get on so badly? Because they are obliged to obey a council at Vienna which does not understand war, while I on the contrary am absolute commander of my army."

Another of his maxims was to employ old officers in fortresses, and young ones in the field. The soundness of his opinions was proved by his success. Thirty thousand Saxons and sixty thousand Imperialists fell before his sword, and he sent home to Sweden six hundred stand of colours which he had taken from the enemy.


Above: Johan Banér.

Notes: The river Warta is a river rising in central Poland, meandering greatly through the Polish Plain in a northwesterly direction to flow into the Oder at Kostrzyn nad Odrą (Küstrin). Its name in German is Warthe.

Landsberg an der Warthe is the German name for what is now the Polish city of Gorzów Wielkopolski, in the Lubusz Voivodeship in western Poland.

Stettin is the German name for the city of Szczecin in what is now the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in Poland.

Johan Banér passed away on May 10, 1641, at the age of 44. His likely cause of death was cirrhosis of the liver due to excessive alcohol consumption.

Glogau is the German name for the city of Głogów in what is now the Lower Silesian Voivodeship in Poland. Its name in Czech is Hlohov.

Sagan is the German name for the town of Żagań in what is now the Lubusz Voivodeship in Poland.

Banér's three successive wives by name were Catharina Elisabet von Pfuel (1598-1636; married 1623); Countess Elisabeth Juliana of Erpach (1600-1640; married July 25, 1636); and Margravine Johanna Margareta of Baden-Hochberg (1623-1661; married September 16, 1640).

Henry Woodhead on Per Brahe and his governance of Finland

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 103 to 107, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


The account:

Another judicious appointment was that of Count Brahe to be Governor General of Finland.

Brahe was both by his rank and his talent the leader of the extreme aristocratic party in Sweden. His pretensions were so high that he once said in the Council, the king ought not to call the nobles his subjects, as that was degrading to them, and made their king like some German prince.

His own order were also offended at his haughtiness when he demanded precedence over the other members of the Council, and even over the Regents, in virtue of his rank as Count. Brahe, supported by Per Banér, Tott, and Gyllenhielm formed a powerful opposition to the Government. They resisted successfully for some time the attempt of Oxenstiern to abolish the oppressive "fir skjuts", or [the] right of the nobles to use horses in travelling without payment.

Brahe gave most trouble on the subject of taxes. He said that the freedom of the nobility was at an end if they paid these like plebeians. Oxenstiern answered that he loved freedom much, very much, but that he loved the Fatherland more. Brahe still disputed that the poll tax was degrading to the nobility, and he proposed, instead, a tax on their horses. Then Oxenstiern said: "If you oppose what is necessary for the safety of the country, I will call together the States, and let them choose either another Council, or else a Dictator. If the kingdom is ruined[,] it shall not be through me, nor shall it be so long as I sit in this Council."

Oxenstiern generally carried his point, but still the continual opposition was embarrassing to the Government, and it was wisely determined to find the restless Brahe some employment to keep him quiet.

There was enough to do in Finland. Continual war with Russia, and, still more, civil war, had destroyed all kind of order. "The inhabitants are not men, but beasts", said Oxenstiern.

The two highest functionaries, Joüs Kurck [sic] and Bror Andersson Kålamb [sic], were personal enemies, and did all they could to oppose each other. The nobles practised an uncontrolled tyranny: the ignorance of the clergy was only equalled by their viciousness; few of them even knew the Lord's Prayer.

Brahe began at once by setting up what was considered an extravagantly high standard of knowledge in the church. He allowed no one to receive priest's orders who could not say his catechism: and the Finnish divines were obliged to submit.

Such universal disorder prevailed, that there was no register of farms and estates, and many had not even a name.

Brahe began his administration in the winter of 1637-38.

Notwithstanding the severity of the climate, the wildness of the country, and his own infirm health, he travelled all over Finland, both in summer and winter, and saw everything with his own eyes; his talent and activity supplied a remedy for almost every evil. He carefully observed the soil and climate in different parts; he made roads, planned canals, and in one of his expeditions he visited the stores of the White Sea, and directed the attention of his Government to the importance of the trade between Archangel and England. "The Count's time" was long remembered in Finland, and was reckoned the beginning of a better state of things. The translation of the Bible into Finnish was begun under his auspices, and was afterwards finished by the directions of Christina.

Brahe founded schools at Tavastehus, Nyslott, and Kexholm, as well as at Viborg and Abo. Oxenstiern is said to have projected, but not carried out, the plan of a college at the latter place, and to have shown some jealousy at Brahe's success. Brahe was the first Chancellor of the University of Abo, and held the office until his death. After he had established a system of order in Finland, Brahe wished to return to Sweden, but Oxenstiern, remembering his former factiousness, endeavoured to keep him away. Brahe eventually returned without leave, and was not very graciously received by the Chancellor, who did not express the public thanks for the Governor General's services in the usual way. The two rivals were still on bad terms in 1640, when the Grand Marshal, Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern, died.


Above: Per Brahe.

Notes: Archangel is the older English name for the Russian city of Arkhangelsk (Архангельск), located in what is now Arkhangelsk Oblast in Russia. It lies on both banks of the Northern Dvina river near its mouth into the White Sea. The city spreads for over 25 miles (40 kilometers) along the banks of the river and numerous islands of its delta. Arkhangelsk was the chief seaport of medieval and early modern Russia until 1703, when it was replaced by the newly founded Saint Petersburg.

Tavastehus is the Swedish name for the Finnish city of Hämeenlinna, located in what is now the Kanta-Häme region of Finland. Its name in Karelian is Hämienlinna.

Nyslott is the Swedish name for the Finnish town of Savonlinna, located in what is now the South Savo region of Finland.

The city of Kexholm is now Priozersk (Приозерск) and has been a part of Russia again since 1721. Its name in Finnish is Käkisalmi, and in Karelian it is Kägöisalmi.

Viborg (now spelled Vyborg; Выборг) is now a town in the Vyborgsky District of Russia's Leningrad Oblast. It is located on the Karelian Isthmus, 81 miles northwest of St. Petersburg.

Åbo is the Swedish name for the Finnish city of Turku, in the Southwest Finland/Finland Proper region.

Friday, August 29, 2025

Augustin Cabanès' biography of Kristina from the standpoint of her "sanity" and her psychology and mental health, year 1905, part 8

Source:

Les indiscrétions de l'histoire, volume 3, pages 221 to 223, by Augustin Cabanès, 1905; original at the University of Michigan


The biography:

VIII
On a placé la reine Christine dans la zone intermédiaire entre les personnes saines et les malades. Les psycho-pathologues ne sauraient se contenter d'une détermination aussi vague, et réclament plus de précision. A l'heure actuelle, il ne s'agit pas seulement de formuler un diagnostic; quand il est question de personnalités qui ont joué un rôle dans l'histoire, il faut établir jusqu'à quel point la maladie a pu influer sur la production des évenements auxquels ces personnalités ont été mêlées.

Dans le cas de Christine, les psychiatres se sont prononcés avec une assurance que, pour notre part, nous ne serions pas éloigné de partager.

Pour le docteur de Sarlo, à qui l'on doit une étude très remarquable sur la reine de Suède (V. son travail dans la Rivista sperimentale di Freniatria, t. XVIII, fasc. III-IV (31 décembre 1892), pp. 498-514.), celle-ci ne fut rien autre qu'une hystérique. La pathologie nerveuse admet, en effet, une forme morbide en soi, caractérisée par un complexus de phénomènes très différents, dont on peut arriver à fixer un certain nombre, capables de nous guider d'une manière sûre dans le diagnostic: tels sont l'égoïsme, la vanité, la contradiction, l'insensibilité morale, la tendance à rêver et à errer à l'aventure, la légèreté et la vivacité de l'intelligence, tous faits qui peuvent être regardés, en grande partie, comme une conséquence de la faiblesse de la volonté.

Mais on ne se contente plus aujourd'hui d'une simple définition de l'état mental d'un personnage; on veut encore savoir dans quel rapport se trouve le développement d'une forme morbide déterminée avec le milieu historique dans lequel a vécu le sujet qui l'a présentée.

Si on réfléchit, dit le docteur de Sarlo, au cours des événements de la vie de Christine, on se persuade de suite, que si elle avait reçu une éducation différente et si elle eût pu appliquer son génie et l'exubérance de son activité mentale à des entreprises grandes et glorieuses, elle n'eût point apparu à nos yeux comme une hystérique.

Pour tout dire, l'hystérie n'était pas, chez la reine de Suède, quelque chose de fatal, qu'elle reçut en legs de ses ascendants, ou qui survint à la suite d'une ou de plusieurs causes déterminantes; elle représente, dans le cas actuel, «l'épilogue d'une grande lutte d'éléments, le résultat final de l'opposition que rencontra son intelligence dans le milieu où elle vécut. L'hystérie exprime ainsi une issue, une conséquence, dont les antécédents peuvent être très divers.»

Un pareil diagnostic peut-il être accepté sans réserves? Nous ne le pensons pas. Nous conclurons, quant à nous, que Christine a présenté «l'état mental des hystériques», si bien décrit par le professeur Raymond et le docteur Pierre Janet; ce qui ne signifie pas qu'on ait noté chez elle tous les stigmates, physiques et autres, de cette affection éminemment complexe.

Les profanes ne saisiront peut-être pas ces subtilités; mais les hommes de science comprendront l'importance de cette distinction.

Swedish translation (my own):

VIII
Drottning Kristina har placerats i mellanzonen mellan friska och sjuka människor. Psykopatologer kan inte nöja sig med en sådan vag bestämning, och de kräver större precision. För närvarande handlar det inte bara om att formulera en diagnos; när det gäller personligheter som har spelat en roll i historien är det nödvändigt att fastställa i vilken utsträckning sjukdomen kan ha påverkat uppkomsten av de händelser som dessa personligheter var inblandade i.

I Kristinas fall har psykiatrikerna talat med en försäkran om att vi för vår del inte skulle vara långt ifrån att dela med oss.

För dr de Sarlo, till vilken vi har att tacka för en mycket anmärkningsvärd studie om Sveriges drottning (Se hans arbete i Rivista sperimentale di Freniatria, vol. XVIII, fasc. III-IV (den 31 december 1892), s. 498-514.), var hon inget annat än en hysteriker. Nervös patologi medger i själva verket en sjuklig form i sig, kännetecknad av ett komplex av mycket olika fenomen, av vilka vi kan lyckas fastställa ett visst antal som kan vägleda oss på ett säkert sätt i diagnosen: sådana är egoism, fåfänga, motsägelse, moralisk okänslighet, tendensen att drömma och vandra slumpmässigt, intelligensens lättfärdighet och livlighet, alla fakta som till stor del kan betraktas som en följd av viljans svaghet.

Men idag nöjer vi oss inte längre med en enkel definition av en persons mentala tillstånd; vi vill också veta vilket samband utvecklingen av en specifik morbid form har med den historiska miljö i vilken subjektet som presenterade den levde.

Om vi reflekterar, säger dr. de Sarlo, över händelseförloppet i Kristinas liv, blir vi omedelbart övertygade om att om hon hade fått en annan utbildning och om hon hade kunnat tillämpa sin genialitet och sin sprudlande mentala verksamhet på stora och ärorika företag, skulle hon inte ha framstått för oss som en hysteriker.

Kort sagt, hysteri var inte, hos den svenska drottningen, något ödesdigert, som hon fick som ett arv från sina förfäder, eller som uppstod som ett resultat av en eller flera avgörande orsaker; den representerar, i det aktuella fallet, »epilogen av en stor elementkamp, det slutliga resultatet av den motsättning som hennes intelligens mötte i den miljö hon levde i. Hysteri uttrycker således ett resultat, en konsekvens, vars föregångare kan vara mycket olika.«

Kan en sådan diagnos accepteras utan förbehåll? Vi tror inte det. Vi kommer för vår del att dra slutsatsen att Kristina uppvisade det »hysteriska mentala tillståndet«, så träffande beskrivet av professor Raymond och dr. Pierre Janet; vilket inte betyder att alla fysiska och andra tecken på detta mycket komplexa tillstånd noterades hos henne.

Lekmän kanske inte förstår dessa finesser; men vetenskapsmän kommer att förstå vikten av denna distinktion.

English translation (my own):

VIII
Queen Kristina has been placed in the intermediate zone between sane and ill people. Psychopathologists cannot be satisfied with such a vague determination, and they demand more precision. At present, it is not only a question of formulating a diagnosis; when it comes to personalities who have played a role in history, it is necessary to establish to what extent the illness could have influenced the production of the events in which these personalities were involved.

In Kristina's case, the psychiatrists have spoken with an assurance that, for our part, we would not be far from sharing.

To Dr. de Sarlo, to whom we owe a very remarkable study on the Queen of Sweden (See his work in the Rivista sperimentale di Freniatria, vol. XVIII, fasc. III-IV (December 31, 1892), pp. 498-514.), she was nothing other than a hysteric. Nervous pathology admits, in fact, a morbid form in itself, characterised by a complex of very different phenomena, of which we can manage to fix a certain number capable of guiding us in a sure manner in the diagnosis: such are egoism, vanity, contradiction, moral insensitivity, the tendency to dream and to wander at random, the lightness and vivacity of intelligence, all facts which can be regarded, in large part, as a consequence of the weakness of the will.

But today we no longer content ourselves with a simple definition of the mental state of a personage; we also want to know what relationship the development of a specific morbid form has with the historical environment in which the subject who presented it lived.

If we reflect, says Dr. de Sarlo, on the course of events in Kristina's life, we immediately become persuaded that if she had received a different education and if she had been able to apply her genius and the exuberance of her mental activity to great and glorious enterprises, she would not have appeared to us as a hysteric.

In short, hysteria was not, in the Queen of Sweden, something fatal, which she received as a legacy from her ancestors, or which arose as a result of one or more determining causes; it represents, in the present case, "the epilogue of a great struggle of elements, the final result of the opposition which her intelligence encountered in the environment in which she lived. Hysteria thus expresses an outcome, a consequence, the antecedents of which can be very diverse."

Can such a diagnosis be accepted without reservation? We do not think so. We will conclude, for our part, that Kristina presented the "mental state of hysterics", so aptly described by Professor Raymond and Dr. Pierre Janet; which does not mean that all the physical and other signs of this highly complex condition were noted in her.

Laypeople may not grasp these subtleties; but men of science will understand the importance of this distinction.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Augustin Cabanès.

Augustin Cabanès' biography of Kristina from the standpoint of her "sanity" and her psychology and mental health, year 1905, part 7

Source:

Les indiscrétions de l'histoire, volume 3, pages 214 to 221, by Augustin Cabanès, 1905; original at the University of Michigan


The biography:

VII
Mme la duchesse d'Orléans, mère du Régent, avait entendu parler de la reine de Suède par «le feu roi» (Louis XIV); mais il n'y a pas à douter qu'elle ajoute beaucoup de son cru aux propos qui ont pu être tenus devant elle.

«Christine», écrit-elle, «ne mettait jamais de coiffe de nuit, mais elle s'entourait la tête avec une serviette. Une fois qu'elle ne pouvait dormir, elle fit faire de la musique auprès de son lit. Comme le concert était de son goût, elle avança soudain la tête hors de ses rideaux et s'écria: «Mort diable! qu'ils chantent bien!» Les castrats et les Italiens, qui ne sont pas des plus braves, furent tellement épouvantés à l'aspect de cette étrange figure qu'ils demeurèrent muets et il fallut que la musique cessait...»

Après avoir rappelé le meurtre du grand écuyer Monaldeschi, par ordre de Christine, elle la dit «très vindicative et livrée à toutes sortes de débauches, même avec les femmes... Elle a forcé Mme de Brégy à des turpitudes et celle-ci n'a pu se défendre...» Elle ajoute cependant un peu plus loin: «Cette reine ne pouvait plaire aux femmes, car elle les méprisait toutes en général.» (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, par M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), t. I, p. 280.)

On a dit quel fut l'étonnement de la reine de Suède à la vue des incroyables embrassades de la cour. Lorsqu'elle vint à Fontainebleau, plusieurs dames, en l'allant saluer, s'avancèrent pour la baiser. Elle y trouva un peu à redire, toutefois sans en rien témoigner; elle se contenta de dire: «Quelle fureur ont ces dames à me baiser! est-ce à cause que je ressemble à un homme?» (Menagiana, t. III des Ana, p. 109. La reine Christine était, comme nous l'avons dit, toujours en justaucorps et la tête ornée d'une perruque d'homme; il n'est pas surprenant qu'elle ait pu donner le change sur son sexe.)

Il faut croire qu'elle y prit goût; on peut même dire qu'elle y prit grand plaisir, si nous en croyons ce que relate le prince Édouard, palatin de Bavière; dans une lettre qu'il adressait à son oncle, le duc de Mantoue, lettre qui n'était vraisemblablement pas destinée à la publicité.

«Nous avons fait», écrivait-il, «ces jours passés, un fort joli voyage à Auxerre, pour y voir incognito la reine de Suède: ce que nous avons fait, ma femme en qualité de demoiselle suivante de la marquise de Mouy, et moi en celle de son écuyer.

«Cette reine nous ayant reconnus, et ne voulant pas le faire voir, nous galantisa fort, et même la marquise de Mouy, sur ce qu'elle savait si bien choisir son monde, et tout bas, s'approchant de nous, nous fit mille civilités et particulièrement à ma femme, à qui elle témoigna le plus obligeamment du monde le sensible desplaisir qu'elle avoit de ne lui pouvoir donner, dans l'estat où elle nous voyoit, les marques de l'estime et de l'affection qu'elle avoit pour elle, de laquelle pourtant elle la priait de vouloir être très assurée, et nous dit cent mille autres galanteries de très bonne grâce.

«Toutes ses postures sont d'homme et nullement de femme. Aussi la plus agréable louange qu'on lui puisse donner est de lui dire qu'elle est le plus honneste homme du monde.

«Elle aime fort les belles femmes. Elle en trouva une à Lyon qui lui plut. Elle la baisoit partout: la gorge, les yeux, le front très amoureusement et mesme la vouloit baiser la langue à la bouche, et coucher avec elle, ce que la femme ne voulut pas.

«M. de Guise lui a fait présent de trois de ses perruques dont elle en porte toujours une avec un chapeau chargé de plumes, qu'elle tient toujours à la main en parlant. Elle porte un justaucorps et une cravate au cou. Elle n'a point de femme avec elle qui paraisse et peu d'hommes même.

«Voilà, Monsieur, ce que nous avons vu en ce petit voyage.» (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, 10 novembre 1885, p. 657.)

Si cette épître est, comme tout donne lieu de le présumer, d'une authenticité non douteuse, elle nous révèle, chez Christine de Suède, une inversion s*xuelle des plus caractérisées.

Un autre épisode, dont la source, il est vrai, est plus suspecte que la précédente, achèvera de nous édifier.

Tout le monde a entendu parler, peu ou prou, de l'infortunée marquise de Ganges et de sa fin tragique, qui inspira les premiers chants de Gilbert (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, pp. 157 et suiv.). La «belle Provençale» comme on la désignait à la cour, se nommait, de son véritable nom, Diane de Joannis; elle était la fille de Gabriel de Joannis, marquis de Roussans, et de Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. Tandis que le fameux peintre Mignard faisait son portrait, véritable chef-d'œuvre de l'art, la reine Christine de Suède proclamait la marquise le plus beau chef-d'œuvre de la nature.

«Ah! si j'étais homme», lui écrivait l'ardente princesse, «je tomberois à vos pieds, soumis et languissant d'amour; j'y passerois mes jours, j'y passerois les nuits, pour contempler vos divins appas, et vous offrir un cœur tendre, passionné et fidèle. Puisque cela n'est point, tenons-nous-en, incomparable marquise, à l'amitié la plus pure, la plus confiante et la plus ferme. De mon côté, voilà tout ce que je pense; mais mes brûlants désirs ne sont point satisfaits. Vos beaux yeux, vous le savez, sont les auteurs innocents de tous mes maux; eux seuls peuvent, dans un instant, en réparer l'outrage, et faire mon bonheur en les adoucissant. Me refuseriez-vous, hélas! un de vos regards gracieux? Non, non; aussi sensible que belle, vous écouterez avec complaisance les tendres plaintes de ma douleur profonde, et je passerai le reste de ma vie dans un douleureux enchantement.

«En attendant, qu'une agréable métempsycose change mon sexe, je veux vous voir, vous adorer, et vous le dire à chaque instant. Jusqu'à présent, j'ai cherché partout le plaisir et je ne l'ai point goûté. Si votre cœur généreux veut avoir pitié du mien, à mon arrivée à l'autre monde je le caresserai avec une volupté toujours nouvelle; je le savourerai dans vos bras victorieux, et le ferai durer éternellement. Dans cette douce espérance, je file des jours de vie, et mon bonheur s'accroît en pensant à vous.

«Adressez donc vos prières au ciel, belle marquise, afin que mes vœux soient exaucés, autant pour votre félicité que pour la mienne, qui dépend entièrement de vous pour le présent et pour l'avenir.»

On s'est souvent demandé pourquoi la reine Christine avait témoigné d'une si vive répugnance pour le mariage. Cette antipathie tenait-elle, comme on l'a dit, — après tout, l'hypothèse était soutenable, — à une anomalie s*xuelle?

On a parlé d'hermaphroditisme; il est certain que ses passions équivoques donnent à cette supposition une grande vraisemblance. Certes, elle pouvait être sincère en écrivant: «J'ai une antipathie si grande pour le mariage, que si le Roi de l'univers vouloit déposer à mes pieds son sceptre et sa couronne, quelque galant qu'il fût, et quelque bonne mine qu'il eût d'ailleurs, je refuserois de l'épouser. Jugez après cela si Christine, qui aime sa liberté plus que sa vie, ira s'enchaîner de gaieté de cœur aux caprices tyranniques d'un mari, c'est-à-dire d'un despot.» (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, pp. 21 et suiv. Ces lettres sont-elles bien authentiques? On ne semble pas avoir complètement élucidé cette question. (Cf. Intermédiaire, 25 octobre 1889, p. 612).)

Elle aurait même fait aux États de Suède la réponse qu'on lui prête: «Il naîtrait plutôt de moi un Néron qu'un Auguste. Le beau présent que je ferais à mon pays!», que nous n'en serions pas autrement surpris.

Serait-ce qu'elle se soit crue inapte à contracter une union féconde, en raison d'une imperfection physique? Rien ne nous autorise à affirmer que cette imperfection ait réellement existé.

Nous avons relaté ailleurs (Dans la Chronique médicale, 1er octobre 1905.) la grotesque aventure dont elle fut l'héroïne, à l'âge de 50 ans. Surprise de se voir «une excroissance de chair dans un lieu qui lui fit espérer d'être de notre sexe», — ce sont les termes de la dépêche qu'envoyait l'attaché à la légation française de Rome au ministre Colbert de Croissy, à la date du 2 novembre 1680, — Christine communique son doute à son médecin, puis successivement à sa femme de chambre, à son chirurgien, à un père jésuite et jusqu'à un cardinal, très avant dans ses bonnes grâces.

L'excroissance augmentait toujours et «se maintenait dans une forme qui confirmait les espérances de tout l'entourage.» On crut la reine devenue roi, et le médecin, transporté d'enthousiasme, se jetant aux genoux de Christine, s'écriait: «Salve, rex Suecorum!» Ce n'est qu'à un second examen que le Diafoirus, reconnaissant sa méprise, constatait qu'il s'agissait d'un prolapsus utérin et non d'un appendice viril.

En dépit d'une auto-suggestion soigneusement entretenue, les dernières illusions de Christine s'évanouissaient: femme elle était, femme elle restait. Femme de génie qui, sur bien des points, a devancé son temps, mais très femme par son amour de l'intrigue, par sa vanité naïve, par son défaut de volonté et d'énergie, par son appétit, jamais rassasié, de sensations qu'elle avait vainement tenté d'éprouver.

Swedish translation (my own; I cannot tag it as such due to character limits in the tags):

VII
Madame hertiginnan av Orléans, regentens mor, hade hört talas om Sveriges drottning från »den salige konungen« (Ludvig XIV); men det råder ingen tvekan om att hon lade till mycket av sitt eget till de anmärkningar som kan ha fällts inför henne.

»Kristina«, skrev hon, »bar aldrig nattmössa, utan virade en handduk runt huvudet. En gång, när hon inte kunde sova, spelade hon musik vid sängen. Eftersom konserten föll henne i smaken stack hon plötsligt ut huvudet från gardinerna och ropade: »Djävulens död! Så bra de sjunger!« Kastraterna och italienarna, som inte är de modigaste, blev så skräckslagna vid åsynen av denna märkliga figur att de förblev tysta, och musiken var tvungen att upphöra...«

Efter att ha erinrat sig mordet på överstallmästaren Monaldeschi, på befallning av Kristina, beskriver hon henne som »mycket hämndlysten och benägen till alla möjliga utsvävningar, även med kvinnor... Hon tvingade madame de Brégy till sedefördärv, och hon kunde inte försvara sig...« Hon tillägger dock lite längre fram: »Denna drottning kunde inte behaga kvinnor, ty hon föraktade dem alla i allmänhet.« (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, av M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), vol. I, s. 280.)

Det har sagts hur förvånad den svenska drottningen blev vid åsynen av hovets otroliga omfamningar. När hon kom till Fontainebleau gick flera damer fram för att hälsa henne och kyssa henne. Hon fann lite att klaga på, men utan att visa några tecken på det; hon sade helt enkelt: »Vilken furie dessa damer har över att kyssa mig! är det för att jag ser ut som en man?« (Menagiana, vol. III av Ana., s. 109. Drottning Kristina var, som vi sagt, alltid i justaucorps och hennes huvud pryddes med en mansperuk; det är inte förvånande att hon kunde lura folk om sitt kön.)

Man måste tro att hon tyckte om det; vi kan till och med säga att hon tyckte mycket om det, om vi skall tro vad pfalzgreve Edward av Bayern berättar i ett brev han riktade till sin onkel, hertigen av Mantua, ett brev som förmodligen inte var avsett för publicitet.

»Vi gjorde«, skrev han, »en mycket trevlig resa de senaste dagarna till Auxerre, för att inkognito se Sveriges drottning: vilket vi gjorde, min maka i hennes egenskap av fröken i sällskap med markisinnan de Mouy, och jag i hennes egenskap av stallmästare.«

»Denna drottning, som kände igen oss men inte ville visa det, visade oss stor tapperhet, och till och med markisinnan de Mouy, med motiveringen att hon så väl visste hur man skulle välja sitt folk, närmade sig oss mycket tyst och visade oss tusen artigheter, särskilt mot min maka, för vilken hon på det mest tillmötesgående sätt i världen vittnade om det stora missnöje hon kände över att inte kunna ge henne, i det tillstånd hon såg oss i, tecken på den aktning och tillgivenhet hon hyste för henne, vilket hon dock bad henne att vara mycket säker på, och berättade för oss hundratusen andra tapperheter med mycket god nåd.

»Alla hennes ställningar är av en man och inte alls av en kvinna. Därför är det mest angenäma beröm man kan ge henne att säga att hon är den ärligaste mannen i världen.

»Hon älskar vackra kvinnor mycket. Hon fann en i Lyon som behagade henne. Hon kysste henne överallt: halsen, ögonen, pannan, mycket kärleksfullt, och hon ville till och med kyssa henne med tungan i munnen, och sova med henne, vilket kvinnan inte ville.

»Monsieur de Guise har givit henne tre av sina peruker i present, varav hon alltid bär en med en hatt full av fjädrar, som hon alltid håller i handen när hon talar. Hon bär en justaucorps och en kravatt. Hon har ingen kvinna med sig som visar sig, och inte ens några män.

»Detta, min herre, är vad vi har sett på denna lilla resa.« (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, den 10 november 1885, s. 657.)

Om denna epistel, som allt antyder, är av otvivelaktig äkthet, avslöjar det för oss, hos Kristina av Sverige, en högst karakteristisk s*xuell inversion.

Ännu en episod, vars källa visserligen är mer misstänkt än den föregående, kommer att fullborda vår edifikation.

Alla har hört, mer eller mindre, talas om den olyckliga markisinnan de Ganges och hennes tragiska slut, vilket inspirerade Gilberts första sånger (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, s. 157 ff.). »La belle Provençale«, som hon kallades vid hovet, kallades, med sitt riktiga namn, Diane de Joannis; hon var dotter till Gabriel de Joannis, markisen av Roussans och Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. Medan den berömde målaren Mignard målade hennes porträtt, ett sant mästerverk, utropade drottning Kristina av Sverige markisinnan till naturens vackraste mästerverk.

»Ah! om jag vore en man«, skrev den ivriga prinsessan till henne, »skulle jag falla för Era fötter, undergiven och tynande av kärlek; jag skulle tillbringa mina dagar där, jag skulle tillbringa mina nätter där, för att begrunda Er gudomliga behag och erbjuda Er ett ömt, passionerat och troget hjärta. Eftersom det inte är så, låt oss, ojämförliga markisinna, hålla oss till den renaste, mest tillitsfulla och fastaste vänskapen. För min del är det allt jag tänker; men mina brinnande begär är inte tillfredsställda. Era vackra ögon, det vet Ni, är de oskyldiga upphovsmännen till alla mina problem; de ensamma kan, på ett ögonblick, reparera min skam och göra mig lycklig genom att mildra dem. Skulle Ni vägra mig, ack! en av Era graciösa blickar? Nej, nej; hur känslig Ni än är vacker, kommer Ni med självbelåtenhet att lyssna på de ömma klagomålen i min djupa sorg, och jag kommer att tillbringa resten av mitt liv i en smärtsam förtrollning.

»Under tiden, medan en behaglig metempsykos förändrar mitt kön, vill jag se Er, älska Er och säga det till Er i varje ögonblick. Fram till nu har jag sökt njutning överallt och inte smakat den. Om Ert generösa hjärta vill förbarma sig över mitt, kommer jag vid min ankomst till den andra världen att smeka det med en ständigt ny vällust; jag kommer att njuta av det i Era segerrika armar och få det att bestå för evigt. I detta ljuva hopp spinner jag fram livsdagar, och min lycka ökar i att tänka på Er.

»Rikta därför Era böner till himlen, vackra markisinna, så att mina önskningar må uppfyllas, lika mycket för Er lycka som för min, vilken helt och hållet beror på Er för nuet och för framtiden.«

Det har ofta frågats varför drottning Kristina hade betygat en så livlig motvilja mot äktenskap. Beror denna antipati, som det har sagts — hypotesen var trots allt hållbar — på en s*xuell anomali?

Det har talats om hermafroditism; det är säkert att hennes tvetydiga passioner ger detta antagande stor sannolikhet. Hon kunde säkerligen ha varit uppriktig när hon skrev: »Jag hyser en så stor motvilja mot äktenskap att om universums konung ville lägga sin spira och sin krona vid mina fötter, hur galant han än må vara, och hur gott han än må ha, skulle jag vägra att gifta mig med honom. Döm efter det om Kristina, som älskar sin frihet mer än sitt liv, gärna kommer att kedja sig fast vid en makes tyranniska nycker, det vill säga en despots.« (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, s. 21 ff. Är dessa brev verkligen autentiska? Denna fråga tycks inte ha blivit helt klarlagd. (Jfr Intermédiaire, den 25 oktober 1889, s. 612).)

Hon skulle till och med ha givit Sveriges Ständer svaret som tillskrevs henne: »En Nero skulle födas av mig hellre än en Augustus. Vilken fin gåva jag skulle ge mitt land!«, och vi skulle inte bli förvånade på annat sätt.

Kunde det vara så att hon ansåg sig olämplig för ett fruktbart äktenskap på grund av en fysisk ofullkomlighet? Ingenting tillåter oss att bekräfta att denna ofullkomlighet verkligen fanns till.

Vi har berättat på annat håll (I Chronique médicale, den 1 oktober 1905.) om det groteska äventyr hon var hjältinnan i, vid 50 års ålder. Förvånad över att se »en köttig utväxt på en plats som fick henne att hoppas vara av vårt kön«, — detta är villkoren i det meddelande som attachén vid den franska legationen i Rom skickade till minister Colbert de Croissy, daterat den 2 november 1680, — meddelade Kristina sina tvivel till sin läkare, sedan successivt till sin kammarjungfru, sin kirurg, en jesuitfader och till och med en kardinal, mycket välkommen till henne.

Utväxten fortsatte att öka och »höll sig i en form som bekräftade allas omkringståendes förhoppningar«. Man trodde att drottningen hade blivit konung, och läkaren, upprymd av entusiasm, kastade sig för Kristinas knän och utropade: »Salve, rex Suecorum!« — »Var hälsad, svenskarnas konung!«. Det var först vid en andra undersökning som Diafoirus, som insåg sitt misstag, konstaterade att det var en livmoderprolaps och inte en manslem.

Trots en noggrant upprätthållen självsuggestion höll Kristinas sista illusioner på att försvinna: hon var en kvinna, hon förblev en kvinna. En genial kvinna som på många sätt var före sin tid, men i hög grad en kvinna i sin kärlek till intriger, i sin naiva fåfänga, i sin brist på vilja och energi, i sin aptit, aldrig mätt, av sensationer som hon förgäves hade försökt uppleva.

English translation (my own):

VII
Madame the Duchess d'Orléans, mother of the Regent, had heard of the Queen of Sweden from "the late King" (Louis XIV); but there is no doubt that she added much of her own to the remarks that may have been made before her.

"Kristina", she wrote, "never wore a nightcap, but wrapped a towel around her head. One time, when she could not sleep, she had music played by her bed. As the concert was to her taste, she suddenly stuck her head out from her curtains and cried: 'Devil's death! How well they sing!' The castrati and the Italians, who are not the bravest, were so terrified at the sight of this strange figure that they remained silent, and the music had to stop..."

After recalling the murder of the grand equerry Monaldeschi, by order of Kristina, she describes her as "very vindictive and given to all sorts of debauchery, even with women... She forced Madame de Brégy into turpitudes, and she could not defend herself..." However, she adds a little further on: "This queen could not please women, because she despised them all in general." (Correspondance complète de Madame, duchesse d'Orléans, by M. G. BRUNET (Paris, 1855), vol. I, p. 280.)

It has been said how astonished the Queen of Sweden was at the sight of the incredible embraces of the court. When she came to Fontainebleau, several ladies, going to greet her, advanced to kiss her. She found a little to complain about, but without showing any sign of it; she simply said: "What fury these ladies have to kiss me! is it because I look like a man?" (Menagiana, vol. III of the Ana., p. 109. Queen Kristina was, as we have said, always in a justaucorps and her head adorned with a man's wig; it is not surprising that she was able to deceive people about her sex.)

One must believe that she took a liking to it; we can even say that she took great pleasure in it, if we are to believe what Prince Palatine Eduard of Bavaria, relates in a letter he addressed to his uncle, the Duke of Mantua, a letter which was probably not intended for publicity.

"We made", he wrote, "a very pleasant journey these past few days to Auxerre, to see incognito the Queen of Sweden: which we did, my wife in her capacity as demoiselle following the Marquise de Mouy, and I in that of her equerry.

"This queen, having recognised us and not wanting to show it, gallanted us greatly, and even the Marquise de Mouy, on the grounds that she knew so well how to choose her people, and very quietly, approaching us, showed us a thousand civilities and particularly to my wife, to whom she testified in the most obliging way in the world the great displeasure that she had at not being able to give her, in the state in which she saw us, the marks of the esteem and affection that she had for her, of which however she begged her to be very sure, and told us a hundred thousand other gallantries with very good grace.

"All her postures are of a man and not at all of a woman. Therefore, the most agreeable praise one can give her is to say that she is the most honest man in the world.

"She loves beautiful women very much. She found one in Lyons who pleased her. She kissed her everywhere: the throat, the eyes, the forehead, very amorously, and she even wanted to kiss her with her tongue in her mouth, and to sleep with her, which the woman did not want.

"Monsieur de Guise has given her a present of three of his wigs, one of which she always wears with a hat full of feathers, which she always holds in her hand when speaking. She wears a justaucorps and a cravat. She has no woman with her who appears, and few men, even.

"This, my Lord, is what we have seen on this little journey." (Intermédiare des Chercheurs, November 10, 1885, p. 657.)

If this epistle is, as everything suggests, of undoubted authenticity, it reveals to us, in Kristina of Sweden, a most characteristic s*xual inversion.

Another episode, whose source, it is true, is more suspect than the previous one, will complete our edification.

Everyone has heard, more or less, of the unfortunate Marquise de Ganges and her tragic end, which inspired Gilbert's first songs (Œuvres complètes de Gilbert, pp. 157 et seq.). "La belle Provençale" as she was called at court, was called, by her real name, Diane de Joannis; she was the daughter of Gabriel de Joannis, Marquis de Roussans, and Laure de Rousset de Saint-Sauveur. While the famous painter Mignard was painting her portrait, a true masterpiece of art, Queen Kristina of Sweden proclaimed the Marquise the most beautiful masterpiece of nature.

"Ah! if I were a man", wrote the ardent princess to her, "I would fall at your feet, submissive and languishing with love; I would spend my days there, I would spend my nights there, to contemplate your divine charms, and to offer you a tender, passionate and faithful heart. Since that is not so, let us, incomparable Marquise, stick to the purest, most trusting and firmest friendship. For my part, that is all I think; but my burning desires are not satisfied. Your beautiful eyes, you know it, are the innocent authors of all my ills; they alone can, in an instant, repair the outrage and make me happy by softening them. Would you refuse me, alas! one of your graceful glances? No, no; as sensitive as you are beautiful, you will listen with complacency to the tender complaints of my deep sorrow, and I will spend the rest of my life in a painful enchantment.

"In the meantime, while a pleasant metempsychosis changes my sex, I want to see you, adore you, and tell you so at every moment. Until now, I have sought pleasure everywhere and have not tasted it. If your generous heart wishes to have pity on mine, upon my arrival in the other world, I will caress it with an ever-new volupty; I will savour it in your victorious arms and make it last eternally. In this sweet hope, I spin out days of life, and my happiness increases in thinking of you.

"Address, therefore, your prayers to heaven, beautiful Marquise, so that my wishes may be granted, as much for your felicity as for mine, which depends entirely on you for the present and for the future."

It has often been asked why Queen Kristina had testified such a lively repugnance to marriage. Was this antipathy due, as has been said — after all, the hypothesis was tenable — to a s*xual anomaly?

There has been talk of hermaphroditism; it is certain that her equivocal passions give this supposition a great likelihood. Certainly, she could have been sincere in writing: "I have such a great antipathy for marriage that if the King of the universe wanted to lay his scepter and his crown at my feet, however gallant he might be, and whatever good mien he might have, I would refuse to marry him. Judge after that if Kristina, who loves her freedom more than her life, will happily chain herself to the tyrannical whims of a husband, that is to say, of a despot." (Lettres secrètes de Christine, reine de Suède, aux personnages illustres de son siècle, dédiées au roi de Prusse, pp. 21 et seq. Are these letters truly authentic? This question does not seem to have been completely clarified. (Cf. Intermédiaire, October 25, 1889, p. 612).)

She would even have given the Estates of Sweden the answer attributed to her: "A Nero would be born of me rather than an Augustus. What a fine present I would make to my country!", and we would not be otherwise surprised.

Could it be that she believed herself unfit for a fecund union because of a physical imperfection? Nothing allows us to affirm that this imperfection really existed.

We have related elsewhere (In the Chronique médicale, October 1, 1905.) the grotesque adventure of which she was the heroine, at the age of 50. Surprised to see "an excrescence of flesh in a place which made her hope to be of our sex", — these are the terms of the dispatch sent by the attaché at the French legation in Rome to the minister Colbert de Croissy, dated November 2, 1680, — Kristina communicated her doubt to her doctor, then successively to her chambermaid, her surgeon, a Jesuit father and even a cardinal, very much in her good graces.

The excrescence continued to increase and "maintained itself in a form which confirmed the hopes of all those around her". It was believed that the Queen had become king, and the doctor, transported with enthusiasm, threw himself at Kristina's knees, exclaiming: "Salve, rex Suecorum!" — "Hail, King of the Swedes!". It was only on a second examination that Diafoirus, recognising his mistake, noted that it was a uterine prolapse and not a virile appendage.

Despite a carefully maintained auto-suggestion, Kristina's last illusions were vanishing: she was a woman, she remained a woman. A woman of genius who, in many ways, was ahead of her time, but very much a woman in her love of intrigue, in her naive vanity, in her lack of will and energy, in her appetite, never satiated, for sensations that she had tried in vain to experience.



Above: Kristina.


Above: Augustin Cabanès.

Notes: "S*xual inversion", or, in more precise, more accurate and more modern words and forms, h*mos*xuality, bis*xuality or l*sbianism, etc., is not a mental illness or psychological condition, a s*xual perversion or anomaly, a sin, a choice, a moral violation or failing, or the result of a bad upbringing or imprinting on the opposite sex for oneself and then consequently developing attraction to people of one's own sex, as many people believed up until the middle of the last century (both towards qu**r people in general and in relation to Kristina), but a natural, positive-neutral and harmless part of a person's romantic and/or s*xual constitution. It is very possible that Kristina was bir*mantic and bis*xual (although she is also often seen by various biographers over the years as either a l*sbian or straight), but I believe that the stories about her s*xually ass*ulting or r*ping other women are only rumours, made up by her enemies to defame her or ruin her reputation personally and politically and which were naively believed and repeated by others (both her contemporaries and posterity), and they also indicate a wider and erroneous and destructive view from older times (and which sadly still persists today in some circles) of women attracted romantically and/or s*xually to other women as "unnatural", "perverted" or "predatory".

Kristina may certainly have had crushes on some women, such as on Madame la comtesse de Brégy (Charlotte de Saumaize), some of them intense but fleeting or of varying duration and/or intensity levels, but ultimately she is known or confirmed to have had only two serious relationships in her life: the first was with her lady-in-waiting Countess Ebba Sparre, and the other was with a man, Cardinal Decio Azzolino. It is possible that Kristina was also either as*xual or demis*xual, the latter meaning that she may have needed to have or form a strong emotional bond or attachment to someone to be able to have or feel any s*xual attraction or desire for them; and if so, she only ever experienced this feeling for those two people.

The two letters attributed to Kristina, the one to the Marquise de Ganges and the other concerning her refusal to marry, are both fake. They were fabricated in 1761 by François Lacombe.