Sunday, December 7, 2025

Henry Woodhead on Kristina's political caution in the peace negotiations and on the support and opposition she faced

Source:

Memoirs of Christina, Queen of Sweden, volume 1, pages 233 to 238, by Henry Woodhead, 1863; original at the University of Michigan


Kristina's letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Oxenstierna and Salvius is here:


Johan Oxenstierna's letter of June 28/July 8 (Old Style), 1647 to Kristina is here:


The account:

Christina had sound political reasons for her moderation. The troubles of the Fronde had begun in France, and it was therefore probable that the assistance she derived from that quarter would soon cease.

Almost all Europe was roused by the spirit which produced the revolution in England and the wars of the Fronde in France. Christina well knew that grievances were not wanting in Sweden to cause similar disturbances. She understood the threatening aspect of the political horizon, and she knew that peace abroad must precede reforms at home.

The Swedish Generals had shown an undoubted superiority over those of the Emperor, yet their successes could not be considered altogether independent of fortune. She had no allies in Germany, and the loss of a single battle would have risked all her advantages. The proud and overbearing Swedish nobles insisted on conditions which would have perpetuated a state of hostility with the greater part of Europe. They had most unwillingly consented to any compromise with Poland; the peace with Denmark had only been brought about by Christina's active interference. The aristocratic party preserved the same spirit, and now demanded terms which they could hardly expect to be conceded.

Oxenstiern and his party required the cession of the whole of Pomerania, although it belonged to Brandenburg, and not to Austria. The Imperial possessions were at an inconvenient distance, and it was therefore proposed to take the Elector of Brandenburg's territory in Pomerania, and to give him an indemnification from the Austrian dominions, although he never consented to any such scheme. Christina resisted this plan of spoliation, but it was renewed after her abdication, and the result was that the Swedish armies were defeated and driven with disgrace out of Pomerania.

Christina gained the support of the clergy, and of the peasants, who were led by them, by a manœuvre which was not so common in her time as it had since become. The Archbishop of Upsala happened to die whilst she was struggling to make the treaty of peace. Christina delayed filing his place for a considerable time, and as many of the clergy aspired to the great prize, they took care not to offend the Queen by thwarting her pacific policy.

She met, however, with the most determined opposition from the Chancellor and the nobles. Oxenstiern appears to have been sincere in his opinion that the terms he demanded were necessary for the honour of Sweden. His high character gave additional weight to his opinions. Christina herself never ceased to respect and esteem him; although his frequent opposition was mortifying to her. Chanut, the French minister at Stockholm, stimulated her exertions for peace; he told her that her own interest in the treaty was well known, and that if she allowed herself to be overruled, she would suffer in the estimation of the world.

Chanut's talents and character acquired him considerable influence with Christina.

He was an accomplished linguist and a good mathematician; his love of philosophy led to a close and intimate friendship with the great Descartes. His character was pure, honourable, and pious; his temper was mild, and he was a faithful friend. The Chancellor Leguier [sic] said that no one had more opportunities of enriching himself, and that no one disregarded them more nobly. Oxenstiern, who was his constant political opponent, bore testimony to his merits, and said, "that if Chanut had lived in Greece or Rome, his virtues would have been honoured with a statue." His manners were courtly, and in his first interview with Christina he gained her favourable opinion.

She requested him, in virtue of his rank as ambassador, to keep on his hat. Chanut replied, "that he would keep on his hat if it was necessary to prove that the King of France had an envoy of high rank at the Court of Sweden; but that he begged Her Majesty would allow him to remain uncovered, because he knew that the King his master would not wear his hat if he had the honour to be in the Queen's presence." Chanut made urgent remonstrances against the obstructions which the Oxenstierns raised to the treaty, and he was partly the cause of the reprimand which Christina addressed to her envoys.

The answer which John Oxenstiern sent to the Queen, will give some idea of the insolence which the nobles displayed even to their sovereign. He said, "that it was Salvius and the French who prevented the conclusion of the treaty, and that if he could find out who had advised Her Majesty to send him the reprimand, he would make him answer for it."

The Chancellor no longer tried to check his son's arrogance. He gave up the attempt to be the moderator of the aristocratic party, and he showed how far his sympathies were for the order which he had hitherto kept within bounds. He spoke vehemently against Salvius in the Council, in the Queen's presence. Christina interrupted him, and said "that she would not suffer an absent man, who could not defend himself, to be so attacked."


Above: Kristina.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

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