Source:
Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 34 to 47, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan
The account:
COMMUNICATIONS were so slow at this time, that even such important news as the death of Gustavus Adolphus took two months [sic] to reach Sweden.
The sad event was for some time kept secret from the people. Several of the leading nobles attended a meeting, at which the question was mooted whether Christina should be set aside, and a Republic formed on the model of Venice. The party in favour of such a change was not sufficiently strong, and the Senate declared her title incontestable, and ordered her to be proclaimed.
The conduct of the army in Germany had, no doubt, considerable weight in Sweden. The troops declared unanimously that the child of their hero should be his successor. This was far from being the case in Sweden. Sigismund of Poland died in the same year as his cousin and rival. He had never relinquished his title to the Swedish throne, although he had given up all hope of wresting the crown from Gustavus Adolphus. He had, of late years, merely called himself King of Sweden, had strengthened his position at home by his marriage with an Austrian Princess, and had annoyed his cousin by intrigues in Sweden, and by sending a few Polish troops to assist the Imperialists in Germany.
His son Uladislaus, who succeeded to his Polish throne, and to his Swedish claims, was not inclined to lose so favourable an opportunity of asserting the latter.
The death of Gustavus, the critical position of the Swedish army, and the youth of Christina, made a combination very favourable to the Polish Monarch. He felt that if ever his family was to sit on the throne of Gustavus Vasa, now was the time to exert himself. His first step was to make overtures to some of the great nobles, to the Oxenstierns, Bielke, and Wrangel. They all considered a minority more favourable to their own power, than the rule of one who was already the Sovereign of a warlike state, and whose subjects, although tenacious of their own privileges, might not have the same respect for the privileges of a rival nation, or of a different creed. Oxenstiern was actuated by a more generous motive, for neither at this time nor at any subsequent period did he swerve from the faith he had pledged to Gustavus. They all rejected the offers of Uladislaus. He then spread a report in Sweden that one of his sons was inclined to embrace the Lutheran religion. He hoped that, towards a claimant of their own creed, the clergy would not be insensible to the divine right of legitimate succession, now so warmly supported by their order. The people might be expected to have prejudices against the rule of a female, for although the Salique law had never been formally acknowledged in Sweden, the succession of a female had hitherto been almost impossible, because the incessant civil and foreign wars required the Sovereign to be a soldier. The only exception had been in the case of Margaret, and all patriotic Swedes remembered her reign with horror. The victories of Gustavus Adolphus were, however, still fresh in the minds of the Poles, and Uladislaus felt that he could not invade Sweden successfully without the aid of a strong party in the country. Even then his Polish forces would not be available without a powerful navy, for, although not an island, Sweden was almost as inaccessible as an island to external aggression, except by sea. Finland, however, was nearer to Poland, and was not so well defended either by its position or by its internal resources, and it was to Finland that he chiefly directed his attention. The people here, in general, believed that his son was a Lutheran, and that Gustavus himself had named a Polish prince as his successor.
Even in Sweden, Polish emissaries spread the same report, with some success, among the peasants.
The States met in February, 1633, when the assembly was addressed by Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern. He announced the death of the King amidst the tears and lamentations of his hearers. Then he proposed that Christina should be recognized as successor to the Crown. A murmer [sic] immediately rose among the deputies of the peasants, many of whom were in favour of the King of Poland. One of these peasants, named Lars Larsson, interrupted Oxenstiern, and said: — "Who is this daughter of King Gustavus? We have never seen her. We do not know her!"
"You shall see her directly", replied Oxenstiern, who left the hall, and returned leading the little Princess. The deputy approached and examined her countenance attentively.
"Yes", he said, "these are the eyes, the nose, the forehead of the King. She is his daughter; she shall be our Queen."
The next step was to determine how the Government should be carried on during her minority. The old-established way was to appoint an administrator (Riksföreständare) during the absence or minority of the Kings. Many of the council were of opinion this great office should now be revived. The Stures had held it last, and their memory was justly dear to the people. Axel Oxenstiern, the Chancellor, was still in Germany, but this great man was so highly esteemed, that nothing was decided without consulting him, especially as it was understood that to him had been confided the King's last wishes on the subject. Oxenstiern's own prepossessions were in favour of an Administrator, because he considered that office the most constitutional.
He might reasonably have expected that he would have been chosen himself to fill this great place, a King in everything but name[,] but neither his private opinion nor his ambition disturbed for a moment his loyalty or his religious veneration for the late King's wishes.
Gustavus had desired that, in case of his death, a regency should be formed, composed of the five great dignitaries of the kingdom, and Oxenstiern now confined himself to pointing out the advantages of this course. With such an administration Sweden could not be endangered by the ambition of an individual, and if one of the Regents should die, the policy of the country would not be liable to be reversed, as might be the case in event of a new administrator succeeding to the power. Oxenstiern also said that the King had ordered such a constitution to be written out fairly for him to sign while he was in Prussia, but that it had been deferred on account of the urgency of other matters.
The five dignitaries to whom the government of Sweden was committed were: —
The Grand Seneschal, Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern,
The Grand Constable, Jacob de la Gardie,
The High Admiral, Baron Gyldenhielm,
The High Treasurer, Gabriel Oxenstiern, and
The Grand Chancellor, Axel Oxenstiern.
These officers were at the same time Presidents of the Councils, or, as they were termed, the Colleges of Justice, War, Marine, Finance, and Chancery.
Axel Oxenstiern was now in Germany, and his colleagues entrusted him with absolute authority to make war, peace, and alliances, as he thought best for Sweden.
The Seneschal, Gabriel Gustaf Oxenstiern, was a man of great experience. He was remarkable for his industry, his probity, and his calm and amiable temper.
Axel Oxenstiern and Jacob de la Gardie, the two most distinguished of the Regents, were both high-spirited, and accustomed to command. Gabriel Gustaf, by his good offices, preserved a friendship between them which was sometimes threatened by their impetuosity, but which had its foundation in mutual esteem.
Jacob de la Gardie was one of the most eminent men in Sweden for wealth, character, and ability. He was married to the beautiful and virtuous Ebba Brahe, to whom Gustavus Adolphus had been so deeply attached, but who broke off the intended marriage with her royal lover, on account of his intrigue with the daughter of a merchant, notwithstanding his prayers and repentance. Jacob de la Gardie's eminent services had been performed in Russia and Poland, where Gustavus learned from him the art of war. Successful in most of his campaigns, De la Gardie was on one occasion abandoned by all his mercenary troops, and, with only 400 Swedes, made good his retreat all the way from the heart of Russia.
The Poles had such a dread of his name, that when they threatened to attack Sweden, after the expiration of the truce, they were deterred chiefly by the information that an army was being assembled under Jacob de la Gardie. Although allied to Brahe, who was the leader of the extreme aristocratic party, De la Gardie supported Oxenstiern in opposing its extravagant pretensions. Oxenstiern has been accused, without sufficient proof, of belonging to this party himself. Although an aristocrat by birth and feeling, he was also a statesman, who desired the general welfare of his country, and not the exclusive advantage of one class. His wise and moderate conduct helped to avert a civil war at this period, although the feelings which lead to civil war were rife in Sweden, as well as in England, France, Naples, Poland, and Portugal. He wished to keep the most important offices in the hands of the nobles, but he said the people should be considered as younger brothers, yet still as brothers.
The High Admiral, Charles Gyllenhielm, was a natural son of Charles IX. He was much attached to the royal family, and appears to have been free from the envious feelings common to men in his situation. He had been twelve years a prisoner of war in Poland, where he was harshly treated, and his character thus acquired a degree of gravity which often passed for wisdom, but he appears to have had less ability than any of his colleagues. The most eminent by far of the Regents, and one of the most eminent men in Europe, was Axel Oxenstiern, the chancellor. He was descended from an ancient and powerful family, which had been the equal and rival of the Vasas, before it became their ornament and support, and, on his mother's side, he was allied to the royal family. In the course of his education he studied at several of the German universities, at Rostock, Wittemberg, and Jena. He passed through the usual terms with credit, and took the degree of Master of Arts. His family intended him for the clerical profession, and hoped that his great interest would gain for him the chief prize in the Swedish Church, the Archbishopric of Upsala. With this view, Oxenstiern studied theology, ecclesiastical history, and the learned languages; but he also studied law and politics.
In 1605, being then twenty years of age [sic], he appeared at the Court of Charles IX., by whom he was well received; and the young nobleman appears to have given up the idea of entering the Church almost immediately.
He was made a senator, the highest rank in Sweden, at the age of twenty-six, and possessed so entirely the confidence of the King, that at his death he was left in charge of the royal children.
It was Oxenstiern who first perceived the great ability of Gustavus Adolphus, and who persuaded the senate to shorten the period of his minority. Gustavus never forgot this service, and remained all his life warmly attached to his great minister.
An old oak still exists a few miles from Stockholm where they used to meet and talk of public affairs, and Gustavas [sic] III. erected a monument under the shadow of its branches, which represented the king and his chancellor conversing.
During the German war Oxenstiern was entrusted with the government of Prussian Poland. It was his knowledge of the resources of this country that made him oppose so vehemently its cession to Uladislaus.
The constitution now announced and adopted as the legacy of Gustavus Adolphus, was believed to be at least as much the work of Oxenstiern.
The interest of the nobles was certainly never lost sight of, but a great deal of foresight and sagacity was displayed: the power of the council and Regency was defined with much care and precision, and it is said to have been the first example in Europe of a regular written constitution.
The Lutheran religion was declared to be that of the Sovereign and of the State. The decrees of Gustavas [sic] Vasa and of Charles IX. regarding the succession were confirmed, as well as the act of the States by which Christina had been recognized. The Sovereign was to rule according to constitutional laws, and the Senate was his council, of which he appointed the members, subject to the condition that they must be natives and noblemen. The number of senators was fixed at twenty-five, although under certain circumstances it might be increased. The five dignitaries already named were senators by virtue of their office, and had precedence over the others.
Persons of high rank, accused of any serious offence, were to be tried before a grand council, composed of the senators, of members of the superior courts, and of the magistrates of the principal towns.
The supreme command of the army was given to the Sovereign. In case it became necessary to raise extraordinary levies, to impose fresh taxes, or to change existing laws, a Diet, or General Assembly of the States, was to be convened.
The Diet consisted of the Senate and the nobles, of the clergy represented by a certain number of bishops and ministers, of the citizens represented by a burgomaster from every town, and of the peasants represented by some of their own order from each bailiwick.
In case the Sovereign should die, without a recognized heir, the government was to be carried on by the five dignitaries and the Senate, until a successor was appointed in a general meeting of the States.
Above: "Queen Christina's Accession to the Throne", by Joseph de Buelow.
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