Thursday, April 3, 2025

Ada Harrison's biography of Kristina, part 21

Source:

Christina of Sweden, pages 81 to 85, by Ada Harrison, 1929


The biography:

Rome, for the moment, adequately suggested paradise. The return was cloudless. The amiable Clement IX was Pope, Azzolino was secretary of state, Christina would in all probably be Queen of Poland. The cordiality of the welcome home for once masked no ulterior sentiment. It was Christina's golden moment. Now[,] for the first time[,] she could see Rome as she had dreamed it in Sweden fifteen years ago. Charming company was at her call; there were music, pageants, dramatic representations galore, with no censorious Pope to forbid. The queen returned as Basilissa to grace her Academy, and had the gratification of seeing Clement himself become a member. Privately she made herself happy by establishing connections with half the learned men in Europe, and by spending long hours with Azzolino and their friend the Marquis of Palombara in the little distilleria or laboratory she had fitted up in her palace, pursuing the forbidden but irresistible delights of alchemy. She could fancy for the moment that all her hopes would be realised, and peering into a future made radiant to her optimism by the unusually fair present, could even dream of the tiara for her lover.

But the good time did not last. In 1660 [sic], the same year in which the new King of Poland was elected, Clement IX died. He, like Christina, had been a lover of Near Eastern schemes, and had actually put one into execution, and when this failed and the island of Cyprus was lost to the Turk, his distress was so great that it killed him. With Clement IX the halcyon days ended. But before, under his successor, old troubles were renewed, there was an interregnum of a kind particularly dear to Christina. This was the period of the conclave of Clement X.

Clement IX had been made Pope without the participation of Christina. This error was to be amply repaired in the election of Clement X. Christina was not a member of the sacred college, but was bound to one body and soul, and it was inevitable that she should be as busy as ten cardinals. The conclave was indeed a time of seething activity for all concerned. No sooner was the dead Pope buried than the Vatican resounded to the hammers and chisels of the five hundred masons, carpenters, and miscellaneous workmen who, under the direction of the artist Bernini, had to knock up the elaborate temporary accommodation of the conclave. Not only the cardinals had to be provided for, but a veritable army of confessors, doctors, chemists and lesser servants. At last the cells were ready, and the cardinals, attended by friends, dependants and hangers-on, filed in and drew lots for their icy winter-quarters. Christina was near Azzolino, taking from him, most likely, her last-minute instructions, and brilliantly dissembling their choice by remarking of him audibly: 'He is out of the question!' There was the usual cry of Extra Omnes, she wrung his hand for the last time, the doors were sealed up and the conclave began. To elect a Pope a two-thirds majority was necessary, and the voting was taken twice every day.

As soon as the conclave became imminent, Christina had taken for Azzolino the splendid palace of the Borgo Nuovo, which was inside the Vatican circuit, and thus allowed messengers to ply between it and the Vatican without a pass. From its garden Christina could see the windows of Azzolino's cell. She had herself a workroom fitted in the palace, and here she established herself to work, as usual, until she fainted at her post. She was henceforth, for the period of the conclave, transformed into a sensitive instrument picking up messages from all Rome and beyond, and relaying them in cipher to Azzolino at the rate of four long letters a day.

While Azzolino worked for his candidate with every subtle means inside the Vatican, Christina did likewise in the city. Many factions went to the making of a Pope. There were numerous well-defined parties among the cardinals themselves, and powerful outside influence was wielded by the Roman Catholic sovereigns. Christina occupied herself with these. Her candidate, Vidoni, was that of neither France nor Spain, but of the so-called Flying Squadron. She therefore set to work with the French and Spanish ambassadors, playing them off indefatigably against each other, in order to induce them both, by her own devious methods, to vote according to her choice. It was an exhausting game. 'If it please God[,] I have good news for you', she wrote to Azzolino, 'but I cannot give it you, for I can no more. I must eat a mouthful. Then I will write you.'

Meanwhile inside the Vatican they voted and voted again. Almost every cardinal's name came up, but none received the requisite number of votes. Azzolino excelled himself in industry and diplomacy, making coalitions with group after group. But in the end astuteness overshot its mark. When the conclave was over four months old the factions, without giving him a hint of their intentions, suddenly combined and elected Cardinal Altieri, who had never up till then been closely in the running. Azzolino was left completely in the cold.

Altieri received the news with sincerest anguish. He was eighty, and he prayed the cardinals with tears to let him be. But he was not allowed to make the great refusal. He was hailed Pope, and the doors were thrown open. Christina, in spite of her cruel disappointment and Azzolino's, was the first to kiss his foot, but she departed from her congratulations 'with so melancholy a mien that it was well known she was not pleased.' Still, the Pope was old. No doubt she was soon turning over in her mind whom next would she put on Peter's throne.

Clement X gave the lie to expectations by living for seven years. He was no friend to Christina, and during his pontificate she put aside her larger schemes and turned to art and letters once again. In these pursuits her better side was uppermost. Her generosity, strong as ever, showed to advantage with her literary friends. She educated the sons of Vi[n]cenzo Filicaia, one of the poets of the period who have not stood the test of time, and was as eager as ever to help poor men of talent. Carini, who wrote the history of the Arcadia, into which her little Accademia Reale grew, said of her: 'There was not a mendicant who was not lifted out of his misery, nor a man of letters she did not heap with honours and gifts.' Any poor Swedes whom she met in Rome were certain of the same treatment. A kinsman of hers discovered in rags was recognised, rescued and started again in life. A poor Swede, called Struzzen[s]kiöld, who asked her charity, was given a place in her guard, on condition that he changed his name because the queen could not pronounce it. She looked upon herself as the particular protector of the Swedes who had become Roman Catholics and had had their goods confiscated at home. It was for these charitable purposes that she most hated to lack money: 'My will is not wanting', she said. 'It is money I lack. If God gives it to me I will give it to others.'

But men of talent had a particular claim on her. To them she could be tolerant, and from them she could even brook offences. This she showed in her dealings with Bayle, who declared that a letter she wrote in defence of the Huguenots was a 'fragment of protestantism'. Christina was furious, but when he wrote to ask pardon she granted it readily, only requiring him, as a penance, to send her his own journal and everything in Latin, French or Spanish that was worth reading. But even men of genius must observe certain rules. 'I would have joyfully accepted the Atlantides', she wrote over the question of a dedication, 'if Rubtevius had dedicated the first volume to me, but his idea of dedicating the second volume to me is not honourable. As he has addressed the first to the Emperor, the second must not and cannot be addressed to me. Therefore tell him from me to save my name for another work, which I shall be glad to receive. I am sorry the idea did not occur to him at first, because this excellent book should by rights belong to me.' The divine right of Christina, after so much battering, remained quite unimpaired.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Clement IX.


Above: Pope Clement X.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Ada Harrison's biography of Kristina, part 20

Source:

Christina of Sweden, pages 78 to 81, by Ada Harrison, 1929


The biography:

The unproductive wrangles with Sweden were resumed, Azzolino's coldness increased, and, Poland appearing remotely on the horizon, Christina flung herself towards it. The campaign was almost burlesque. What she would have done with Poland, or Poland with her, had they fallen to each other, it is impossible to guess. She bid for it out of weariness, and out of her unreflecting habit of crying, 'I want! I want!' without giving a thought to what she would do if she got what she wanted.

The Polish throne became vacant through the King, Jean Casimir, Christina's cousin and last scion of the house of Vasa, abdicating in 1667. The Pope had discouraged him, but Louis XIV, with an idea at the back of his mind of settling Condé on the Polish throne, made him valuable offers if he would abdicate before 1668. Casimir accepted, and the elective throne becoming vacant, the idea of exploiting the Vasa cousinship flashed into the minds of the queen and Azzolino. The Cardinal was immensely enthusiastic about the plan, and began at once working hard for it. Perhaps it seemed to him a solution of what he should do with Christina.

Besides Condé and the queen there were three other aspirants to the throne, the Duke of Neuborg [sic], Charles of Lorraine, and the son of the Tsar of Russia. Christina looked to come in on a split vote. The successful candidate did as a matter of fact come in on a split vote; but it was not Christina.

The queen's first step was to apply to the Pope for approval. Clement IX, whose interest was only that no non-catholic should occupy the throne, had already approved two of the candidates, and saw no reason why he should not approve a third. Armed with this important weapon, she flung herself into the campaign. She and Azzolino began addressing the Polish electors. Christina had put forward her celibacy as a plea for the Pope's approval. Azzolino, deluded by his enthusiasm to be rid of her, assured the Poles that she would marry, and practically guaranteed children. The queen was forty-two, but the Cardinal, in a passage that seems to prove their relationship, writes that one of so ardent a temperament was certain to have issue.

Under the stimulus of an object in life, Christina's spirits rose. She sat on in Hamburg pouring out a spate of letters and disposing merrily of the other candidates. Everything about the Duke of Neuborg [sic], was, as usual, sot, especially his ambassador and the fact that his Duchess could speak only German, a language unknown to the Polish ladies. Also 'the Poles have a fearful hatred and antipathy to the Germans, in which I sympathise with them.' Condé, the erstwhile hero, was denounced as too bloody a man for the position. Besides, 'I think that the French are out in their reckoning, for I believe that the Poles would never take a Frenchman. They fear and hate them too much.' It was obvious that the Poles could choose nothing but a Swede, especially a Swede with the credentials of Christina. 'I governed the Swedes for ten years after my minority', she declared to the electors, 'with more absolute power than any of my predecessors, and at this hour am adored, feared and regretted in that kingdom. ... Do the exigencies of the republic demand my appearance at the head of the army? I shall fly with joy to lead her troops to victory.'

Speculations followed on the possibilities of a readjustment in Europe. After a couple of years on the Polish throne, Christina would put in motion her scheme for the Powers' ousting the Turk. It occurred to her that she had better get back to Rome, where she could not only see the Cardinal, but also make her preparations. We do not hear of her ordering new liveries for her suite as she did preparatory to becoming Queen of Naples, but she did write that she wished to be in a place where she could receive the honour of her election 'avec décence.'

Carried along by this tide, she suddenly sees herself in Poland, and her heart faints at the prospect. She will be inconsolable for Rome. What shall she do in a country of which she knows neither the language nor the customs? The only remedy will be for Azzolino to become polacco as well. What, seriously, does he think of that?

But she distressed herself needlessly. Maresciotti [sic], Christina's agent, who prided himself on seizing the moment, decided at a certain point to confide to the Bishop of Posnania, who was the most influential elector, the Pope's choice. The Bishop was agog to hear it. The meeting was arranged[,] and Maresciotti whispered in his ear. On hearing Christina's name the Bishop started back, crossed himself, and begged Maresciotti not to mention it again for fear of being howled down by universal laughter. Christina's Polish campaign was at an end.

She was back in Rome, however, before she heard of its collapse. Prompted by desire, she found that her affairs at last were in order; more, she was 'leaving in glory after having adjusted everything.' She had, at any rate, she protested, becoming pathetically literal, settled everything in a way that would suit Azzolino. Every place, when the time came to leave it, customarily became odious to Christina, but Hamburg had borne that character almost ever since she had set foot in it, two years ago. 'I am leaving this place at last', she wrote, 'with the joy that souls must feel on leaving purgatory — and I hope here to have worked off part of mine.'


Above: Kristina.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Ada Harrison's biography of Kristina, part 19

Source:

Christina of Sweden, pages 74 to 78, by Ada Harrison, 1929


The biography:

The Polish scheme was marvellous, even for Christina. We can only conclude that Hamburg had driven her to it. The year 1666, which she passed at Hamburg, might have driven her to anything. She met only one congenial soul in the city, and that was the aged general Wrangel, a survivor from the days of Gustavus Adolphus, who loved a battlefield better than anything on earth, and treated the Lion's daughter as the most royal of queens. Otherwise she had only the Germans. Christina was driven to giving them and their still duller ladies a banquet, but they did not brighten. To add to her sense of isolation and impotence, she learned that Alexander VII was dangerously ill at Rome. There was a likelihood of a conclave, in which Azzolino would have a vote, and would badly need her assistance. It was unthinkable that a Pope could be made without Christina.

She participated feverishly by post, and as a result of her renewed intimacies with Louis XIV, fell into worse odour than ever with the regents of Sweden. In any case[,] her affairs at home went badly. The Senate refused to recognise her religion, which was one of her chief points, and on top of that news she learnt that Stropp, her agent, had lent two thousand écus of her precarious money to Magnus de la Gardie. She was helplessly furious. To repair her finances she sold her three islands, Gothold [sic], Ösel, and Öland, to two speculators. She implored her agent to get more money than was offered, but in the end was compelled to give in about the price, so imperative was it for her to have a solid sum under her hand. All the time she wrote letters indefatigably, having to use for almost all of them a laborious figure-cipher and for those to Azzolino a special cipher which for secrecy's sake she had to transcribe herself. It was no wonder that with it all, and with Azzolino's coldness[,] she fell ill. By August, 1666, she is complaining, in the midst of her close work, of migraine and fever, of mal de tête and mal de l'estomac, and is submitting unhopefully to being bled.

It was at this moment, and in this frame of mind and body, that Christina took up her pen to write her Memoirs. 'Ce que Vous êtes et ce que je suis m'y oblige', she begins, companionably addressing God. God occurs plentifully in the preface, but chiefly to demonstrate that to no one of lower rank could Christina make her dedication and give her confidence. She casts herself upon God's bosom, but in her own peculiarly unreligious way. It is to be a matter of mutual deference. And as usual the banner of her own glory is kept floating high. 'Permettez-moi, Seigneur', she astonishingly remarks, 'd'admirer toutes Vos dispositions sur moi!' There is something heroic about it. God's dispositions over her were at that moment so peculiarly wretched. But it was always by this fallacy that Christina pulled through.

This Memoir, which also was begun at Azzolino's instance, did not get very far. It takes Christina to the end of her childhood; then, after a preliminary dissertation on the inability of women (in general) to govern, it breaks off. It is unfortunate, for it would be fascinating to have Christina's account, made in the conviction of unbiassed [sic] honesty, of her mature and responsible self.

From Hamburg she resumed relations with two of her early friends, Vossius the scholar, and Bourdelot. Vossius was commanded to write the history of her reign.

'I have remarked', she wrote to him, 'that either ignorance or envy has taken the pleasure to conceal or obscure the greatest and most splendid actions of my reign. You have been an ocular witness of its unparalleled felicity; of you therefore I require reparation in the name of truth, to which every historian ought to render homage. I request only a simple detail of facts. This cannot be suspected of partiality, because all the world knows that the present calamities of Sweden have reduced me to a situation in which I am incapable of paying the price of incense.'

She wrote to Bourdelot thanking him for sending her books:

'The perplexity of my affairs confines me here at Hamburg, this winter; the only consolation to be expected is letters from Rome and books from France. The transfusion of the blood seems a wonderfully ingenious hypothesis; but I should not care to try the experiment, for fear of degenerating into a mere animal; in case of such a metamorphosis a lion would be my choice. ... I am pretty well in health, and make a jest of physic and physicians, but to enjoy it in a state of perfection my sovereign remedy is to breath[e] the air of Rome.'

Yet in Spring, 1667, writing to thank Azzolino for his kind expressions, 'si je les pouvais croire!' she offers to please him by staying out of his sight in Sweden, when she gets there, for three years.

In May, after exchanging some bitter letters with her 'brother and nephew', the little King, and refusing a handsome annuity from the Senate in the justifiable belief that it would not be paid, she did actually arrive in Sweden. As soon as she crossed the frontier[,] she was ordered to dismiss her chaplain. She wrote a furious letter and was for leaving at once, but was persuaded to wait for an answer, which[,] when it arrived[,] was an uncompromising negative. If she wished to worship, she could go to the French Embassy, but as a simple visit. Christina go to the Embassy! 'If Pomponne [French Ambassador in her time] had proposed such a thing, I would have had him beaten.' But there was no help for her. Stung by her unsuccess, she pursued her usual course of threatening and insulting all round. She told de la Gardie 'all she thought worthy of herself and her spirit', and having remarked, as a final shaft, that if the King should die[,] she would have a word to say about the succession, she left on June 4th. 'I thank God', she observed on her retreat while her vituperations still echoed over Sweden, 'that I have not allowed myself to be carried away by anger, and have done myself no wrong.'

This visit finally ruined her country in her eyes. When years later she sent her gentleman, Del Monte, into Sweden on her business, she warned him what he might expect.

'You are going into a country where you must trust neither what you see with your eyes nor touch with your hands. To everything that you hear, good or evil, praise or scorn, give no heed. Be on your guard in everything, and never enter into other folks' affairs. If you do[,] you will fling yourself into an abyss from which there is no escape, and where they will let you die like a dog.'

Back in Hamburg she received one good piece of news. This was that Clement IX, her candidate and Azzolino's, had been elected Pope in place of Alexander VII. She celebrated the occasion, before the eyes of Protestant Hamburg, by illuminations, rockets, and a tasteful set-piece of fireworks depicting the Church trampling heresy underfoot. There was a pontifical mass, punctuated by cannon, a banquet and free wine. The Hamburgers bore it all with ominous quietness. Finally, having nursed their wrath for hours under Christina's windows, they let it explode. There was riot and bloodshed, and the festive cannon were used as instruments of death. Of this affair she wrote: 'It is only in the holy city that decent people can pass their lives. ... Is it not strange that the queen cannot give a party without running the risk of being murdered in her own house?'[,] a passage which shows that her adopted religion was one of the few subjects which moved her to open dishonesty.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Note: The autobiography quoted here is Kristina's most well-known attempt, written in 1681; the version she wrote in the late 1660s is sadly not known to still exist.

Wednesday, April 2, 2025

Louis-Prosper Gachard on a letter of August 12/22 (New Style), 1654 from Philippe Chifflet, the Abbé de Balerne, to his nephew Jules Chifflet on Kristina's arrival and stay in Brussels (actually it was Antwerp), report dated March 28, 1844

Sources:

Rapport de M. Gachard sur ses recherches en Espagne, report written by Louis-Prosper Gachard for Compte-rendu des séances de la Commission royale d'histoire, ou recueil de ses bulletins, volume 9, page 288, 1845


La reine Christine de Suède à Anvers et Bruxelles 1654-1655, page 4, by Carl Johan Reinhold Burenstam, 1891


L'ancien Palais de Bruxelles et de ses hôtes princiers, article written by Edmond Marchal for Bulletins de la classe des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques et de la classe des beaux-arts, pages 692 to 693, published by the Belgian Royal Academy of Sciences, Letters and Fine Art, 1905


The account:

... Une lettre qu'écrivait de Bruxelles, le 22 août 1654, l'abbé de Balerne à Jules Chifflet, chancelier de la Toison d'Or, son neveu, sur l'arrivée et le séjour en cette ville [sic] de la reine Christine de Suède. On y lit, entre autres particularités, que la reine parlait très-bien le français; qu'elle jouait au billard et au mail avec une adresse merveilleuse; qu'elle était d'une vivacité telle, qu'elle ne pouvait rester longtemps dans le même endroit, et que, dans la conversation, on avait de la peine à la suivre. Une des choses qui frappèrent aussi l'abbé, fut que, quoiqu'étant d'une petite taille, Christine portât les souliers très-bas.

Swedish translation (my own):

... Ett brev skrivet från Bryssel den 22 augusti 1654 av abbéen av Balerne till Jules Chifflet, kanslern för det gyllene skinnet, hans nevö, om ankomsten och vistelsen i denna stad [sic] av drottning Kristina av Sverige. Man läser där bland annat att drottningen talade franska mycket väl; att hon spelade biljard och malj med fantastisk skicklighet; att hon var så livlig att hon inte kunde stanna länge på samma ställe och att det i samtalet var svårt att följa henne. En av de saker som också frapperade abbén var att Kristina, fastän hon var liten, bar sina skor väldigt lågt.

English translation (my own):

... A letter written from Brussels on August 22, 1654, by the Abbé of Balerne to Jules Chifflet, Chancellor of the Golden Fleece, his nephew, on the arrival and stay in this city [sic] of Queen Kristina of Sweden. One reads there, among other particulars, that the Queen spoke French very well; that she played billiards and mall with marvelous skill; that she was of such vivacity that she could not stay long in the same place, and that, in conversation, it was difficult to follow her. One of the things that also struck the Abbé was that, although she was small, Kristina wore her shoes very low.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Louis-Prosper Gachard.

Note: the mall = pall mall, a 17th century game in which a ball was driven along an alley and through a hoop using a mallet.

Tuesday, April 1, 2025

Kristina's open letter for the burghers in Norrköping, dated April 8/18 (Old Style), 1661

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 231 in K 89; Utgångna och ingångna skrivelser; Drottning Kristina d. y. (Christina Alexandra); Svenska drottningars arkivaliesamlingar i riksarkivet; Kungliga arkiv


The letter (copy):

Christina Alexandra.
Giöre witterligen, deth Wij af serdeeles Gunst och Nådhe, som och i betrachtande till Wåre Vndersåthares bettre förkåfring i Wår Stadh Norköping, Nådigst hafwe förvndt och effterlåtit, som Wij och hermedh i krafft af detta Wårt öpne bref, vppå een Oß behageligh tidh, förvnne och bewillie, deth all inkommande Spanmåhl, skall för Lille Tullens erleggiande, alldeeles wara fri och okrafd; Och fördhenskuldh befalle Wij alle som wederböre, och Oß medh hörsamheet och lÿdno förplichtade äre, Men i sÿnnerheet Wår Jnspector öfwer bemellte Lille Landt Tull, Sigh dhenna Wår Nådige bewillningh till rättelse att stella, på deth såledhes Wåre Vndersåthare i Norköpingh, detta behagelige tidz beneficium, oturberadhe åthniuta måge: Doch skole likwäl Wåre Tullnerer Hersammastedhes serdeeles noga acht hafwa låtha, att ingen Spanmåhl anten till Landz eller wattns herifrån må igen afgå och vthskeppas, medh mindre Oß tillförnde, effter Ordinantiens innehåldh, all wederbörligh Licent eller Tull dervthaf fullkombligen är præsterat och betalt worden: Doch Allmeena borgerskapets A:o 1660 den 8. Martij i Götheborgh erhåldne Resolution oförkränkt. Till ÿttermehra wisso, hafwe Wij detta egenhändigen vnderskrifwit, och medh Wårt Kongl. Secret bekräfftat. Datum Norköping den 8. Aprilis 1661 ./.
Christina Alexandra.
J: Stropp.

With modernised spelling:

Kristina Alexandra.
Göre veterligen det Vi av särdeles gunst och nåde, som ock i betraktande till Våra undersåtares bättre förkovring i Vår Stad Norrköping nådigst have förunt och efterlåtit, som Vi ock härmed i kraft av detta Vårt öppna brev uppå en oss behaglig tid förunne och bevilje det all inkommande spannmål skall för lilla tullens erläggande alldeles vara fri och okravd; och fördenskull befalle Vi alla som vederböra och Oss med hörsamhet och lydno förpliktade äro, men i synnerhet Vår inspektör över bemälte lilla landtull, sig denna Vår nådiga bevillning till rättelse att ställa, på det således Våra undersåtare i Norrköping detta behagliga tids beneficium oturberade åtnjuta måge.

Dock skola likväl Våra tullnarer härsammastädes särdeles noga akt hava låta att ingen spannmål anten till lands eller vattens härifrån må igen avgå och utskeppas, med mindre Oss tillförne, efter ordinantiens innehåll, all vederbörlig licent eller tull därutav fullkomligen är presterad och betalt vorden; dock allmänna borgerskapets anno 1660 den 8 martii i Göteborg erhållna resolution oförkränkt. Till yttermera visso have Vi detta egenhändigen underskrivit och med Vårt Kungliga Sekret bekräftat. Datum Norrköping, den 8 aprilis 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

French translation (my own):

Christine Alexandra.
Nous faisons savoir que par faveur et grâce spéciales, comme Nous l'avons aussi très gracieusement accordé et permis pour le meilleur avancement de Nos sujets dans Notre Ville de Norrköping, comme Nous accordons et permettons aussi par la présente, par le pouvoir de Notre lettre ouverte, à un moment qui Nous convient, que tout le grain entrant sera complètement libre et exempté du paiement de petits droits de douane; et pour cette raison, Nous ordonnons à tous ceux qui sont en autorité et qui sont obligés de Nous obéir, mais en particulier à Notre inspecteur desdits petits droits de douane terrestres, de mettre cette gracieuse concession en vigueur, afin que Nos sujets à Norrköping puissent profiter du bénéfice de ce moment opportun sans entrave.

Toutefois, Nos douaniers veilleront particulièrement à ce qu'aucun grain, transporté par voie terrestre ou maritime, ne quitte le pays et ne soit réexpédié sans que, conformément au texte de l'ordonnance, tous les droits de licence et autres taxes y afférents n'aient été intégralement acquittés. La résolution du conseil municipal, reçue à Gothembourg le 8 mars 1660, demeure toutefois intacte. En foi de quoi, Nous avons signé ce document de Notre main et l'avons confirmé par Notre Sceau Royal. Fait à Norrköping, le 8 avril 1661.
Christine Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

English translation (my own):

Kristina Alexandra.
We make known that out of special favour and grace, as we have also most graciously granted and permitted for the better advancement of our subjects in our City of Norrköping, as we also hereby grant and permit, by the power of this our open letter, at a time convenient to us, that all incoming grain shall be completely free and exempt from the payment of small customs duties; and for this reason we command all who are in authority and who are obliged with obedience to us, but particularly our inspector of the said small land customs duties, to put this our gracious grant into effect, so that our subjects in Norrköping may enjoy the benefit of this convenient time without hindrance.

However, our customs officers here shall take special care that no grain, either by land or water, shall depart and be shipped from here again unless, according to the contents of the ordinance, all due license or duty thereon has been fully paid and paid; however, the resolution of the general burgherdom received in Gothenburg on March 8, 1660 remains intact. For further assurance, we have signed this with our own hand and confirmed it with our royal seal. Given at Norrköping, April 8, 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.


Above: Kristina.

Kristina's open letter to Seved Bååth for Professor Johan Scheffer (Johannes Schefferus), dated April 8/18 (Old Style), 1661

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 230/231 in K 89; Utgångna och ingångna skrivelser; Drottning Kristina d. y. (Christina Alexandra); Svenska drottningars arkivaliesamlingar i riksarkivet; Kungliga arkiv


The letter (copy):

Christina Alexandra.
Efftersåsom troo Man och Skattmästaren General Gouverneur Wälborne Her Sevedh Bååth, Wij Gunsteligen hafwa bewilliat Professoren Her Johan Schäffer, att af Wåre innestående Restantier vthi Provintzierne bekomma Femton Hundrade dahler Sölfwermÿnt, på deth, deth af Oß, Honom Committerade Arbete, så mÿkit för må förfärdigas, och till ändskap bringas; Alltså begäre Wij af Eder Nådeligen, deth J bem:te Summa af 1500 D:r SölfwerM:t Honom Professoren Schäffer, eller dhes Fullmächtige af berörde Restantier, och effter handen afföllia och Contentera låthe; Befallandes Eder i deth öfrige Gudz trogne beskÿdd, Nådeligen. Norköpingh den 8. Aprilis A:o 1661 ./.
Christina Alexandra.
J: Stropp

With modernised spelling:

Kristina Alexandra.
Eftersåsom, tro man och skattmästaren, generalguvernör, välborne herr Seved Bååth, Vi gunstligen have beviljat professoren herr Johan Scheffer att av Våra innestående restantier uti provinsierna bekomma femtonhundrade daler silvermynt, på det det av Oss honom kommitterade arbete så mycket förr må förfärdigas och till ändskap bringas, alltså begäre Vi av Eder nådeligen det I bemälte summa av 1,500 daler silvermynt honom professoren Scheffer eller dess fullmäktiga av berörda restantier och efter handen avfölja och kontentera låte, befallandes Eder i det övriga Guds trogna beskydd nådeligen. Norrköping, den 8 aprilis anno 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

French translation (my own):

Christine Alexandra.
Parce que, féal homme et trésorier, gouverneur général, le bien né seigneur Seved Bååth, Nous avons favorablement accordé au professeur Jean Scheffer de recevoir quinze cents dalers de pièces d'argent provenant de Nos soldes impayés dans les provinces, afin que le travail que Nous lui avons confié puisse être achevé et mené à terme au plus tôt, Nous désirons donc gracieusement que vous fassiez payer au professeur Scheffer ou à son plénipotentiaire la somme de mille cinq cents dalers de pièces d'argent provenant desdits soldes et que vous les leur fassiez livrer et les contenter, vous recommandant pour le reste à la fidèle protection de Dieu. Norrköping, le 8 avril 1661.
Christine Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

English translation (my own):

Kristina Alexandra.
Whereas, faithful man and treasurer, governor general, well-born Lord Seved Bååth, We have favourably granted Professor Johan Scheffer to receive fifteen hundred dalers of silver coins from Our outstanding balances in the provinces, so that the work entrusted to him by Us may be completed and brought to an end as soon as possible, We therefore graciously desire that you let Professor Scheffer or his plenipotentiary be paid the sum of 1,500 dalers of silver coins from the said balances and to let deliver them be delivered to them and to content them, commending you for the rest to God's faithful protection. Norrköping, April 8, 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Seved Bååth.

Kristina's open letter for the chaplain Daniel Folcherus, dated April 6/16 (Old Style), 1661

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 230 in K 89; Utgångna och ingångna skrivelser; Drottning Kristina d. y. (Christina Alexandra); Svenska drottningars arkivaliesamlingar i riksarkivet; Kungliga arkiv


The letter (copy):

Christina Alexandra.
Giöre witterligen, Deth Wij af serdeeles benägenheet, och för wiße skiähl och orsaker skuldh, Nådigst hafwe efftergifwit och bewilliat, som Wij och, förmedelst detta Wårt öpne brefs krafft förunne och bewillie Cappellanen her i Norköping Hederligh och wällärdhe Daniel Folcherus, att nÿttia och Åbo Sine begge Tompter, dhen eene wedh Stoore Gatun, som går åth Söder TullPort, vthi Hörnet geentemot Rådhmannen Hans Pederson dhen Elldres, och dhen andre Kåhlgårdz Tompten emellan begge Twärgaturne i samma quartall belegen, fri för Tomptören, och all annor afgifft i Sin och Sin Hustrus Lifstidh; Och fördhenskuldh befalles alle som wederbör, i sÿnnerheet Börgemestare och Rådh Her i Wår Stadh Norköping Nådeligen, deth dhe Honom Daniel folcherum och Hans Hustru på ofwanskrefne sätt, dhenna Wår Nådige bewillningh åthniuta låta, Heriempte af Wår General Gouverneur begärandes, deth å Wåre wegnar Han Honom, Herwidh werkeligen maintenerer och handhafwer. Till ÿttermehra wisso etc. etc. Datum Norköping den 6. Aprilis A:o 1661 ./.
Christina Alexandra
J: Stropp

With modernised spelling:

Kristina Alexandra.
Göre veterligen det Vi av särdeles benägenhet och för vissa skäl och orsakers skull nådigst have eftergivit och beviljat, som Vi ock förmedelst detta Vårt öppna brevs kraft förunne och bevilje kapellanen här i Norrköping, hederlig och vällärde Daniel Folcherus, att nyttja och åbo sina bägge tomter, den ena vid Stora Gatan, som går åt söder tullport uti hörnet gentemot rådmannen Hans Pedersson den äldres, och den andra Kålgårds tomten emellan bägge tvärgatorna i samma kvartal belägen, fri för tomtören och all annor avgift i sin och sin hustrus livstid; och fördenskull befalles alla som vederbör[a], i synnerhet borgmästare och Råd här i Vår Stad Norrköping nådeligen det de honom Daniel Folcherum och hans hustru på ovanskrivna sätt denna Vår nådiga bevillning åtnjuta låte, härjämte av Vår generalguvernör begärandes det å Våra vägnar han honom härvid verkligen maintenerar och handhaver. Till yttermera visso, etc., etc. Datum Norrköping, den 6 aprilis anno 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

French translation (my own):

Christine Alexandra.
Nous faisons savoir que par inclination particulière, et pour certaines raisons et causes, Nous avons très gracieusement accordé et conféré, comme Nous aussi, par le pouvoir de cette Notre lettre ouverte, accordons et conférons à l'aumônier ici à Norrköping, l'honorable et savant Daniel Folcherus, d'utiliser et d'occuper ses deux parcelles, l'une sur Stora Gatan, qui s'étend au sud de la porte des douanes dans le coin en face du conseiller Hans Pedersson l'Ancien, et l'autre la parcelle Kålgård entre les deux rues transversales dans le même quartier, libre de l'impôt foncier et de tous autres frais pendant sa vie et celle de sa femme; et par conséquent, tous ceux qui sont en autorité, en particulier le bourguemaître et le Conseil ici dans Notre Ville de Norrköping, sont gracieusement commandés de permettre à Daniel Folcherus et à sa femme de profiter de cette Notre gracieuse concession de la manière écrite ci-dessus, Nous désirons que Notre gouverneur général l'entretienne véritablement en Notre nom. En foi de quoi, etc., etc. Donné à Norrköping, le 6 avril 1661.
Christine Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

English translation (my own):

Kristina Alexandra.
We make known that out of particular inclination, and for certain reasons and causes, We have most graciously granted and bestowed, as We also, by the power of this Our open letter, do grant and bestow the chaplain here in Norrköping, the honourable and well-learned Daniel Folcherus, to use and occupy both of his plots, one on Stora Gatan, which runs south of the customs gate in the corner opposite the councilman Hans Pedersson the Elder, and the other the Kålgård plot between both cross streets in the same quarter, free from land tax and all other fees during his and his wife's lifetime; and therefore all who are in authority, particularly the Mayor and Council here in our City of Norrköping, are graciously commanded to allow Daniel Folcherus and his wife to enjoy this Our gracious grant in the manner above written, We desiring of Our governor general that on Our behalf he truly maintain him. For further assurance, etc., etc. Given at Norrköping, April 6, 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.


Above: Kristina.

Kristina's open letter for Louis de Geer the Younger and Johan de Geer, dated April 6/16 (Old Style), 1661

Source:

Riksarkivet, page 229 in K 89; Utgångna och ingångna skrivelser; Drottning Kristina d. y. (Christina Alexandra); Svenska drottningars arkivaliesamlingar i riksarkivet; Kungliga arkiv


The letter (copy):

Christina Alexandra.
Giöre witterligen, Hurulunda Wij till Brukewerkets hersammastedhes desto bettre framgångh och förkåfringh hafwe vppå een Oß behageligh tidh Gunsteligen förvndt och Concederat, att allt deth Messingswerke som widh Wäll. De Geerernes bruk her i Norköping i detta Åhr och framgeent anferdigas och vthskeppas, skall vthi SiöTullen, anten bem:te Godz på fritt: Halfft fritt eller ofridt Skepp, inlastat och afsendt wardher, niuta Twå och een Tridie dheels Rikzdahler på Hwart Skeppundh lindringh, och såledhes allenast bethala till Oß eller Wår Tullner, Halfwa Parten af dhen förhögningh, som A:o 1658. vppå Swenske Skepp är Messingen tillsatt worden: Doch skohle bem:te de Geerer, eller dhe som å dher[as] wegnar brukat hersammastedhes förrestå och drifwa, deremot Obligerat wara, bem:te Werk medh een sådan flit och ifwer att föresättia, deth Wij vthi Wåre wanlige Jntrader, förmedelst dhenna efftergifft och bewillningh icke måge lida någen afgångh, vthan mÿkit mehra bruket såledhes excoleras, att mÿkenheeten af Tillwerkadhe Messings Arbete, må kunna Oß dhen afsaknat igen vpfÿlla: befallandes Wij heriempte Wår General Gouverneur Cammareraren och Tullner i Norköping, Nådeligen och Alfwarligen, deth dhe dhenna Wår förordning Sigh i alla måtto till effterrättelse stella, låthandes dhensamma Sin wederbörlige framgångh winna, effter sådant medh Wår Nådige willie och meeningh öfwereens kommer. Till ÿttermehra wisso. Datum Norköping den 6. Aprill 1661 ./.
Christina Alexandra
J: Stropp

With modernised spelling:

Kristina Alexandra.
Göre veterligen hurulunda Vi till brukverkets härsammastädes desto bättre framgång och förkovring have uppå en Oss behaglig tid gunstligen förunt och koncederat att allt det mässingsvärke som vid väl de Geerernas bruk här i Norrköping i detta år och framgent anfärdigas och utskeppas skall uti sjötullen, anten bemälte gods på fritt, halvt fritt eller ofritt skepp inlastat och avsänt varder njuta två och en tredjedels riksdaler på vart skeppund lindring och således allenast betala till Oss eller Vår tullnare halva parten av den förhöjning som anno 1658 uppå svenska skepp är mässingen tillsatt vorden.

Dock skola bemälte de Geerer eller de som å der[as] vägnar brukat härsammastädes förestå och driva, däremot obligerade vara, bemälte värke med en sådan flit och iver att föresätta det Vi uti Våra vanliga intrader förmedelst denna eftergift och bevillning icke måge lida någon avgång, utan mycket mera bruket således exkoleras att myckenheten av tillverkade mässingsarbete må kunna Oss den avsaknad igen uppfylla, befallandes Vi härjämte Vår generalguvernör, kammareraren och tullnare i Norrköping nådeligen och allvarligen det de denna Vår förordning sig i alla måtto till efterrättelse ställe, låtandes densamma sin vederbörliga framgång vinna, efter sådant med Vår nådiga vilje och mening överenskommer. Till yttermera visso [etc.]. Datum Norrköping, den 6 april 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

French translation (my own):

Christine Alexandra.
Nous faisons savoir que pour le meilleur succès et le progrès des usines de laiton, Nous avons, à un moment qui Nous convient, favorablement accordé et concédé que toute la dinanderie fabriquée et expédiée à l'usine de laiton de Geers ici à Norrköping cette année et à l'avenir bénéficiera d'une exonération de deux et un tiers de riksdalers sur chaque chargement de navire des douanes maritimes, qu'il s'agisse de fret chargé sur un navire libre, demi-libre ou non libre, et ne paiera ainsi à Nous ou à Notre agent des douanes que la moitié de l'augmentation qui a été ajoutée au laiton en 1658 sur les navires suédois.

Toutefois, les de Geers, ou ceux qui ont été chargés de gérer et d'opérer en leur nom, sont tenus d'être dirigés avec diligence et zèle afin que, dans Nos pratiques habituelles, grâce à cette concession et autorisation, Nous ne subissions aucun préjudice, et surtout que la pratique soit ainsi améliorée afin que l'abondance de laiton manufacturé puisse à nouveau combler Notre déficit. De plus, Nous ordonnons gracieusement et sérieusement à Notre gouverneur général, chambellan et officier des douanes de Norrköping de tenir pleinement compte de ce Notre règlement et de lui permettre d'obtenir le succès qui lui est dû, car cela est conforme à Notre gracieuse volonté et à Notre opinion. En foi de quoi, [etc.]. Donné à Norrköping, le 6 avril 1661.
Christine Alexandra.
J. Stropp.

English translation (my own):

Kristina Alexandra.
We make known that for the sake of the better success and advancement of the brass works, We have, at a time convenient to Us, favourably granted and conceded that all the brassware that is manufactured and shipped at the de Geers' brass factory here in Norrköping this year and in the future shall enjoy a relief of two and a third riksdalers on each ship's load of sea customs, whether it is freight loaded on a free, half-free or non-free ship, and thus only pay to Us or Our customs officer half of the increase that was added to the brass in 1658 on Swedish ships.

However, the de Geers, or those who have been used to manage and operate on their behalf, on the other hand, are obliged to be directed with such diligence and zeal so as to ensure that We in Our usual ways, by means of this concession and authorisation, may not suffer any detriment, but much more that the practice be thus improved so that that the abundance of manufactured brass work may be able to fill the deficiency for Us again. In addition to this, We graciously and seriously command Our governor general, chamberlain and customs officer in Norrköping that they take this Our regulation into account in every way, allowing it to gain its due success, as such agrees with Our gracious will and opinion. For further assurance, [etc.]. Given at Norrköping, April 6, 1661.
Kristina Alexandra.
J. Stropp.


Above: Kristina.