Gabrielle de Paban's short biography of Kristina, in "Année des dames, ou Petite biographie des femmes célèbres pour tous les jours de l'année", year 1820

Source:

Année des dames, ou Petite biographie des femmes célèbres pour tous les jours de l'année, volume 1, pages 151 to 153, by Gabrielle de Paban, 1820; original at the National Library of France (Bibliothèque nationale de France)

https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k6568893z/f167.item

The biography:

19 AVRIL. — LA REINE CHRISTINE.

CHRISTINE, reine de Suède, née en 1626, n'avait pas sept ans, lorsqu'elle succéda à Gustave Adolphe, son père. Elle avait montré, dès sa plus tendre enfance, tant de pénétration, d'esprit et de courage, que les Suédois ne furent pas effrayés de la voir si jeune sur le trône. Ils se promettaient au contraire les années les plus glorieuses sous son règne. Christine ne trompa point leur espoir. Aussitôt qu'elle put gouverner elle-même, elle le fit avec sagesse. Rien n'échappa à l'activité de son esprit. Elle protégea les sciences et les lettres qui font la gloire des empires, et les arts qui en font la prospérité. Elle-même était fort instruite, puisqu'elle parlait huit langues, écrivait élégamment, et lisait dans l'original Polybe et Thucydide [sic], dans un âge où les enfans ordinaires lisent à peine des traductions. Elle appela à sa cour Descartes, Bochart, Grotius, Gabriel Naudé et une foule d'hommes de mérite dont elle fut admirée, et près de qui elle acheva de se placer parmi les sages.

Après qu'elle eut affermi la paix dans ses états, l'amour des lettres et de la liberté lui inspira à vingt ans le dessein d'abdiquer la couronne. Elle réalisa ce projet en 1654, et descendit du trône pour y placer Charles-Gustave, son cousin. Elle fit frapper en même temps un médaille qui portait cette légende: Le Parnasse vaut mieux le trône. Christine s'occupa dès lors de voyager. Elle traversa le Danemarck, l'Allemagne, la Hollande, et vint à Paris, où la cour de France lui rendit de grands honneurs. Elle passa de là en Angleterre [sic] et alla enfin se fixer à Rome, où elle se livra à son goût pour les arts et les sciences. Elle y mourut, à soixante-trois ans [sic], le 19 avril 1689. — On a de cette illustre reine un grand nombre de Lettres, des Réflexions sur la vie et les actions du grand Alexandre, et des Maximes ou Sentences. Avec une foule de belles qualités, on lui reproche des défauts et des bizarreries. Mais les plus grands personnages ne peuvent être parfaits, puisque la perfection n'est pas l'apanage de l'espèce humaine.

Swedish translation (my own):

DEN 19 APRIL. — DROTTNING KRISTINA.

Kristina, Sveriges drottning, född 1626, var ännu inte sju år gammal när hon efterträdde sin far, Gustav Adolf. Från sin tidigaste barndom hade hon visat sådan insikt, kvickhet och mod att svenskarna inte blev oroade över att se henne på tronen så ung. Tvärtom, de förväntade sig de mest ärorika åren under hennes regeringstid. Kristina svek inte deras förhoppningar. Så snart hon kunde styra sig själv gjorde hon det klokt. Ingenting undgick hennes sinnes aktiva uppmärksamhet. Hon skyddade de vetenskaper och den litteratur som bringar ära till imperier, och de konster som säkerställer deras välstånd. Själv var hon högt instruerad [bildad], talade åtta språk, skrev elegant och läste Polybius och Thukydides i original [sic], i en ålder då vanliga barn knappt kan läsa översättningar. Hon kallade till sitt hov Descartes, Bochart, Grotius, Gabriel Naudé och en skara förtjänstfulla män av vilka hon beundrades, och nära vilka hon fullbordade sin plats bland de visa.

Efter att hon hade bekräftat fred i sitt rike, inspirerade hennes kärlek till litteratur och frihet henne att abdikera vid tjugo års ålder. Hon förverkligade denna plan 1654 och avgick från tronen för att placera sin kusin, Karl Gustav, på den. Samtidigt lät hon prägla en medalj med inskriptionen: Parnass är bättre än tronen. Från och med då ägnade Kristina sig åt att resa. Hon korsade Danmark, Tyskland och Holland och anlände till Paris, där det franska hovet visade henne stora hedersbetygelser. Därifrån reste hon till England [sic] och bosatte sig slutligen i Rom, där hon ägnade sig åt sin smak för konst och vetenskap. Hon dog där, vid sextiotre års ålder [sic], den 19 april 1689. Vi har från denna berömda drottning ett stort antal Brev, Reflektioner över Alexander den stores liv och gärningar och Maximer eller Sentenser. Förutom en mängd fina egenskaper klandras hon också för fel och bisarrerier. Men inte ens de största personligheterna kan vara perfekta, eftersom perfektion inte är mänsklighetens enda bihang.

English translation (my own):

APRIL 19. — QUEEN KRISTINA.

Kristina, Queen of Sweden, born in 1626, was not yet seven years old when she succeeded her father, Gustav Adolf. From her earliest childhood, she had shown such insight, wit and courage that the Swedes were not alarmed to see her on the throne so young. On the contrary, they anticipated the most glorious years under her reign. Kristina did not disappoint their hopes. As soon as she was able to govern herself, she did so wisely. Nothing escaped the active attention of her mind. She protected the sciences and literature that bring glory to empires, and the arts that ensure their prosperity. She herself was highly instructed [educated], speaking eight languages, writing elegantly, and reading Polybius and Thucydides in the original [sic], at an age when ordinary children can scarcely read translations. She summoned to her court Descartes, Bochart, Grotius, Gabriel Naudé and a throng of men of merit by whom she was admired, and near whom she completed her place among the wise.

After she had affirmed peace in her realm, her love of literature and liberty inspired her at the age of twenty to abdicate the crown. She realised this plan in 1654, stepping down from the throne to place her cousin, Karl Gustav, on it. At the same time, she had a medal struck bearing the inscription: Parnassus is better than the throne. From then on, Kristina devoted herself to travelling. She crossed Denmark, Germany and Holland, arriving in Paris, where the court of France paid her great honours. From there, she went to England [sic] and finally settled in Rome, where she devoted herself to her taste for the arts and sciences. She died there, at the age of sixty-three [sic], on April 19, 1689. We have from this illustrious queen a great number of Letters, Reflections on the Life and Deeds of Alexander the Great, and Maxims or Sentences. Along with a host of fine qualities, she is also reproached for faults and bizarreries. But even the greatest personages cannot be perfect, since perfection is not the exclusive appanage of humankind.

Above: Kristina.

Notes: Kristina visited France for the first time in 1656, not 1655, and not before her first arrival in Italy and first stay in Rome.

Kristina never visited England, although she did want to at one point (late 1650s).

Kristina was 62 when she died, not 63.

Strange that this biography makes zero mention of Kristina's conversion to Catholicism, which was one of the most momentous and important events in her life.

Monsignor Isidoro Carini on Kristina and the Accademia dell'Arcadia, year 1891 (New Style dates used)

Source:

L'Arcadia dal 1690 al 1890: Memorie storiche Isidoro Carini, volume 1, pages 9 to 13, by Monsignor Isidoro Carini, 1891; original at the Sapienza University of Rome (Biblioteca di Filosofia)

https://books.google.com/books?id=ooJzqehatIcC&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The account:

I letterati ... facean capo in Roma alla famosa Cristina Alessandra di Svezia, l'ultima dei Wasa, la figlia di quel Gustavo Adolfo che nella guerra de' Trent'anni ha la primaria figura. Nata nel 1626, successe, di sei anni, cioè nel 1632, al padre, cui una palla avea mortalmente colpito a Lützen. Il 16 giugno 1654 abdicava in favore del cugino Carlo Gustavo conte palatino; ed abiurata l'eresia luterana a Bruxelles, recavasi l'anno dopo nell'eterna città.

«Mossa da un bel desio di dar tributo

Di fede a Cristo, e di servaggio a Piero

Pellegrina real, con sciolta chioma

Venne a empir di sè stessa Italia e Roma».

Così un poeta contemporaneo. Non dirò qui delle straordinarie accoglienze che ebbe dal Papa Alessandro VII; le ricorda tuttavia la Porta Flaminia, ossia del Popolo, per lei restaurata dal Bernini, coll'iscrizione «FELICI FAVSTOQVE INGRESSV MDCLV». Neppur rammenterò l'allocuzione, ch'ella tenne in concistoro, in cui supplicò il S. Padre si degnasse ricevere nella sua metropoli una pellegrina venuta da sì lontano, e che si era spogliata della gloria e della fortuna nell'interesse della giustizia e della verità. La Regina (così la chiamarono sempre i Romani) fissò nella città de' Papi la sua dimora. D'animo virile, di più favelle, versata negli studî (donde il trito soprannome di Pallade di Svezia) coltivò le lettere e protesse i letterati. È nota la canzone del Filicaia in suo onore, che il Muratori esalta tanto nel libro IV della Perfetta Poesia. Perciò fu grande il compianto dei letterati, quand'ella cessò di vivere il 19 aprile 1689, regnando Innocenzo XI, un anno e qualche mese prima che l'Arcadia venisse fondata. Morendo, istituiva suo erede universale il Card. Azzolini; ma non essendo questi sopravvissuto a lei più di due mesi, il prezioso retaggio, e perciò la cospicua biblioteca da Cristina raccolta, passò a Pompeo Azzolini nipote del Cardinale. Il Papa Alessandro VIII, succeduto ad Innocenzo XI, comprò la raccolta della Regina, come pure i suoi particolari manoscritti, e lo stupendo acquisto fe' trasportare in Vaticano, salvo una parte che diede al nipote Card. Ottoboni. Così la Biblioteca Apostolica potè aggiungere ai fondi Vaticano, Palatino ed Urbinate un'altra magnifica suppellettile di antichi codici, che adesso è parte non piccola delle sue tante dovizie.

Or il 24 gennaio del 1656, una prima accademia aveva avuto cominciamento in Roma nelle sale di Cristina; però il suo scopo precipuo era stato lo studio delle scienze morali. Furono, in ogni modo, i personaggi medesimi che, morta lei, a perpetuarne la memoria, a non perdere il vantaggio di que' dotti e geniali convegni, e, questa volta, a rimettere in onore la toscana poesia, opponendo la semplicità e sobrietà della forma ai traviamenti letterarî del seicento, adunaronsi per la prima volta nel giardino dei PP. Riformati di S. Pietro in Montorio, il 5 di ottobre dell'anno 1690, governando la Chiesa il menzionato Alessandro VIII. Per primo loro atto, con gentile pensiero, acclamarono patrona di lor ceto Cristina, sotto il greco nome di Basilisa, e così furon paghi di sostituire il nudo titolo della real dignità alle sformate ed ampollose lodi che eran proprie di quei verbosissimi tempi. Ma qui, per far conoscere di quali uomini si componesse questa nuova società di letterati puristi, mi par bene trascrivere quanto reca dal suo bel principio il tomo primo del Catalogo dei Pastori Arcadi per ordine d'annoverazione:

«ARCADIA. — Conversazione di belle lettere istituita in Roma ai V di ottobre l'anno 1690.

«BASILISA. — Cristina Alessandra Regina di Svezia di glor: me: nel cui giardino arcadicamente detto il Bosco Parrasio si ragunano gli Arcadi Pastori.

RADUNANZA I.a

Cav. D. Paolo Coardi da Torino.

Giuseppe Paolucci da Spello.

Vincenzo Leonio da Spoleto.

Silvio Stampiglio da Civita Lavinia.

Giov. Mario Crescimbeni da Macerata.

Vincenzo Gravina Napolitano.

Giov. Batt. Zappi Imolese.

Ab. Carlo di Tuornon da Torino.

Ab. Pompeo Figari genovese.

Paolo Antonio del Negro genovese.

Cav. Melchiorre Maggio fiorentino.

Giacomo Vicinelli romano.

Paolo Antonio Viti da Orvieto.

Agostino Maria Taja Sanese.

Come si vede, in capo a' fasti arcadici sta scritto il nome di Cristina. Ed a questo proposito trascriverò l'ultimo dei cinque sonetti, che recitò in accademia Vincenzo Filicaia, nel quale la fa parlare così:

«Ma più, ch'altrove qui sul Tebro io regno,

E in questo al par di Pindo, e d'Elicona

Bosco a me caro, che sì spesso suona

Delle mie lodi, ad abitar men vegno.

«Ma qui voce non pur, ma ha voce e ingegno

Ogni tronco; e qui nacque, e qui risuona

Questa famosa di Pastor Corona

Che da me spera in un vita e sostegno.

«Sì sì; vivrà finchè avrann' acqua i tersi

Fiumi, e non pur vivrà, ma il Ciel destina,

Che ancor vivran per lei le prose, e i versi.

«Qui tacque; e biancheggiar l'alba vicina

Già facea l'Oriente: io gli occhi apersi

E più non vidi l'immortal Cristina». ...

English translation (my own):

The literati ... were led in Rome by the famous Kristina Alexandra of Sweden, the last of the Vasas, the daughter of that Gustav Adolf who played a leading role in the Thirty Years' War. Born in 1626, she succeeded her father, who had been fatally wounded by a bullet at Lützen, at the age of six, in 1632. On June 16, 1654, she abdicated in favour of her cousin Karl Gustav, Count Palatine; and, having renounced the Lutheran heresy in Brussels, she went to the Eternal City the following year.

"Mossa da un bel desio di dar tributo

Di fede a Cristo, e di servaggio a Piero

Pellegrina real, con sciolta chioma

Venne a empir di sè stessa Italia e Roma".

["Moved by a beautiful desire to pay tribute

Of faith to Christ, and of servitude to Peter,

A royal pilgrim, with flowing hair

Came to fill Italy and Rome with herself".]

Thus says a contemporary poet. I will not speak here of the extraordinary welcome she received from Pope Alexander VII; however, the Porta Flaminia, or del Popolo, restored for her by Bernini, with the inscription "FELICI FAVSTOQVE INGRESSV MDCLV" reminds one of it. Nor will I recall the address she gave in the Consistory, in which she begged the Holy Father to deign to receive in his metropolis a pilgrim who had come from so far away, and who had stripped herself of glory and fortune in the interest of justice and truth. The Queen (as the Romans always called her) established her abode in the city of the Popes. Of a virile spirit, of many languages, versed in study (hence the hackneyed nickname Pallas of Sweden), she cultivated letters and protected the literati. Filicaia's song in her honour is well known, and Muratori praises it so highly in Book IV of Perfetta Poesia.

Thus, the literati mourned her passing on April 19, 1689, during the reign of Innocent XI, a year and a few months before Arcadia was founded. Upon her death, she named Cardinal Azzolino her sole heir; but, as he did not survive her by more than two months, the precious inheritance, and therefore the considerable library gathered by Kristina, passed to Pompeo Azzolino, the Cardinal's nephew. Pope Alexander VIII, who succeeded Innocent XI, purchased the Queen's collection, as well as her special manuscripts, and had this stupendous acquisition transported to the Vatican, except for a portion that he gave to his nephew, Cardinal Ottoboni.

Thus the Apostolic Library was able to add to the Vatican, Palatine and Urbinate collections another magnificent collection of ancient codices, which now forms a significant part of its many riches.

On January 24, 1656, a first academy had begun in Rome in Kristina's halls; however, its primary purpose had been the study of the moral sciences. In any case, it was the same people who, after her death, gathered for the first time in the garden of the Reformed Fathers of San Pietro in Montorio on October 5, 1690, while the aforementioned Alexander VIII was governing the Church, to perpetuate her memory, not to lose the benefit of those learned and brilliant gatherings, and, this time, to restore Tuscan poetry to honour, opposing the simplicity and sobriety of form.

Their first act, with kindly thought, was to acclaim Kristina as the patroness of their class, under the Greek name of Basilisa, and thus they were content to substitute the bare title of royal dignity for the distorted and pompous praises that were typical of those very verbose times. But here, to show the men of whom this new society of purist literati was composed, I think it appropriate to transcribe what is stated from the very beginning of the first volume of the Catalogo dei Pastori Arcadi per ordine d'annoverazione:

"ARCADIA. — Conversation of fine letters, instituted in Rome on the fifth of October in the year 1690.

"BASILISA. — Kristina Alexandra, Queen of Sweden, of glorious memory, in whose garden, Arcadianly called the Bosco Parrasio, the Arcadian Shepherds gather.

GATHERING I.

Cavaliere Don Paolo Coardi, from Turin.

Giuseppe Paolucci, from Spello.

Vincenzo Leonio, from Spoleto.

Silvio Stampiglio, from Civita Lavinia.

Giovanni Mario Crescimbeni, from Macerata.

Vincenzo Gravina, from Naples.

Giovanni Battista Zappi, from Imola.

Abbot Carlo di Tuornon, from Turin.

Abbot Pompeo Figari, from Genoa.

Paolo Antonio del Negro, from Genoa.

Cavaliere Melchiorre Maggio, from Florence.

Giacomo Vicinelli, from Rome.

Paolo Antonio Viti, from Orvieto.

Agostino Maria Taja, from Siena.

As can be seen, Kristina's name is written at the head of the Arcadian fasti. And in this regard, I will transcribe the last of the five sonnets, which Vincenzo Filicaia recited at the Academy, in which he makes her speak thus:

"Ma più, ch'altrove qui sul Tebro io regno,

E in questo al par di Pindo, e d'Elicona

Bosco a me caro, che sì spesso suona

Delle mie lodi, ad abitar men vegno.

"Ma qui voce non pur, ma ha voce e ingegno

Ogni tronco; e qui nacque, e qui risuona

Questa famosa di Pastor Corona

Che da me spera in un vita e sostegno.

"Sì sì; vivrà finchè avrann' acqua i tersi

Fiumi, e non pur vivrà, ma il Ciel destina,

Che ancor vivran per lei le prose, e i versi.

"Qui tacque; e biancheggiar l'alba vicina

Già facea l'Oriente: io gli occhi apersi

E più non vidi l'immortal Cristina".

["But more than anywhere else, here on the Tiber I reign,

And in this, like Pindus and Helicon,

A forest dear to me, which so often resounds

Of my praises, I come no longer to dwell.

"But here not only voice, but voice and wit

Does every trunk have; and here was born, and here resounds

This famous one of Pastor Corona

Who hopes from me for life and support.

"Yes, yes; it will live for as long as the clear

Rivers have water, and not only will it live, but Heaven destines,

That prose and verse will still live for it.

"Here she was silent; and the approaching dawn

Already made the East whiten: I opened my eyes

And no more did I see the immortal Kristina".] ...

Above: Kristina.

Above: Monsignor Isidoro Carini.

Excerpt mentioning Kristina from Catherine the Great's letter to Baron Friedrich Melchior von Grimm, dated March 25/April 5 (New Style), 1787

Source:

Сборникъ императорскаго рꙋсскаго историческаго общества, volume 23, page 403, published by the Imperial Russian Historical Society, 1878; original at the Bavarian State Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=C5Jf2orQoJ8C&newbks=0&dq=Correspondance+avec+Catherine+II,+Grimm&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The letter excerpt:

Ce 4 d'avril, après dîner.

... Lavater de Zürich prouve que la reine Christine valait sans comparaison mieux que moi par sa physionomie und daß ich bei weitem nicht bin was man von mir sagt; en un mot, que je ne suis pas digne de dénouer les cordonnets de sa chaussure et que ma physionomie est kindisch und unbesonnen. Ainsi ayez la bonté de laisser nos pauvres nez, celui du gr. échanson et le mien, en repos, et au lieu des nôtres ne vous plairait-il pas de vous accrocher à celui de la reine Christine, Alexandre de Suède, et à cet effet d'adresser vos homélies à Gustave Antonin, son successeur, lequel étudie présentement à fond à Upsal toutes les sciences, mais particulièrement la plus utile pour lui, celle de faire de l'or; pour moi, je n'en ai pas besoin: je ne prête que du papier, ma je n'emprunte plus.

Russian translation (my own):

4 апреля, после обеда.

… Лаватер из Цюриха доказывает, что королева Кристина была несравненно лучше меня по физиономике, и что я далека от того, кем меня считают; одним словом, что я недостойна даже развязать ей шнурки, и что моя физиономика детская и опрометчивая. Так будьте же так любезный, оставьте наши бедные носы, нос великого виночерпия и мой, в покое, и вместо нашего носа, не хотели бы Вы прикоснуться к носу королевы Кристины Александры Шведской и с этой целью обратиться со своими проповедями к Густаву Антонину, ее преемнику, который в настоящее время тщательно изучает все науки в Упсале, но особенно ту, которая ему наиболее полезна, — золотоделие? Что касается меня, то мне это не нужно; я только одалживаю бумагу, я больше не беру взаймы.

Swedish translation (my own):

Den 4 april, på eftermiddagen.

... Lavater av Zürich bevisar att drottning Kristina var ojämförligt bättre än jag i fråga om hennes fysionomi, och att jag är långt ifrån vad man säger att jag är; med ett ord, att jag inte är värdig att knyta upp hennes skosnören, och att min fysionomi är barnslig och besinningslös. Så var så vänlig att lämna våra stackars näsor, den store munskänkens och min, i fred, och istället för våra, skulle Ni inte vilja lägga Era händer på drottning Kristina Alexandras av Sveriges, och för detta ändamål rikta Era predikningar till Gustav Antonin, hennes efterträdare, som för närvarande studerar alla vetenskaper grundligt i Uppsala, men särskilt den som är mest användbar för honom, nämligen att tillverka guld? Vad mig beträffar behöver jag det inte; jag lånar bara ut papper, jag lånar inte längre.

English translation (my own):

April 4, in the afternoon.

... Lavater of Zürich proves that Queen Kristina was incomparably better than me in terms of her physiognomy, and that I am far from what one says I am; in a word, that I am not worthy to untie her shoelaces, and that my physiognomy is childlike and rash. So do be so kind as to leave our poor noses, that of the great cupbearer and mine, in peace, and instead of ours, wouldn't you like to lay your hands on that of Queen Kristina Alexandra of Sweden, and for this purpose address your homilies to Gustav Antonin, her successor, who is currently studying all the sciences thoroughly in Uppsala, but particularly the one most useful to him, that of making gold? As for me, I don't need it; I only lend paper, I don't borrow anymore.

Above: Kristina.

Above: King Gustav III of Sweden.

Above: Baron Friedrich Melchior von Grimm.

Above: Catherine II, — Catherine the Great, — empress regnant of Russia, formerly Princess Sophia of Anhalt-Zerbst.

Notes: In late 18th century Russia, where the Julian calendar was still in use, the Gregorian calendar (New Style) date was eleven days ahead of the Julian (Old Style) date.

Lavater of Zürich = Johann Kaspar Lavater (1741-1801), a Swiss poet, writer, philosopher, physiognomist and theologian.

physiognomy = physical appearance, face or countenance, especially with respect to the temper of the mind; or, the art or pseudoscience of deducing the predominant temper and other characteristic qualities of the mind from the outward appearance, especially from the facial features.

Gustav Antonin = one of Catherine's nicknames or codenames for King Gustav III of Sweden (1746-1792).

Excerpts from an anonymously authored book on Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora, year 1854, part 4

Source:

Gustaf II Adolfs frieri till Maria Eleonora, pages 29 to 32, by anonymous author, 1854; courtesy of Uppsala University Library (Uppsala universitetsbibliotek) via Litteraturbanken.se

https://litteraturbanken.se/f%C3%B6rfattare/Anonym/titlar/GustafIIAdolfsFrieri/sida/33/faksimil

The account:

Tyst och obemärkt tillbragte hon sina återstående dagar. Christina behandlade sin mor med öfverlägsenhet och köld; denna drog sig sårad tillbaka, äfven missnöjd med den unga drottningens stormande nöjen och hof. Blott ännu ett par gånger finna vi hennes namn uti häfderna. Det är på den tiden, som Christina, genom det förtroende hon lemnade Bourdelot, uppretade hela riket. Höga och låga, onda och goda voro alla lika förargade, och presterskapet hade beslutat att göra allvarsamma föreställningar, isynnerhet som de fruktade att den nya gunstlingen skulle ingifva drottningen ovilja mot evangeliska läran. Maria Eleonora blef härom underrättad. Hon sjelf var denna lära af själ och hjerta tillgifven, och det om möjligt ännu mer, sedan hennes älskade Gustaf Adolf för densamma uppoffrat lifvet. Hon ansåg det derföre vara sin moderliga pligt, att varna den förvillade dottern. Det var dock icke utan tvekan och rådplägning, som detta beslut blef taget; ty hon kände och fruktade Christinas qvicka tunga och stolta mod. Bäfvande gick hon derföre till utförandet af sin föresats. Men då Christina i början iakttog tystnad, fattade hon mod och började tala om Bourdelots farliga grundsatser, om Gustaf Adolfs ärorika strid för den sanna läran o. s. v. Christina tackade för hennes välmening, men tillade, att tvister om olika trosbekännelser vore dem ett alldeles för högt och svårt ämne. De borde öfverlemna sådant åt presterna. Maria Eleonora började åter tala, men nu afbröt Christina med stolthet: »Jag vet ganska väl«, sade hon, »hvilka de personer äro, som lockat eders majestät till detta steg; men jag skall lära dem att också veta, hvem jag är, och att ångra deras förmätenhet.« Derpå gick hon hastigt utur rummet, lemnande modern i utbrottet af den häftigaste smärta. Denna förmådde ej stilla sina tårar, icke ens så mycket, att man kunde föra henne hem. Det berättades för dottern, som helt kallt svarade: »Hon har sig sjelf att tacka för alltsammans.« Men då modern ännu fem timmar efteråt befann sig i samma bedröfliga sinnesförfattning, gick ändtligen Christina tillbaka och sökte med mildare ord ställa den klagande tillfreds, dock utan att vidröra den föregående händelsen. Enkedrottningen öfvergaf dock sedermera hofvet och flyttade till Nyköping.

Litet före afresan från Sverige besökte Christina sin mor för att säga henne sitt sista farväl. Det skedde uti hela hofvets närvaro, samt med ett värdigt och vackert tal, hvarvid dock Christina syntes temligen lugn, ehuru de fleste åskådare voro rörda, och Maria Eleonora efter vanan smälte i tårar. Dessa fortforo att flyta hela aftonen och påföljande natten. Christina underrättades derom, steg genast upp, och ilade till den sörjandes bädd. Straxt derpå kl. 5 om morgonen lemnade hon sin mor för alltid.

»Jag beröfvar eder en dotter, men gifver eder en son«, sade vid sista afskedet Christina, då hon tillika uti sin blifvande efterträdares, Carl Gustafs, vård anförtrodde den öfvergifna modern. Denne fullgjorde uppdraget samvetsgrannt och bemötte alltid Maria Eleonora med sonlig vördnad.

Gemensam sorg öfver Christinas uppförande och gemensam vördnad och kärlek för Gustaf Adolfs minne återförenade på deras sista år tvenne personer, som förut stått uti den bittraste fiendskap, nemligen Maria Eleonora och Axel Oxenstjerna. Man finner dem emellan från denna tiden vexlade bref innehållande alla spår af inbördes välvilja och förtroende.

Maria Eleonoras skiftande öden och häftiga sinnesrörelser skulle naturligtvis i förtid uttömma kroppskrafterna. Straxt efter Christinas afresa föll hon uti en elakartad frossa, men återställdes. Då kom underrättelse, att dottern antagit katholska läran. Modern insjuknade åter, flere andra krämpor tillstötte och föranledde slutligen hennes död.

Nu ändtligen öppnades för Maria Eleonora de förut stängda portarna till Gustaf Adolfs graf, och hon fördes till efterlängtad ro vid sidan af sin älskade make.

English translation (my own):

Silently and unnoticed she spent her remaining days. Kristina treated her mother with superiority and coldness; the latter withdrew, hurt, also discontent with the stormy pleasures and court of the young Queen. Only a couple of more times do we find her name in the records. It was at that time that Kristina, by the confidence she left in Bourdelot, angered the whole kingdom. High and low, bad and good, were all equally indignant, and the clergy had decided to make serious representations, especially as they feared that the new favourite would instill in the Queen aversion to the Evangelical doctrine.

Maria Eleonora was informed of this. She herself was devoted to this doctrine with soul and heart, and, if possible, even more so since her beloved Gustav Adolf had sacrificed his life for it. She therefore considered it her maternal duty to warn her misguided daughter. It was not, however, without hesitation and consultation that this decision was taken, for she knew and feared Kristina's quick tongue and proud courage. Trembling, therefore, she went to the execution of her resolution.

But when Kristina at first observed silence, she took courage and began to speak of Bourdelot's dangerous principles, of Gustav Adolf's glorious struggle for the true doctrine, etc. Kristina thanked her for her good intentions, but added that disputes about different confessions of faith were far too lofty and difficult a subject for them. They should leave such matters to the priests.

Maria Eleonora began to speak again, but now Kristina interrupted pridefully:

"I know quite well", she said, "who the persons are who have enticed Your Majesty to this step; but I will teach them also to know who I am, and to repent of their presumption."

Then she hurried out of the room, leaving her mother in the midst of the most violent pain. She could not be induced to stop her tears, not even enough to take her home. This was told to her daughter, who replied quite coldly: "She has herself to thank for everything."

But when her mother was still in the same sad state of mind five hours later, Kristina finally went back and tried to satisfy the lamenting woman with milder words, without, however, touching on the previous incident. The Dowager Queen, however, later abandoned the court and moved to Nyköping.

Shortly before leaving Sweden, Kristina visited her mother to bid her a last farewell. It happened in the presence of the entire court, and with a dignified and beautiful speech, during which Kristina seemed fairly calm, although most of the spectators were moved, and Maria Eleonora, as usual, melted into tears. They continued to flow throughout the evening and the following night. Kristina was informed of this, immediately got up and hurried to the grieving woman's bed. Immediately afterwards, at 5 o'clock in the morning, she left her mother forever.

"I am depriving you of a daughter, but I am giving you a son", said Kristina at her final farewell, as she also entrusted her abandoned mother to the care of her future successor, Karl Gustav. He fulfilled the assignment conscientiously and always treated Maria Eleonora with filial respect.

Common grief over Kristina's conduct and common respect and love for Gustav Adolf's memory reunited in their last years two persons who had previously been in the bitterest enmity, namely Maria Eleonora and Axel Oxenstierna. Letters exchanged between them from this time are found containing every trace of mutual goodwill and trust.

Maria Eleonora's shifting destiny and violent emotions would naturally prematurely exhaust her physical strength. Shortly after Kristina's departure, she fell into a malignant fever, but recovered. Then came the news that her daughter had adopted the Catholic faith. The mother fell ill again, several other ailments struck and finally caused her death.

Now, at last, the previously closed gates of Gustav Adolf's tomb were opened for Maria Eleonora, and she was taken to her long-awaited rest by her beloved husband's side.

Above: Maria Eleonora.

Above: Kristina.

Excerpts from an anonymously authored book on Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora, year 1854, part 3

Source:

Gustaf II Adolfs frieri till Maria Eleonora, pages 24 to 29, by anonymous author, 1854; courtesy of Uppsala University Library (Uppsala universitetsbibliotek) via Litteraturbanken.se

https://litteraturbanken.se/f%C3%B6rfattare/Anonym/titlar/GustafIIAdolfsFrieri/sida/28/faksimil

The account:

Missnöjet med Sverige och dess regering kunde hon dock ingalunda öfvervinna, utan talte beständigt om att resa till sina utländska slägtingar. Rådsherrarne afstyrkte, de sågo icke gerna att lifgedingets inkomster utom riket förslösades; svårt var också att afgöra, hvart hon i sådant fall borde vända sig, då Danmark var en föga pålitlig granne, och hennes bror, kurfursten i Brandenburg, då för tiden Sveriges förklarade fiende. Hon stod dock fast vid sitt beslut och började derom hemliga underhandlingar med konungen i Danmark. Denne önskade vinna Maria Eleonora för ett giftermålsförslag mellan sin son, prins Fredrik, och unga drottning Christina, hvarföre han smickrade och understödde hennes infall. Regeringen fick väder om saken, hvarefter den ömsesidiga oviljan än mera stegrades. Rådet lade allehanda hinder i vägen för de resor, som drottningen i misstänkt afsigt ville företaga ned emot danska gränsen, och det säges till och med, att hennes bref blifvit i hemlighet öppnade. Maria Eleonora, som vanligtvis skyllde alla sina olyckor på Axel Oxenstjerna, gjorde ett försök att genom skänker vinna på sin sida Ebba Brahe och hennes man, samt dymedelst bilda ett motparti mot Oxenstjerna. Det misslyckades naturligtvis, likasom hennes öfriga företag, och hon beslöt på fullt allvar att rymma ur landet. Konungen i Danmark, som ville förekomma alla ytterligheter, afstyrkte detta ifrigt flere gånger, men fåfängt; och i öfverenskommelse med hans i Stockholm varande sändebud vidtogos alla till flykten nödiga anstalter. Utförandet bestämdes till Juli 1640. Drottningen plägade en gång i hvarje månad hålla tre dagars fasta, hvarunder hon ensam med kammarfrun lefde innesluten på sitt rum. Denna gången hade hon under någon förevändning skickat bort hofmarskalken, och förklarade sedan, att hon ämnade utsträcka fastan till sex dagar, och lät inbära mat i förhållande derefter, hvarpå slutligen dörren stängdes. Rummet vette åt trädgården, i hvilken var anbragt en betäckt löfgång, som räckte ett långt stycke från slottet. Under följande natten gick enkedrottningen ned i trädgården, smög genom löfgången till stranden och rodde sedan på en båt öfver den lilla midt framför liggande viken. Uti parken steg hon till häst och skyndade i sällskap med några förtrogna herrar nedåt skärgården. På vägen utgaf hon sig för en borgaredotter från Nyköping; en i sällskap varavde [sic] dansk målare skulle föreställa hennes fästman; föräldrarne, hette det, hade sökt hindra deras förbindelse; deraf den nu i hemlighet företagna flykten, deraf de tårar, som den lättrörda drottningen icke mäktade återhålla. Uti skären utanför Trosa steg hon ombord på en liten förhyrd skuta, hvilken förde henne till Gottland. Der väntade tvenne danska krigsskepp, från hvilka hon efter motvind och svår sjösjuka slutligen landsattes på Falster.

Emedlertid kom hofmarskalken tillbaka till Gripsholm och frågade efter enkedrottningen. »Gud vet«, sade hofpredikanten, »huru hon befinner sig! Då jag vid de förra fastorna höll morgon- och aftonbön utanför dörren, hörde jag alltid hennes röst beledsaga afsjungandet af psalmen. Men denna gången har jag icke kunnat förnimma ett enda ljud.« Hofmarskalkens fru hade dessutom anmärkt, att hon icke, som förut, hört ljudet af enkedrottningens steg. Man blef orolig och klappade på; men intet svar följde. Hofmarskalken lät straxt spränga dörren och fann rummet tomt.

Saken inberättades genast och väckte ovilja öfverallt, dock mest hos rådet, serdeles hos Axel Oxenstjerna. De la Gardie ville lemna den afvikna enkedrottningen hennes underhåll och tillika frihet att vistas hvar henne behagade. Men Oxenstjerna påstod, att hon genom den obetänksamma rymningen satt en fläck både på sig sjelf, sin dotters regering, hela Sveriges rike och sin salig herres minne; samt dessutom förverkat all rättighet till sitt lifgeding. Detta var tacksamheten för det, att rådet nyligen ökat hennes inkomster och betalt 20,000 riksdaler på hennes skulder. Men salig konungen hade icke utan skäl kallat henne sin husliga olycka. Hon kunde mången ärlig man, mer än skäligt var, bedröfva. Hela riket delade rådets missnöje. Vid riksdagen sökte väl presterskapet att gifva saken en mildare vändning; men de afvisades af Oxenstjerna. Ständernas beslut blef, att hon sjelf mistade sitt lifgeding och hennes namn sitt rum uti kyrkobönerna.

Uti Danmark fick Maria Eleonora icke så glada dagar, som hon väntat. Christian mottog henne visserligen gästfritt, men vågade icke genom för mycken artighet stöta sig med svenska regeringen. Hennes underliga lynne gaf äfven här anledning till missnöje och obehagliga uppträden. Dessutom blef hon för den sparsamme konungen en temligen dyr gäst, emedan hon ville lefva i Danmark på samma fot och med samma hofhållning som i Sverige. Christian var ganska glad, då hon år 1643 efter många fram- och återflyttningar lemnade hans rike.

Svenska regeringen lät nemligen vid denna tid öfvertala sig att årligen anslå 30,000 riksdaler till hennes underhåll. Dock bibehöll Oxenstjerna sin förra ovilja. Han svarade icke på flere hennes egenhändiga bref. Då det yttrades, att också rådet hade måhända någon del i den uppkomna missämjan, afbröt han talaren, sägande: »Om rådet har felat, så har det endast varit genom alltför stor eftergifvenhet.« Ju mer Oxenstjerna hade arbetat och uppoffrat sig för Gustaf Adolfs hus, dess mera led han af Maria Eleonoras uppförande. Att se den store Gustaf Adolfs drottning landsflyktig, fattig och föraktad stryka omkring i fremmande land, var en anblick, som sårade djupet af hans hjerta.

Det var den unge kurfursten af Brandenburg, som nu mottog sin faster. Till vistelseort anvisades henne Preussen. Här framlefde Maria Eleonora några år uti enslighet, slutligen ledsnad. Dertill kom, att hon icke sjelf fick förvalta sina inkomster, emedan kurfursten fruktade att i sådan händelse blifva såsom konungen i Danmark tvungen att på egen bekostnad föda henne och betala hennes obetänksamt gjorda skulder. Hon började derföre vantrifvas och besynnerligt nog längta till Sverige igen. I sådan afsigt öppnades underhandlingar med dottern, sedan denna som fullmyndig tillträdt regeringen. Christina lemnade genast sitt bifall och det så mycket heldre, som hon derigenom ville iakttaga tillfället att göra en förtret åt Oxenstjerna, till hvilken hon denna tiden stod i mindre godt förhållande. Maria Eleonora återvände till Sverige, der emottagen med all den högtidlighet, som egnade Gustaf Adolfs enka och en regerande drottnings moder. Redan vid Dalarön möttes hon af Christina, en half mil utanför tullen af hela Rådet, deribland också Axel Oxenstjerna, som vid detta kinkiga tillfälle uppförde sig med värdighet och vördnad. Maria Eleonora erhöll i stället för sitt lifgeding 40,000 riksdaler årligen och dessutom åtskilliga kungsgårdar.

English translation (my own):

However, she could not overcome her discontent with Sweden and its government, but constantly talked about travelling to her foreign relatives. The councilmen refused; they did not like the incomes of the dower estate being wasted outside the kingdom. It was also difficult to decide where she should turn in such a case, since Denmark was an unreliable neighbour, and her brother, the Elector of Brandenburg, was at that time a declared enemy of Sweden.

However, she stood firm in her decision and began secret negotiations with the King of Denmark. The latter wished to win Maria Eleonora over to a marriage proposal between his son, Prince Frederik, and the young Queen Kristina, for which he flattered and supported her idea. The government got wind of the matter, after which the mutual dislike increased even more.

The Council placed all sorts of obstacles in the way of the journeys which the Queen, with suspicious intent, wanted to undertake a journey down towards the Danish border, and it is even said that her letters were secretly opened.

Maria Eleonora, who usually blamed all her misfortunes on Axel Oxenstierna, made an attempt to win Ebba Brahe and her husband over to her side through gifts, and thereby form a counter-party to Oxenstierna. This, of course, failed, like her other enterprises; and she decided in all seriousness to run away from the country.

The King of Denmark, who wanted to prevent all extremes, strongly opposed this several times, but in vain; and, in agreement with his envoy in Stockholm, all necessary arrangements for the escape were made. The execution of this was set for July 1640.

Once every month the Queen was accustomed to observe a three-day fast, during which she lived alone with her chambermaid, shut up in her room. This time she had sent away the court marshal on some pretext, and then declared that she intended to extend the fast to six days and had food brought in in proportion to that, whereupon the door was finally closed. The room looked out on the garden, in which was placed a covered walkway, which extended a long distance from the castle.

During the following night the Dowager Queen went down into the garden, crept through the walkway to the shore, and then rowed a boat across the small bay in the middle of the front. In the park she mounted her horse and hurried down to the archipelago, in the company of some trusted gentlemen. On the way she pretended to be a burgher's daughter from Nyköping; a Danish painter who was with her was to play her fiancé; her parents, it was said, had tried to prevent their union, hence the now secretly undertaken flight, hence the tears that the easily moved Queen could not hold back. In the skerries outside Trosa she boarded a small hired ship, which took her to Gotland. There, two Danish warships awaited her, from which she was finally landed on Falster after a contrary wind and severe seasickness.

In the meantime, the court marshal returned to Gripsholm and asked after the Dowager Queen.

"God knows", said the court preacher, "where she is! When I held morning and evening prayers outside the door during the previous fasts, I always heard her voice accompanying the singing of the psalm. But this time I haven't been able to hear a single sound."

The court marshal's wife had also remarked that she did not, as before, hear the sound of the Dowager Queen's steps. They became anxious and knocked; but there was no answer. The court marshal immediately had the door broken open and found the room empty.

The matter was immediately reported and aroused displeasure everywhere, but mostly in the Council, especially in Axel Oxenstierna. De la Gardie wanted to leave the deviant Dowager Queen her maintenance and also the freedom to reside wherever she pleased. But Oxenstierna claimed that by her reckless escape she had put a stain on herself, her daughter's government, the whole kingdom of Sweden, and the memory of her blessed lord; and she had also forfeited all right to her dower estate. This was the gratitude for the fact that the Council had recently increased her income and paid 20,000 riksdalers on her debts. But the late King had not without reason called her his domestic unhappiness. She could grieve many an honest man more than was reasonable.

The whole kingdom shared the Council's displeasure. At the Riksdag the clergy did indeed try to give the matter a milder turn, but they were rejected by Oxenstierna. The resolution of the Estates was that she herself lost her dower estate, and her name its place in the church prayers.

In Denmark, Maria Eleonora did not have as happy days as she had expected. Christian received her hospitably, but did not dare to offend the Swedish government by being too polite. Her strange disposition also gave rise to discontent and unpleasant behaviour. In addition, she became a rather expensive guest for the thrifty King, because she wanted to live in Denmark on the same footing and with the same courtly manners as in Sweden. Christian was quite glad when, in 1643, after many moves back and forth, she left his kingdom.

The Swedish government was persuaded at this time to allocate 30,000 riksdalers annually for her maintenance. However, Oxenstierna maintained his former dislike. He did not answer any more of her handwritten letters. When it was stated that the Council also perhaps had some part in the disagreement that had arisen, he interrupted the speaker, saying: "If the Council has erred, it has only been through too great indulgence."

The more Oxenstierna had worked and sacrificed himself for the house of Gustav Adolf, the more he suffered from Maria Eleonora's conduct. To see the great Gustav Adolf's Queen exiled, poor and despised, wandering about in a foreign land, was a sight that wounded the depths of his heart.

It was the young Elector of Brandenburg who now received his aunt. Prussia was assigned to her as her place of residence. Here Maria Eleonora lived out a few years in solitude, finally bored. In addition, she was not allowed to manage her own income, because the Elector feared that in such an event he would be forced, like the King of Denmark, to support her at his own expense and pay her reckless debts. She therefore began to do badly and, strangely enough, to long for Sweden again.

Negotiations were opened with her daughter for this purpose, after she had assumed the government as an of-age member of the government. Kristina immediately gave her approval, and it was all the more fitting, as she thereby wished to seize the opportunity to do a favour to Oxenstierna, with whom she was at that time on less than good terms. Maria Eleonora returned to Sweden, where she was received with all the solemnity that befitted the widow of Gustav Adolf and the mother of a reigning queen. Already at Dalarö she was met by Kristina, half a mile outside the customs by the entire Council, including Axel Oxenstierna, who on this delicate occasion behaved with dignity and respect. Maria Eleonora received 40,000 riksdalers annually in place of her dower estate, and also several royal estates.

Above: Maria Eleonora.

Above: Kristina.

Excerpts from an anonymously authored book on Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora, year 1854, part 2

Source:

Gustaf II Adolfs frieri till Maria Eleonora, pages 16 to 24, by anonymous author, 1854; courtesy of Uppsala University Library (Uppsala universitetsbibliotek) via Litteraturbanken.se

https://litteraturbanken.se/f%C3%B6rfattare/Anonym/titlar/GustafIIAdolfsFrieri/sida/20/faksimil

The account:

MARIA ELEONORAS SEDNARE ÖDEN.

Den varma kärlek och djupa vördnad, som Maria Eleonora hyste för Gustaf Adolf, hade, så länge han lefde, tillbakahållit alla mer i ögonen fallande utbrott af hennes besynnerliga lynne. Hon hvarken ville eller vågade lemna fritt lopp deråt, och i allmänhet upptogs hela hennes själ, hennes varelse, blott af en enda känsla, kärleken till hennes gemål. Han var hennes make, hennes vän, hennes ledare, hennes allt i alla. Han föll, och lemnade henne ensam, vacklande och svag, utan förmåga att stöda sig sjelf, utan förstånd att låta stöda sig af andra. Den gränslösa sorgen ökade ännu mera hennes besynnerligheter och påskyndade deras utbrott. Så föranleddes de bedröfliga öden, som träffade den store Gustaf Adolfs efterlefvande maka.

Knappt var jordfästningen förbi, förr än villorna förnyades. Redan andra dagen kände enkedrottningen en oemotståndlig längtan att gå ned i grafkoret, och såsom förut öppna kistan och hugna sig af den döda konungens betraktande, och hon begärde i sådan afsigt nyckeln. Men ståthållaren ansåg sig böra anmäla saken i rådet, hvilket, efter att hafva inhemtat biskoparnes mening, gaf ett nekande svar, så väl för sakens egen beskaffenhet, som för det uppseende den skulle väcka hos rikets nu församlade ständer, serdeles hos allmänheten och bönderna, hvilka, ovana vid sådana uppträden, skulle betrakta dem som ett ogudaktigt afguderi med de dödas ben. Drottningen blef öfver detta afslag ganska förbittrad, och då rådet fortfor uti sitt beslut, helsade hon tillbaka, att också hon ämnade fortfara i sitt, och således tvert emot deras vilja besöka grafven. Men då regeringen bestämdt förklarade, att den i sådant fall ämnade möta våld med våld, och då man föreställde enkedrottningen obehaget af att blifva från kyrkodörren tillbakavisad, afstod han ändtligen från sitt trotsande, men begärde deremot att ännu blott en enda gång få besöka grafven; hon erbjöd sig att derefter aldrig mer sådant begära, och tillika att vid samma tillfälle i kistan nedlägga konungens hjerta. Äfven denna bön vägrades under förevändning, att regeringen icke borde bryta sitt en gång fattade och öppet uttalade beslut, och att dessutom ett sådant uppträde kunde medföra våda för drottningens redan förut försvagade helsa. Emedlertid sökte än rådsherrar, än biskopar att lugna och leda henne medelst allvarliga föreställningar. »Som kristen borde hon vara nöjd med hvad Gud beslutat. Han vet bäst hvad oss nyttigt är, och på honom allena skola vi förtrösta, men icke på döda kroppar. — Gud är de lefvandes, icke de dödas Gud. — Att störa de aflidnes ro, strider dessutom mot skriftens ord, förnuftets och den sanna kärlekens bud och slutligen mot alla folkslags plägseder« o. s. v. Det lyckades omsider att besegra hennes envisa motstånd. Hon lemnade ifrån sig hjertat, hvilket med gulddosa och omgifvande sammetspung i all tysthet blef i konungens kista nedlagdt, och dermed fick denna obehagliga tvist ett efterlängtadt slut.

Drottningens sorg tycktes deremot aldrig vilja upphöra. Redan från första ankomsten till Nyköping lät hon i sitt rum med svart kläde öfverdraga både väggar, tak, möbler och golf. Fönsterna blefvo på samma sätt tillstängde, så att kammaren endast upplystes af facklor och vaxljus. Uti denna dystra omgifning satt drottningen beständigt innesluten, sjelf klädd uti djupaste sorgdrägt, gråtande nästan natt och dag, understundom utbrytande uti så våldsamt jemrande, att en hvar, som det hörde og såg, kände medlidande med hennes olyckliga tillstånd. Man hoppades någon förändring efter ankomsten till Stockholm och konungens begrafning, men förgäfves. Maria Eleonora fortsatte sitt förra lefnadssätt, och endast småningom och efter flere år lugnades hennes hjerta till en mera sansad sorg. Men ännu och alltid var Gustaf Adolf hennes enda tanke. Så snart hans namn eller bragder nämndes, utbrast hon suckande: "Min sällhet är förbi!" Hon författade till hans grafskrift följande rader:

»Hans bragder och hans dygd med oförgänglig ära,

I död liksom i lif triumfens kransar bära.«

Vid aflemnandet af hans hjerta, stiftade hon för några anhöriga och tillgifna fruntimmer en orden till den aflidnes minne. Tecknet var ett krönt guldhjerta. På ena sidan sågs likkistan med de bekanta bokstäfverna G. A. R. S., och till omskrift: Föraktad af många har jag utfört stora bragder, segrat i döden, triumferat efter döden; på andra sidan följande äfven af henne författade verser:

»Jag med min död bevisat har

Den trofasthet mitt hjerta bar.

Och nu, J hjeltar, följen mig,

Till blodig hämnd, på ärans stig.«

Den ovilja, som sedermera uppkom emellan Maria Eleonora och svenska regeringen, hade sin grund uti flere omständigheter. Efter konungens död lät enkedrottningen förnimma sin önskan att under Christinas minderårighet deltaga uti regeringen. Detta hade deremot Gustaf Adolf flere gånger både muntligen och skriftligen afstyrkt; en varning, som en hvar med närmare kännedom om drottningens personliga egenskaper icke kunde annat än gilla. Rådet och ständerna kommo också enhälligt öfverens om att densamma efterfölja. Redan i förväg hade Maria Eleonora fått underrättelse om detta deras blifvande beslut, och upptog det med förbittring. Hon hade hört, sade hon, att svenska rådet ämnade skicka henne och hennes dotter med hvit käpp och hundebröd utur landet. Dessa ord, yttrade åt en af riksråden, blefvo snart framburna till de öfriga.

Sådant kunde ej annat än väcka ovilja hos dessa Gustaf Adolfs minne och att så tillgifna herrar, serdeles hos Axel Oxenstjerna, hvilken, trogen sitt löfte åt den aflidne konungen, med ansträngande af hela sin jättekraft bemödade sig att på Christinas barnsliga hufvud bibehålla faderns krona och det i oförminskad glans. Att för alla dessa dagsklara bevis af trohet och tillgifvenhet mötas med ovärdiga misstankar och otack väckte kallsinnighet. Den ökades genom drottningens uppförande vid begrafningen och allt sedermera. Hon omgaf sig med Tyskar och kunde i allmänhet icke lida svenska folket, icke ens deras land. Det var så förskräckligt kallt. Der voro så många och förfärligt fula berg o. s. v. Dessa klagomål, i tid och otid upprepade, verkade slutligen samma känslor tillbaka, och Maria Eleonora blef föremålet för svenskarnes, om icke hat, åtminstone motvilja och förakt. Man började till rättfärdigande af sådana tänkesätt omtala och åberopa konungens omdömen, af honom någon gång i enrum och förtroliga ögonblick yttrade. Han hade en gång sagt: »Äfven jag har min husliga olycka, som trycker och hindrar mig från att blifva öfvermodig öfver mina många framgångar.« Det var, mente man, Maria Eleonora, som dermed åsyftats. En annan gång berättade Claes Fleming, huru konungen straxt före utresan till Tyskland hade haft följande utlåtelse: »För all den trohet, som J mig beständigt visat, beder jag eder, bröder, att i händelse jag skulle falla undan, se min hustru till godo, att hon icke lefver mig, eder och sig sjelf till vanära.«

Andra orsaken till det ömsesidiga missnöjet var frågan om drottning Christinas uppfostran. Så länge Gustaf Adolf lefde, hade Maria Eleonora visat bestämd motvilja för sin dotter [sic], uppgifvande som skäl, dels att barnet icke enligt önskan var en gosse, dels också dess utseende, då Christina i sjelfva verket var vid spädare år mörklagd och föga behaglig. Konungen lemnade derföre den lilla prinsessan att vårdas och uppfostras af pfalzgrefvinnan Catharina, dock icke utan Maria Eleonoras missnöje, ty hon älskade icke sin svägerska [sic], man vet nu mera icke af hvad orsak. Förhållandet till dottern ändrades efter konungens död. Den lilla Christina mötte sin mor uti Nyköping, och blef nu emottagen med utbrott af den gränslösaste kärlek. Maria Eleonora kunde icke se sig mätt på det älskade barnet, betraktande detsamma såsom den förlorade makens minne och afbild. Icke ett enda ögonblick ville hon släppa det från sin sida, hvarken dag eller natt. Den lilla lifliga prinsessan fann det dödande ledsamt att vara innesluten i det svartklädda rummet med sin oupphörligt gråtande mor, men det hjelpte ej. Så förflöto nio månader, eller hela den tid, som liket stod uti Nyköping. Också efter begrafningen fortsatte Maria Eleonora samma lefnadssätt och förklarade, att hon icke ville lemna Christina ifrån sig, aldraminst åt pfalzgrefvinnan. Det gick den tiden ett rykte, att nämnde furstinna af sin man hemtat någon benägenhet för reformerta läran, hvarföre Maria Eleonora brukade kalla henne den kalvinska qvinnan. Hon sökte nu att med slughet begagna dessa misstankar till vinnande af sin afsigt, och försäkrade biskoparne, att hon aldrig skulle tillåta, det hennes dotter lemnades åt den kalvinska qvinnan, och derigenom utsattes för vådan att blifva lockad från evangelii oförfalskade ljus. Man fruktade väl i detta, likasom i andra hänseenden, ingenting af den allmänt högaktade Catharina; men rådet tyckte det vara svårt att med våld åtskilja dotter och mor, och denna sednare behöfde någon tröst, efter sina förut lidna motgångar. Christina lemnades i moderns vård till en del mot rådets öfvertygelse, och till outsäglig smärta för henne sjelf, som nu för åratal såg sig innestängd likasom i ett rysligt fängelse. Den enda derifrån lemnade frihet var under lärotimmarna, hvilka hon derföre betraktade som sina gladaste stunder, och småningom förökade ända till 6 timmar för- och 6 timmar eftermiddagen, högeligen förnöjd öfver hvarje minut hon kunde slippa ur det svarta rummet. Så fortgick det uti trenne år, och det var under denna tid, som Christina grundiade [sic] sina sedermera så allmänt beundrande och ovanliga kunskaper. Rådet blef emedlertid mer och mer missnöjdt med detta uppfostringssätt. De fruktade icke utan anledning, att moderns underliga lynne och uppförande skulle inverka på dottern; serdeles betänkligt syntes det också, att lemna Sveriges blifvande regentinna i händerna på en mor, som beständigt lärde henne förakt och ovilja mot samma land. Likväl kunde de icke förmå sig till det svåra steget att skilja dem åt. Men år 1636 kom ändtligen Axel Oxenstjerna hem och lade allvarsam hand vid saken. Christina blef tagen från sin mor och öfverlemnad uti pfalzgrefvinnan Catharinas vård. Maria Eleonora var utom sig. »Heldre«, sade hon, »vill jag lefva af vatten och bröd uti fremmande land, än sitta vid konungsligt bord uti Sverige.«

Till dessa oenighetsfrön kom hennes förvända hushållning, uti hvilken det fanns hvarken måtta eller beräkning. Stora summor förslöstes på byggnader och hofhållning. Så snart vid hennes resor någon serdeles vacker belägenhet upptäcktes, beslöt hon att pryda densamma med byggnader och slott, och en för sådant ändamål medförd konstnär skulle straxt uppsätta ritningen; stundom börjades äfven förberedande arbeten, ehuru icke ett enda bland dessa företag hunnit fulländas. Hennes hof var både talrikt och dyrt, innefattande äfven dvergar och narrar, till icke ringa harm för de vid sådant hofsällskap ovana Svenskarne. Med gränslös frikostighet utdelade hon dyrbara skänker samt bortlemnade sina oundgängligaste inkomster. Denna gifmildhet begagnades samvetslöst af de fala smickrare, som snart uteslutande vunnit hennes förtroende. Ehuru lifgedinget var ganska tillräckligt, kom hon likväl innan kort på fullkomligt obestånd, så att rådet måste betala flere skulder och ordna hennes angelägenheter. Axel Oxenstjerna åtog sig det sednare bestyret, och reste i sådan afsigt till Gripsholm. I början vägrade drottningen att framlemna sina räkenskaper, tills Oxenstjerna med lugn och vigtiga skäl lyckades öfvertyga henne om nödvändigheten af en sådan öfversigt, äfven för henne sjelf. Hans öfvade blick upptäckte och afskaffade genast de flesta missbruken, samt ordnade ånyo hofhållningen, så att Maria Eleonora sjelf derföre på det hjertligaste tackade honom.

English translation (my own):

MARIA ELEONORA'S LATER FATE.

The warm love and deep reverence that Maria Eleonora harboured for Gustav Adolf had, as long as he lived, restrained all the more conspicuous outbursts of her peculiar temper. She neither wanted nor dared to give free rein to it, and in general her whole soul, her very being, was occupied with only one feeling: her love for her consort. He was her husband, her friend, her leader, her all in all. He fell and left her alone, staggering and weak, without the ability to support herself, without the understanding to be supported by others. The boundless grief increased her eccentricities still more and hastened their outbursts. Thus was caused the sad fate that befell the surviving wife of the great Gustav Adolf.

The burial was scarcely over before her delusions were renewed. Already the second day the Dowager Queen felt an irresistible longing to go down into the sepulchral vault and, as before, to open the coffin and console herself with the sight of the dead King; and she asked for the key with this intention. But the governor considered it proper to report the matter to the Council, which, after having obtained the opinion of the bishops, gave a negative answer, both for the nature of the matter itself and for the attention it would arouse among the now assembled estates of the kingdom, especially among the public and the peasants, who, unaccustomed to such acts, would regard them as an impious idolatry with the bones of the dead.

The Queen was quite embittered by this refusal, and when the Council continued with its decision, she returned the greeting that she also intended to continue in hers, and thus contrary to their wishes, to visit the tomb. But when the government firmly declared that in such a case it intended to meet force with force, and when the Dowager Queen was presented with the discomfort of being turned away from the church door, she finally gave up her defiance, but instead requested to be allowed to visit the tomb just once more; she offered never to make such a request again, and also to place the King's heart in the coffin on the same occasion.

This request was also refused on the pretext that the government should not break its once-made and openly stated decision, and that, moreover, such conduct could entail dangers for the Queen's already weakened health. Meanwhile, both the councilmen and the bishops sought to calm and guide her by means of serious ideas.

"As a Christian she should be content with what God has decided. He knows best what is beneficial for us, and in Him alone we shall trust, but not in dead bodies. — God is the God of the living, not of the dead. — To disturb the rest of the deceased, moreover, is contrary to the words of Scripture, the commandments of reason and true love, and finally to the customs of all nations", etc.

It was finally possible to overcome her stubborn resistance. She gave up the heart, which with a gold box and surrounding velvet pouch was quietly placed in the King's coffin; and thus this unpleasant dispute came to a long-awaited end.

The Queen's grief, however, seemed never to want to cease. From her first arrival at Nyköping, she had the walls, ceiling, furniture and floor in her room covered with black cloth. The windows were similarly closed, so that the chamber was only lit by torches and wax candles. In this gloomy environment the Queen sat constantly confined, herself dressed in the deepest mourning clothes, weeping almost night and day, occasionally bursting into such violent wailing that everyone who heard and saw it felt pity for her unhappy condition.

Some change was hoped for after her arrival in Stockholm and the King's burial, but in vain. Maria Eleonora continued her former way of life, and only gradually and after several years did her heart calm down to a more calm sorrow. But Gustav Adolf was still and always her only thought. As soon as his name or exploits were mentioned, she exclaimed with a sigh: "My happiness is over!" She wrote the following lines for his epitaph:

"His exploits and his virtue with imperishable glory,

In death as in life, wear wreaths of triumph."

At the time she surrendered his heart, she founded for some relatives and affectionate ladies an order in memory of the deceased. The emblem was a crowned golden heart. On one side was seen the coffin with the familiar letters G. A. R. S., and the inscription: Despised by many, I have performed great feats, conquered in death, triumphed after death; on the other side the following verses also written by her:

"I have proven with my death

The loyalty my heart bore.

And now, ye heroes, follow me,

To bloody revenge, on the path of honour."

The dislike that later arose between Maria Eleonora and the Swedish government had its basis in several circumstances. After the King's death, the Dowager Queen made known her desire to participate in the government during Kristina's minority. Gustav Adolf, however, had repeatedly denied this both verbally and in writing; a warning that anyone with a closer knowledge of the Queen's personal qualities could not but approve. The Council and the Estates also unanimously agreed to follow suit. Maria Eleonora had already been informed in advance of their impending decision, and took it with resentment. She had heard, she said, that the Swedish Council intended to send her and her daughter out of the country with a white stick [in humility] and dog biscuits. These words, uttered to one of the councilmen, were soon conveyed to the others.

Such a thing could not but arouse displeasure in these Gustav Adolf's memory and in such devoted gentlemen, especially in Axel Oxenstierna, who, faithful to his promise to the deceased King, with all his enormous strength endeavored to maintain her father's crown on Kristina's childish head, and that in undiminished splendour. To be met with unworthy suspicions and ingratitude for all these clear proofs of fidelity and devotion aroused coldness. It was increased by the Queen's behaviour at the funeral and all that followed. She surrounded herself with Germans and generally could not stand the Swedish people, not even their country. It was so terribly cold. There were so many and terribly ugly mountains, etc. These complaints, repeated at times and in times of trouble, finally had the same feelings return, and Maria Eleonora became the object of the Swedes', if not hatred, at least aversion and contempt.

In justification of such ways of thinking, people began to mention and invoke the King's judgements, which he had once expressed in private and confidential moments. He had once said:

"I too have my domestic unhappiness, which oppresses and prevents me from becoming overconfident over my many successes."

It was, it was thought, Maria Eleonora who was referred to.

Another time, Claes Fleming told how the King had made the following statement just before his departure for Germany:

"For all the fealty that you have constantly shown me, I beg you, brothers, that in the event that I should perish, see to it, for my wife's own good, that she does not live to dishonour me, you and herself."

The second reason for the mutual discontent was the question of Queen Kristina's upbringing. As long as Gustav Adolf lived, Maria Eleonora had shown a definite dislike for her daughter [sic], giving as reasons, partly that the child was not a boy as desired, and partly also her appearance, since Kristina herself had a dark complexion and not very pleasing at an early age. The King therefore left the little princess to be cared for and raised by the Countess Palatine Katarina, but not without Maria Eleonora's displeasure, because she did not love her sister-in-law [sic], it is now no longer known for what reason.

Her relationship with her daughter changed after the king's death. Little Kristina met her mother in Nyköping and was now received with an outburst of the most boundless love. Maria Eleonora could not get enough of the beloved child, considering it as the memory and image of her lost husband. Not for a single moment did she want to let her go from her side, neither day nor night. The lively little princess found it deadly tedious to be confined in the black-clad room with her incessantly weeping mother, but it did not help.

Thus nine months passed, or the entire time that the body stood in Nyköping. Even after the funeral, Maria Eleonora continued the same way of life and declared that she did not want to give Kristina up, at least not to the Countess Palatine. At that time there was a rumour that the said princess had inherited from her husband some inclination for the Reformed doctrine, which is why Maria Eleonora used to call her that Calvinist woman. She now sought to cunningly use these suspicions to her advantage, and assured the bishops that she would never allow her daughter to be left to that Calvinist woman, and thereby exposed to the danger of being lured away from the unadulterated light of the Gospel.

In this, as in other respects, they feared nothing from the generally highly esteemed Katarina; but the Council found it difficult to forcibly separate daughter and mother, and the latter needed some consolation after her previous adversities.

Kristina was left in her mother's care, partly against the advice of the Council and to her own unspeakable pain, who for years had seen herself confined as if in a dreadful prison. The only freedom she had left from it was during the lessons, which she therefore regarded as her happiest hours, and gradually increased to 6 hours in the forenoon and 6 hours in the afternoon, greatly pleased with every minute she could escape from the dark room. This continued for three years, and it was during this time that Kristina formed the foundations of her later so universally admired and unusual knowledge.

The Council, however, became more and more discontent with this method of upbringing. They feared, not without reason, that the mother's strange disposition and behaviour would affect her daughter; it also seemed very doubtful to leave the future ruler of Sweden in the hands of a mother who constantly taught her contempt and dislike for the same country. Nevertheless, they could not bring themselves to take the difficult step of separating them. But in 1636 Axel Oxenstierna finally came home and took a serious hand in the matter. Kristina was taken from her mother and handed over to the care of the Countess Palatine Katarina. Maria Eleonora was beside herself. "I would rather", she said, "live on water and bread in a foreign land than sit at a royal table in Sweden."

Added to these seeds of discord was her perverse household management, in which there was neither moderation nor calculation. Large sums were wasted on buildings and court maintenance. As soon as during her travels any particularly beautiful location was discovered, she decided to adorn it with buildings and castles, and an artist brought for such a purpose would immediately draw up the sketch; sometimes preparatory work was also begun, although not a single one of these undertakings had time to be completed.

Her court was both numerous and expensive, including dwarfs and buffoons, to no small annoyance to the Swedes, who were unused to such court society. With boundless generosity she distributed precious gifts and left her most indispensable income. This generosity was used unscrupulously by the few flatterers, who soon exclusively won her confidence. Although the dower estate was quite sufficient, she nevertheless soon came to complete insolvency, so that the Council had to pay several debts and arrange her affairs.

Axel Oxenstierna undertook the later administration and travelled to Gripsholm for that purpose. At first the Queen refused to hand over her accounts until Oxenstierna, with calm and weighty reasons, succeeded in convincing her of the necessity of such an oversight, even for herself. His practiced eye immediately discovered and eliminated most of the abuses, and reorganised the court, so that Maria Eleonora herself thanked him most heartily for it.

Above: Maria Eleonora.

Above: Kristina.

Excerpts from an anonymously authored book on Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora, year 1854, part 1

Source:

Gustaf II Adolfs frieri till Maria Eleonora, pages 13 to 16, by anonymous author, 1854; courtesy of Uppsala University Library (Uppsala universitetsbibliotek) via Litteraturbanken.se

https://litteraturbanken.se/f%C3%B6rfattare/Anonym/titlar/GustafIIAdolfsFrieri/sida/17/faksimil

The account:

... Gustaf Adolfs och Maria Eleonoras sammanlefnad tycktes vid första anblicken bära alla de yttre tecknen af inre lycka. Maria Eleonora älskade sin man ända till dyrkan, och Gustaf Adolf visade sin gemål ömhet och oaflåtlig uppmärksamhet. Man märkte dock, att han icke ogerna afböjde hennes anbud, att personligen följa honom under krigstågen, och att han aldrig lemnade henne något förtroende uti angelägnare statssaker. Hennes sinnelag och själskrafter voro icke vuxna dertill, ej heller egnade att ingifva en på högaktning och förtroende grundad kärlek. Lynnet var besynnerligt och nyckfullt; själsförmögenheterna, i vissa hänseenden utmärkta, saknade dock helt och hållet den lugna och ledande eftertankan. Sjelfva hennes kärlek till Gustaf Adolf var nära nog ett afguderi och föranledde stundom ganska besynnerliga uppträden. I hans frånvaro öfverfölls hon af en oemotståndlig längtan, som stundom öfvergick till verklig sjukdom. Hon skref bref på bref med de sorgligaste målningar öfver sin saknad, sin smärta; med de enträgnaste böner att få resa efter, eller att han sjelf till henne måtte återkomma. Äfven Axel Oxenstjerna fick flera dylika skrifvelser med begäran, att han hos konungen skulle utverka bifall till drottningens böner, och att han i allmänhet skulle öfvertala konungen att hålla sig stilla i Stockholm; hon lofvade Oxenstjerna deremot sin gränslösa tacksamhet. För att lugna henne stannade modern en längre tid uti Sverige, men det var förgäfves. Det var förgäfves som denna eljest så myndiga furstinna, som Gustaf Adolf sjelf bad Maria Eleonora gifva sig tålamod åtminstone på några veckor, efter hvilkas förlopp han sjelf hoppades komma tillbaka. Det var förgäfves att han till och med lät henne förstå, att hennes ankomst skulle blifva konungen ganska oläglig. Ingenting hjelpte. Hon förklarade: att hon skulle dö, derest hon ej finge resa till sin herre. Kostsamma utrustningar måste göras, och än mötte hon konungen på halfva vägen, än kom hon oförmodadt öfver till honom i lägret, och befälhafvarne på slotten i Lifland råkade uti icke ringa förlägenhet för matvaror och husgeråd, då drottningen med sitt sällskap kom dem sålunda oförvarandes uppå. Maria Eleonora var i allmänhet häftig och obetänksam vid fattandet af sina beslut, ombytlig vid utförandet, dessutom oordentlig uti sin hushållning, och derföre ofta försänkt i skulder, stundom utan konungens vetskap. Dessa förorsakades till en del af hennes slösande frikostighet, samt ännu mera af hennes utmärkta tycke för musik, målning och serdeles för byggnadskonst; äfven för dyrbara kläder och prydnader. Då de allvarsamma och ännu föga bildade Svenskarne icke visste värdera sådana saker, var hon nog oförsigtig att, serdeles vid tillfällen af elakt lynne, framstöta föraktliga ord mot både landet och invånarne, hvilket naturligtvis i betydlig mån ökade deras köld och obehaget af hennes ställning.

Gustaf Adolf såg dessa hennes fel, men äfven hennes rena hjerta samt andra goda egenskaper, och teg. En innerligare tillgifvenhet kunde dock aldrig alstras inom hans bröst, och Maria Eleonora blef för honom alltid mer eller mindre ett barn, föremålet för den öfverlägsna kärlek, som känner sig gifva men icke erhålla. Han jollrade med henne vid lediga stunder, begåfvade henne med granna kläder och dyrbarheter, på hvilka saker han visste henne sätta serdeles stort värde. Det var också hennes högsta glädje att framträda för honom lika prydd af rikedomens och konstens, som af skönhetens behag, och derigenom locka från hans blickar och mun yttringarna af bifall och beundran.

Mången anade dock, att Gustaf Adolf skulle känna behofvet af en djupare kärlek, att bilden af den förträffliga Ebba Brahe mången gång skulle uppstå för hans saknande själ. Om så var, visste han förträffligt att dölja sina känslor. Verlden såg och trodde ej annat än att konung och drottning kände sig lika lyckliga.

English translation (my own):

... The union of Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora seemed at first sight to bear all the outward signs of inner happiness. Maria Eleonora loved her husband to the point of adoration, and Gustav Adolf showed his wife tenderness and unceasing attention. It was noticed, however, that he did not refuse her offer to personally accompany him during the war campaigns, and that he never left her any confidence in more pressing matters of state. Her disposition and mental powers were not mature for that, nor were they suited to inspire a love based on high regard and trust. Her temperament was peculiar and capricious; her mental faculties, excellent in certain respects, however, completely lacked the calm and guiding reflection. Her own love for Gustav Adolf was almost an idolatry and sometimes gave rise to rather strange behaviour.

In his absence she was overcome by an irresistible longing, which sometimes turned into genuine illness. She wrote letter after letter with the saddest descriptions of her longing, her pain; with the most urgent prayers to be allowed to travel after her, or that he himself might return to her. Axel Oxenstierna also received several such letters with the request that he should obtain the King's approval of the Queen's pleas, and that he should generally persuade the King to remain quietly in Stockholm; she promised Oxenstierna, in return, her boundless gratitude. To calm her, her mother stayed in Sweden for a longer time, but it was in vain. It was in vain that this otherwise very authoritative princess, whom Gustav Adolf himself asked to be patient with Maria Eleonora for at least for a few weeks, after which he himself hoped to return. It was in vain that he even let her understand that her arrival would be quite inconvenient for the King.

Nothing helped. She declared that she would die if she were not allowed to travel to her lord. Costly provisions had to be made, and now she met the King halfway; now she unexpectedly came over to him in the camp, and the commandants of the castles in Livonia were in no small embarrassment for food and household utensils, when the Queen and her company came upon them thus unannounced.

Maria Eleonora was generally impetuous and reckless in making her decisions, fickle in carrying them out, moreover disorderly in her household; and therefore she often sunk into debt, sometimes without the King's knowledge. These were caused in part by her wasteful liberality, and still more by her excellent taste for music, painting, and especially for architecture; also for expensive clothes and ornaments. Since the serious and still poorly educated Swedes did not know how to value such things, she was imprudent enough, especially on occasions of ill temper, to utter contemptuous words against both the country and the inhabitants, which naturally considerably increased their coldness and displeasure with her position.

Gustav Adolf saw these her faults, but also her pure heart and other good qualities, and kept silent. A more intimate affection, however, could never be generated within his breast, and Maria Eleonora always became to him more or less a child, the object of that superior love which feels itself given but not received. He cooed at her in leisure hours, gifted her with fine clothes and precious things, on which things he knew she placed a very high value. It was also her greatest joy to appear before him as adorned with the delights of wealth and art as with beauty, and thereby to attract from his glances and lips expressions of approval and admiration.

Many suspected, however, that Gustav Adolf would feel the need for a deeper love, that the image of the excellent Ebba Brahe would often arise before his missing soul. If so, he knew how to hide his feelings excellently. The world saw and believed nothing but that the King and Queen felt equally happy.

Above: Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora.

Notes: Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora were married on November 25/December 5 (Old Style), 1620. Six months later, Gustav left to command the siege of Riga, the first separation during their marriage. If Maria really did have borderline personality disorder (and, if so, likely in combination with bipolar disorder and autism), as I have theorised, this is probably what began or triggered the condition, as the onset of BPD usually begins in early adulthood, and Maria was 21 years old at this point.

Maria Eleonora's mother (and Kristina's maternal grandmother) = Duchess Anna of Prussia and Jülich-Cleves-Bergen (1576-1625).