Wednesday, April 30, 2025

Portrait of Kristina as a shepherdess (previously believed to be of her as the goddess Diana), by Justus van Egmond, painted in 1654 or 1655

Source:

Christina van Zweden, courtesy of the digital database of Brielle Historical Museum (Historisch Museum Den Briel):


Hoe een Zweedse in Brielle terecht kwam, article written by Marijke Holtrop, head of Brielle Historical Museum (Historisch Museum Den Briel):


How a Swede ended up in Brielle, article written by Marijke Holtrop (English translation), head of Brielle Historical Museum (Historisch Museum Den Briel):


Christina van Zweden: herderin of Diana, article written by Dr. Susanne Hilckmann, of Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, at Brielle Historical Museum (Historisch Museum Den Briel):


Earliest archived instance at the Wayback Machine — August 9, 2022:





"Portret van koningin Christina van Zweden (1626-1689) afgebeeld als de godin Diana. In de linker beneden hoek een hond. in de rechterhand van Christina een speer en in haar linkerhand een lauwerkrans. Op de achtergrond een jachtgebied met een putto."

"Portrait of Queen Kristina of Sweden (1626-1689) depicted as the goddess Diana. In the lower left corner a dog. In Kristina's right hand a spear and in her left hand a laurel wreath. In the background a hunting ground with a putto." (Beschrijving (Description); English translation my own)

"De voorstelling van Christina van Zweden (1626-1689)
Christina was de dochter van de zweedse koning Gustaaf Adolf van het huis Vasa en Maria Eleonora van Brandenburg. Toen haar vader in 1632 sneuvelde, was prinses Christina veel te jong om zich met regeringszaken bezig te houden. Maar vanaf 1644 nam zij deel aan de besluitvorming van alle regeringszaken. In 1650 werd Christina tot koningin gekroond. Omdat zij weigerde te trouwen moest zij al in 1654 – noodgedwongen- afstand doen van de troon ten gunste van haar neef Karel X Gustaaf.

In 1654 verbleef Christina enige tijd in Antwerpen aan het hof van aartshertog Leopold. Leopold leende haar zijn hofschilder Justus van Egmond, leerling van Rubens, uit. Van Egmond vervaardigde vijf portretten van Christina: drie als de godin Minerva en twee als Diana, de godin van de jacht. Op het schilderij zijn de gebruikelijke attributen van Diana weergegeven: jachtspeer, de jachthond, een jachtgebied als achtergrond. De lauwerkrans in Christina’s hand is wellicht een verwijzing naar het droit divin, het goddelijk recht dat zij – in haar ogen- nog steeds bezat, ook al had zij geen land meer om te regeren.

Het schilderij is in de 18de eeuw in handen gekomen van de Brielse koopman Hendrick van Kruyne, die tevens eigenaar en bewoner was van bierbrouwerij Het Gecroonde Hart aan het Scharloo nummer 9. Hij liet het schilderij in zijn huis boven de schouw plaatsen. Van Van Kruyne en zijn gezin worden elders in deze zaal portretten gepresenteerd. Na verloop van tijd is het schilderij boven de schouw in het huis aan het Scharloo verdwenen achter behang, maar daarna toch weer herontdekt. Daarna werd het schilderij het museum geschonken door de familie Spoon."

"The portrait of Kristina of Sweden (1626-1689)
Kristina was the daughter of the Swedish king Gustav Adolf of the House of Vasa and Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg. When her father died in 1632, Princess Kristina was far too young to concern herself with government affairs. But from 1644 onwards she participated in the decision-making of all government affairs. In 1650 Kristina was crowned queen. Because she refused to marry, she was forced to abdicate the throne in 1654 in favour of her cousin Karl X Gustav.

In 1654 Kristina spent some time in Antwerp at the court of Archduke Leopold. Leopold lent her his court painter Justus van Egmond, a pupil of Rubens. Van Egmond made five portraits of Kristina: three as the goddess Minerva and two as Diana, the goddess of the hunt. The painting depicts Diana's usual attributes: a hunting spear, the hunting dog, a hunting ground as a background. The laurel wreath in Kristina's hand is probably a reference to the droit divin, the divine right that she — in her eyes — still possessed, even though she no longer had a country to rule.

The painting came into the possession of the Brielle merchant Hendrick van Kruyne in the 18th century, who was also the owner and resident of the Het Gecroonde Hart beer brewery at Scharloo 9. He had the painting placed above the mantelpiece in his house. Portraits of Van Kruyne and his family are presented elsewhere in this room. Over time, the painting above the mantelpiece in the house at Scharloo disappeared behind wallpaper, but was subsequently rediscovered. The painting was then donated to the museum by the Spoon family." (Tekst (Text); English translation my own)


Holtrop's article/description:

"Hoe een Zweedse in Brielle terecht kwam
Door Marijke Holtrop, hoofd Historisch Museum Den Briel
In de portrettengalerij van het Historisch Museum Den Briel hangt een portret van de Zweedse koningin Christina van Zweden (1626-1689). Het portret is op doek geschilderd door Justus van Egmond (1601-1674). De koningin is afgebeeld als Diana, de godin van de jacht.

Christina was de dochter van de Zweedse koning Gustaaf Adolf van het huis Vasa en Maria Eleonora van Brandenburg. Toen haar vader in 1632 sneuvelde, was prinses Christina veel te jong om zich met regeringszaken bezig te houden. Maar vanaf 1644 nam zij deel aan de besluitvorming van alle regeringszaken. In 1650 werd Christina tot koningin gekroond. Omdat zij weigerde te trouwen moest zij al in 1654 – noodgedwongen- afstand doen van de troon ten gunste van haar neef Karel X Gustaaf.

In 1654 verbleef Christina enige tijd in Antwerpen aan het hof van aartshertog Leopold. Leopold leende haar zijn hofschilder Justus van Egmond, leerling van Rubens, uit. Van Egmond vervaardigde vijf portretten van Christina: drie als de godin Minerva en twee als Diana, de godin van de jacht. Op het schilderij zijn de gebruikelijke attributen van Diana weergegeven: jachtspeer, de jachthond, een jachtgebied als achtergrond. De lauwerkrans in Christina’s hand is wellicht een verwijzing naar het droit divin, het goddelijk recht dat zij – in haar ogen- nog steeds bezat, ook al had zij geen land meer om te regeren.

Het schilderij is in de 18-de eeuw in handen gekomen van de Brielse koopman Hendrick van Kruyne, die tevens eigenaar en bewoner was van bierbrouwerij Het Gecroonde Hart aan het Scharloo nummer 9. Hij liet het schilderij in zijn huis boven de schouw plaatsen. Na verloop van tijd is het schilderij letterlijk verdwenen achter behang. Tijdens een verbouwing werd het schilderij ontdekt en achter het behang vandaan gehaald. De heer en mevrouw Spoon, de toenmalige eigenaren van het pand, schonken het schilderij in 1966 aan het museum."

"How a Swede ended up in Brielle
By Marijke Holtrop
The portrait gallery of Brielle Historical Museum contains a portrait of the Swedish Queen Christina of Sweden (1626-1689). The portrait was painted on canvas by Justus van Egmond (1601-1674). The Queen is depicted as Diana, the goddess of hunting.

Christina was the daughter of the Swedish King Gustav Adolph of the house of Vasa and Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg. When her father died in 1632, Princess Christina was much too young to be involved in government affairs. But from 1644 she participated in the decision-making about all government issues. Christina was crowned Queen in 1632. Because she refused to marry she was forced to abdicate in 1654 in favour of her nephew [sic] Charles X Gustav.

In 1654 Christina spent some time in Antwerp at the court of Archduke Leopold. Leopold lent her his court artist Justus van Egmond, a pupil of Rubens. Van Egmond painted five portraits of Christina: three as the goddess Minerva, and two as Diana, the goddess of hunting. The painting shows Diana's customary attributes: a hunting spear, a hunting dog, a hunting estate as the backdrop. The laurel wreath in Christina's hand is probably a reference to the droit divin, the divine right that she – in her eyes – still possessed, even though she now longer [sic] had a country to rule.

The painting was acquired in the 18th century by the Brielle merchant Hendrick van Kruyne, who was also the owner and occupant of the Het Gecroonde Hart Brewery at Scharloo 9. After the some time [sic] the painting literally disappeared behind wallpaper. During rebuilding work the painting was discovered and removed from behind the wallpaper. Mr and Mrs Spoon, the owners of [the] property at the time, donated the painting to the museum in 1966." (English translation courtesy of Historisch Museum Den Briel)


Dr. Hilckmann's article/description:

"Christina van Zweden: herderin of Diana
Hernieuwd inzicht over het portret van een Zweedse koningin, door drs. Susanne Hilckmann, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
In het Historisch Museum Den Briel staat dit schilderij van Justus van Egmond te boek als Christina van Zweden als Diana, de romeinse godin van de jacht. Bij nadere beschouwing blijken geen van Diana’s jachtattributen aanwezig te zijn op de hond na.

Christina heeft een herdersstaf in haar hand. De staf heeft aan het uiteinde een soort lepel waarmee kluitjes of steentjes naar onwillig vee kunnen worden gegooid. In haar haar zitten bloemen verwerkt, terwijl een halve maan meestal Diana’s haar siert. Het kransje in Christina’s hand verwijst naar een bloemrijk grasland en niet zozeer naar jachtvelden. En een aantal van Diana’s belangrijkste attributen ontbreken: pijl en boog, pijlenkoker, speer en eventueel een jachthoorn.

Op dit schilderij staat de voormalig Zweedse koningin als herderin in een parklandschap. Een waterspuwende dolfijn (?) met putto op zijn rug versterken de arcadische idylle alleen maar.

Voor zover bekend is er maar één schilderij waarop Christina als Diana is afgebeeld. Een jaar of zes na haar troonsafstand heeft de Italiaanse schilder Giovanni (Gian) Domeni[c]o Cerrini (1609-1681) haar in die hoedanigheid weergegeven. Maar tijdens haar koningschap laat ze zich echter liever representeren als Minerva, de romeinse godin van de wijsheid, wetenschappen en kunst, vakgebieden die goed passen bij haar functie en waarin ze grote interesse heeft.

In de database PORTHIS van het Centrum voor Kunsthistorische Documentatie (Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen) zijn verschillende portraits historiés van Christina van Zweden te vinden, meestal als Minerva en een keer als Diana. Herdersallegorieën zijn niet opgenomen.
Drs. Susanne Hilckmann
Centrum voor Kunsthistorische Documentatie
Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen"

"Kristina of Sweden: shepherdess or Diana
New insights into the portrait of a Swedish queen, by Dr. Susanne Hilckmann, Radboud University Nijmegen
In the Brielle Historical Museum, this painting by Justus van Egmond is listed as Kristina of Sweden as Diana, the Roman goddess of the hunt. Upon closer inspection, none of Diana's hunting attributes appear to be present, except for the dog.

Kristina holds a shepherd's crook in her hand. The crook has a kind of spoon at the end, with which clods or pebbles can be thrown at unwilling cattle. Flowers are worked into her hair, while a half-moon usually adorns Diana's hair. The wreath in Kristina's hand refers to a flowery meadow and not so much to hunting grounds. And a number of Diana's most important attributes are missing: bow and arrow, quiver, spear, and possibly a hunting horn.

In this painting, the former Swedish Queen stands as a shepherdess in a park landscape. A water-spouting dolphin (?) with a putto on its back only reinforces the Arcadian idyll.

As far as we know, there is only one painting in which Kristina is depicted as Diana. About six years after her abdication, the Italian painter Giovanni (Gian) Domenico Cerrini (1609-1681) depicted her in that capacity. However, during her reign, she preferred to be represented as Minerva, the Roman goddess of wisdom, science and art, disciplines that fit her function well and in which she had a great interest.

The PORTHIS Database of the Centre for Art Historical Documentation (Radboud University Nijmegen) contains various portraits historiés of Kristina of Sweden, mostly as Minerva and once as Diana. Shepherd allegories are not included.
Dr. Susanne Hilckmann
Centre for Art History
Radboud University Nijmegen" (English translation my own)

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 12

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 69 to 71, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


Kristina's letter from Rome of January 6/16 (Old Style), 1656 to Ebba Sparre is here:


Her letter from Brussels in 1655 to Ebba Sparre is here:


The biography:

At Inspruck, she repeated more publicly her abjuration of the Protestant faith, and was solemnly received into the bosom of the Roman Catholic faith. Several of the archdukes and others of the German nobility, had assembled at Inspruck on this occasion. Here, as at Brussels, her conversion was solemnised by banquets, balls, illuminations, and comedies; and such was the pomp and magnificence with which she was surrounded, that Christina, a queen and a philosopheress, was dazzled and turned giddy. She was heard to repeat with evident and childish pleasure, "O, che bella! bella!" Meantime her own deportment was not more decorous than formerly. On the evening of the same day on which she had made a solemn profession of faith in the cathedral at Inspruck, she was taken to a comedy presented for her amusement: "'Tis but fair", said she to those around her, "that you should treat me to comedy, after I have treated you to a farce."

After a stay of eight days at Inspruck, she continued her journey, being everywhere received with the honours due to rank, and gazed on with wonder and curiosity. On the 19th of December [sic] 1655, she made her public entry into Rome, mounted on a white horse, à la cavalière, and surrounded by all the principal nobility and clergy: she was conducted amidst incessant discharges of artillery, and with every mark of honour and of triumph, to St. Peter's, where she was received and confirmed by the Pope, and had the honour of kissing his slipper. We are told that the Roman ladies were extremely astonished at the masculine attitude and dress of Christina, who entered Rome not as a convert and a penitent, but rather as a victorious empress, triumphing as the conquerors of old; but on being told that she had made war on the King of Denmark, they thought her Amazonian appearance perfectly natural. When the festivities with which her first arrival was celebrated left her at leisure, Christina took up her residence in the Palazzo Farnese, and spent some months in visiting the curiosities and antiquities of Rome, and in receiving the compliments of the learned men and the various academies.

It appears, that after the first sensations of excitement and interest were over, the Romans began to view their new visitor and proselyte with more wonder than approbation. Her extreme levity — not exactly of conduct, but of language and of manner — scandalized the people; and the haughty indifference, and even contempt, with which she treated the nobles and the women of the highest rank, gave great offence. Her tranquillity and her independence were daily troubled by the dissensions of her household, and the want of money. Her revenue from Sweden was not punctually paid; and instead of the learned leisure, the pleasures, and amusements in which she had expected to indulge, she found herself beset by vexation and difficulties, such as she had never anticipated, and which her proud, careless spirit was ill calculated to endure. She wrote from Rome to Ebba Sparre, and although she would not confess her mortification and disappointment, the melancholy tone of her letter forms a striking contrast with that which she had written from Brussels but a few months before. Soon afterwards, she was seized with a dangerous disorder, from which she recovered with difficulty.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 11

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 62 to 69, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

The subsequent life of this extraordinary woman proves that the education which had rendered her bold, restless, and self-willed, while it inculcated no principle of duty, as little fitted her to play the part of an individual, as to discharge the office of a sovereign.

Christina arrived at Hamburg on the 10th of July, and took up her residence at the house of her banker, the rich Jew Texeira. By this time reports had reached her former capital that she was going about in man's attire, and entertained thoughts of changing her religion; the people were scandalized, and the Senate would have withdrawn her revenues if Charles had not interfered. From Hamburg she continued her route towards the Netherlands, and the first place at which she made any considerable stay was Antwerp. There her favourite hero, the Prince de Condé, for whom she had always professed a most romantic and enthusiastic admiration, wished to be introduced to her; but Christina, though uncrowned, demurred on some points of court etiquette, and when they did meet it was with mutual coldness and constraint.

On the day succeeding her public entry into Brussels, Christina executed a purpose which she had for some time meditated: she forsook the Lutheran faith, in which she had been educated, — the faith for which her illustrious father had fought and bled, — and professed herself a convert to the Romish Church. She made her private recantation, in presence of the Archduke Leopold, the ambassador Pimentelli, the Count Montecuculi, and others.

There is every reason to believe, from the character and subsequent conduct of Christina, that this change of religion was rather the result of policy than of conviction. She had resolved upon fixing her residence in Italy, and wished to avoid the inconveniences and the constant jealousy to which an open profession of the Protestant faith would have exposed her in a Roman Catholic country. It was, however, the interest of the priests around her to represent her as a kind of martyr, — one who had sacrificed her crown for the sake of religion: whereas it was very well known that her profession of the Roman Catholic faith was not the motive of her abdication, but rather its result. Bourdelot and Saumaise, by unsettling her religious opinions, had prepared the way for indifference and scepticism; and then her conversion, as a matter of expediency, was not difficult. The Pope, Alexander VII.[,] who had lately ascended the papal chair, felt all the importance of such an illustrious proselyte, and ordered public thanksgivings at Rome. At Brussels, although her recantation was private, it was celebrated in the most ostentatious manner by balls, masquerades, hunting-parties, and other amusements; and yet farther to honour so great, so solemn an occasion, Cardinal Mazarin sent from Paris a company of famous comedians, who entertained the court of Brussels with operas and plays, alternately, in French and Italian. As these far surpassed any thing Christina had seen in her own country, they seem to have given her particular pleasure. The perfect levity and indifference of her own deportment was consistent with the whole of this extraordinary exhibition, of which it is difficult to say whether it was most ridiculous or most shocking. "S'il y a un Dieu, je serai bien attrapée", said she, after receiving absolution at the feet of Father Guemes the Dominican.

The festivities at Brussels were interrupted by the news of her mother's death. The Queen Dowager, unable to endure with fortitude her daughter's abdication, and cut to the heart by the indifference with which she had parted from her, had refused all comfort; she fell into a languishing distemper, of which she expired in March 1655. The same cause had shortened the life of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, who died a few weeks before her; he expired with the name of Christina on his lips: "Tell her", said he, "that she will repent of what she has done." Christina, though she sincerely regretted the chancellor, received the message with a smile — for the hour of repentance had not yet arrived.

We may form some idea of the little impression which Christina left behind her in Sweden, when we find that in the space of nine or ten months after her departure, Count Brahe was the only person from whom she received the slightest token of remembrance. When, however, the news of her conversion was brought to Stockholm, the people seemed to feel that the national honour was wounded by her apostasy. Their indignation fell upon Mathias, the first preceptor of the queen, whom they accused of not having sufficiently guarded her mind against the entrance of error; and, notwithstanding his eloquent defence, he was disgraced and deprived of his bishoprick. Many members of the senate did not scruple to assert that she ought to be deprived of the revenues which had been granted to her, so that Christina began to feel already by how uncertain a tenure she held the very means of subsistence. She wrote to her cousin, King Charles, appealing to his gratitude, and recommending her interests to his protection. But no care or thought of the future appears at this time to have disturbed her gaiety. During her stay at Brussels she lived with royal magnificence, lavishing immense sums in gifts to priests, poets, courtiers, comedians, and parasites, until the ready money she had brought from Sweden was nearly exhausted. She then turned her thoughts towards Italy. She had received the most pressing invitations from the Pope to take up her residence in his capital, and, at length, on the 22nd of September 1665 [sic], she quitted Brussels to proceed to Rome. Her suite consisted of about two hundred persons, principally Austrians and Spaniards; there were also four Swedish gentlemen of quality, and two ladies of honour; the latter more for show than use, as the queen neither noticed them nor required their services.

At Frankfort, Charles the Second and his brother, then exiles from England, visited her incognito: she refused to receive them openly lest she should give umbrage to Cromwell. From Frankfort she proceeded to Augsburg, where, on being shown the table at which her father had dined after the battle which made him master of all Bavaria, she burst into tears.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 10

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 59 to 62, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

It was not without reason that she hastened to quit her own kingdom after the step she had taken. The good people of Sweden could not well understand their queen's predilection for philosophy; they were so unrefined as to see in her renunciation of her hereditary throne only the abandonment of great and solemn duties; and in her preference of foreigners, foreign countries, foreign manners, an insult to themselves — a want of feeling as well as a want of patriotism. The idea that she was conveying out of the kingdom immense property, purchased with the gold which had been wrung from the necessities of the people, completed their disgust and indignation; and it is certain that there were serious intentions of arresting her before she quitted the kingdom, and forcing her either to resume her crown, or to reside in her own country, or to give up the pension and the royal treasures she was carrying away (She conveyed out of the kingdom more than one hundred bales of property, consisting of jewels, gold and silver plate, statues, pictures, books, and articles of value, to the amount of some millions of crowns.).

Christina herself was aware of her unpopularity, and so fearful of being detained, that she took a route different from that which she had at first intended, and would not accept the escort of armed vessels with which Charles wished to have conveyed her in honour, if not in triumph, from the shores of Sweden; her journey, in fact, resembled a flight. As long as she remained within the boundaries of her former kingdom she appears to have been in terror from the threats of the lower orders of the people, and was careful not to shock public opinion, lest she should be delayed, and her plan of independence retarded or prevented; but on reaching Collen, near the frontiers, she threw off all restraint. Quitting her female attire, she assumed the dress and deportment of a man, sent away all her women, and retained in her service only four gentlemen of her suite, with a few inferior servants (Her attendants were Count Dohna, her chamberlain; Count Steinberg, her equerry; Baron Soop, and another: not one of these knew whither they were going.). She generally travelled on horseback, under a feigned name, and passed the frontiers of her kingdom, not only without regret, but with a childish ecstasy, wishing she might never return to it, and glorying in her dear-bought freedom.

It is worthy of remark, that during the extraordinary scenes which attended and followed her abdication and departure, Christina never betrayed the least sign of emotion, hesitation, or repentance. She "played out the play" most unshrinkingly, but was in too great a hurry to be dignified; — too impatient — too intent upon her selfish purpose to show any thing like feeling for others. It does not appear that, individually, any one regretted her, or that she regretted any one. She shed no tears on parting with Ebba Sparre, whom she loved as well as she could love any thing, but who did not return her attachment, and seems to have felt her departure a relief (Ebba Sparre was at this time the wife of Count Jacob de la Gardie, and the mother of two children. She died in 1662.). The only two persons who really grieved over her abdication were her mother and the old Chancellor Oxenstiern. From her mother, who was sick with grief, mortification, disappointment, and incessant weeping, she parted without a tear: the old chancellor, on pretence of illness, shut himself up, and refused to officiate at any of the ceremonies attending the coronation of the new king.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Ebba Sparre.


Above: Axel Oxenstierna.


Above: Maria Eleonora.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Anna Brownell Jameson's biography of Kristina, part 9

Source:

Memoirs of celebrated female sovereigns, volume 1, pages 54 to 59, by Anna Brownell Jameson, 1831; original at the University of Toronto


The biography:

Although Christina resumed her literary pursuits after the departure of her "agréable ignorant", as she used to call Bourdelot, she became every day more disgusted with the duties of her situation, and the necessity of attending to a certain routine of affairs fatigued and irritated her, merely because it was an obligation; one of her secretaries appearing before her with some dispatches which required her signature, she turned from him impatiently, and said to Prince Charles, who was present, "Will you never deliver me from these people? ce sont pour moi le diable!" She amused herself with inventing masques and ballets, in which she often sustained a principle part (On one of these occasions, after performing in a pastoral the character of Amarantha, she instituted the order of the Amaranthe; it included both sexes, and she bestowed it on the principal persons of her court and several of the foreign ambassadors.); and she ennobled a great number of persons, whose merit did not always, as in the case of Salvius, justify the enormous abuse of this royal privilege.

In the mean time, the affairs of her kingdom became more and more entangled; the revenues were exhausted, the crown-lands alienated by her profusion; there remained nothing more for her to bestow, and in case of a war, no revenues to support it. Abuses and delays had crept into the administration, which she had not the patience, if she had the power, to remedy: she became moody and unequal in temper; she was at once jealous of her authority, and weary of the duties and restraints it imposed. She had dreamed over the classic poets till she fancied she could only be happy in a southern climate, and sighed for the ease and independence of a private station. Her lively imagination wanted some excitement, and the renunciation of a crown, at the age of twenty-eight [sic], was the grand coup de théatre with which she now chose to dazzle and astonish all Europe.

In 1654, when she first openly declared her intention of abdicating the throne [sic], the principal members of the senate, with Oxenstiern at their head, endeavoured to dissuade her from her purpose; but in vain. Prince Charles added his entreaties, and besought her to retain in her own possession the sceptre she intended to resign to him, or at least to allow him to share her throne as a husband, while the supreme power remained with herself; but she persisted in her resolution. On the 21st of May 1654, in a solemn assemblage of the States-general at Upsal, she formally tendered her resignation of the crown, and in an eloquent speech, after recapitulating her own royal virtues, and all she had performed for the good of her people, she recommended her successor the hereditary Prince Charles to their loyalty and affection. After she had pronounced this harangue in a firm voice, the president of the senate arose, and in the name of the nobles entreated her to think better of her design, and to continue to reign over them. The Archbishop of Upsal remonstrated in the name of the clergy, and the president of the burghers made a speech to the same purpose. What followed cannot be better related than in the words of Whitelocke, who was then ambassador from Cromwell to the Swedish court, and was treated by Christina with great distinction. He was an eye-witness of the scene, which is thus related in his journal.

"In the last place stepped forth the marshal of the boors, a plain country fellow, in his clouted shoon, and all other habits answerable, as all the rest of the company were accoutred; this boor, without any congees or ceremonies at all, spake to her Majesty, and his address was interpreted to Whitelocke to be after this phrase: —

"O Lord God, Madam, what do you mean to do? It humbles us to heare you speake of forsaking those who love you as well as we do: can you be better than you are? You are queen of all these countries, and if you leave this large kingdom, where will you get such another? If you should do it, (as I hope you won't for all this,) both you and we shall have cause, when it is too late, to be sorry for it; therefore my fellows and I pray you to think better on't, and to keep your crown on your head, then you will keep your own honour and our peace, but if you lay it down, in my conscience, you will endanger all.

'Continue in your gears, good madam, and be the fore-horse as long as you live, and we will help you the best we can to bear your burthen. Your father was an honest gentleman and a good king, and very shining in the world, and we obeyed him and loved him as long as he lived; and you are his own child, and have governed us very well, and we love you with all our hearts; and the prince is an honest gentleman, and when his time comes, we shall be ready to do our duties to him, as we do to you. But as long as you live we are unwilling to part with you, and therefore, I pray, madame, do not part with us.'

"When the boor had ended his speech he waddled up to the queen without any ceremony, took her by the hand, and shaked it heartily, and kist it two or three times; then turning his back to her, he pulled out of his pocket a foul handkerchief, and wiped the tears from his eyes, and in the same posture as he came up, he returned back to his place again."

Whitelocke does not tell us whether Christina was touched by the homely eloquence of this honest peasant; but nothing could now alter her resolution. On the 6th of June following, she appeared in the hall of assembly, habited in her robes of state, the crown on her brow, and the sceptre in her hand. She took her seat on the throne for the last time, and Count Rosenhane read aloud the act by which she formally renounced the crown on the following conditions: — "That her cousin Prince Charles Gustavus should succeed her: that a revenue of 240,000 rix-dollars should be secured to her, arising from certain lands and estates, of which she was to have the entire disposal for life, but was not to alienate them from the crown of Sweden: that she should continue to exercise all the rights of sovereignty and jurisdiction over her own household, acknowledging no human control over her actions, and have full liberty to fix her residence in any country of Europe." On these conditions, which were solemnly ratified by the senate and by her successor, Christina released her subjects from their oath of allegiance, and laid down the ensigns of royalty. It was remarked that none of her attendants would lift the crown from her head; she was obliged to take it off herself, and deliver it to Prince Charles, who received it kneeling, and would never wear it in her presence (Charles flattered Christina's well-known foible by ordering a medal to be struck, in which he was represented on his knees, receiving the crown from the hands of the queen, with the inscription, "I hold it from God and from Christina."). The spectators and attendants who stood round her, seized the royal mantle as she threw it off, and tore it into a thousand pieces, each anxious to obtain a fragment as a relique of their queen, who was about to quit them for ever. On the same day[,] Charles Gustavus was proclaimed King of Sweden, by the title of Charles X.[,] and Christina, in a few hours after the ceremony, left Upsal and returned to Stockholm. She did not, however, remain long there; under pretence that the waters of Spa had been ordered for her health, she began her journey southwards.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Karl Gustav.


Above: Anna Brownell Jameson.

Tuesday, April 29, 2025

H. E. Friis on Kristina and Corfitz Ulfeldt, Leonora Christina Ulfeldt and Dr. Otto Sperling

Source:

Dronning Christina af Sverrig 1626-1689, pages 46 to 49, published by H. E. Friis, 1896


The account:

Samtidigt med Franskmanden Bourdelot og Spanieren Pimentelli opholdt der sig en kun altfor god bekendt af os Danske ved Dronning Christinas Hof, nemlig Forræderen Corfitz Ulfeldt. Det var muligvis Dronning Christinas Mening, for godt Naboskabs Skyld, først at spørge Kong Frederik d. 3dje, hvorledes denne ønskede, at man skulde forholde sig overfor Corfitz Ulfeldt, naar han meldte sin Ankomst til Sverrig. Imidlertid afventede Dronning Christina ikke Frederik d. 3djes Svar, da hun jo nok kunde gætte sig til, hvorledes det vilde blive. Hun modtog Corfitz Ulfeldt med al Udmærkelse, som om han var en venskabelig Stats betroede Afsending, og lod ham afhente i en af de kongelige Ekvipager. Den danske Gesandt, Peder Juel — en Broder til Admiral Niels Juel — udmærkede sig ved sin bestemte Optræden i Anledning af den Beskyttelse, som Dronning Christina ydede Corfitz Ulfeldt, men det frugtede slet ikke noget. Corfitz Ulfeldt gjørde [sic] nemlig straks det bedste Indtryk paa Dronningen, idet han forstod ved sit smidige og slebne Væsen samt statelige Skikkelse at indtage hende for sig. Som en mandig og velvoksen Person blev Ulfeldt kort efter brugt i Dronningens Balletter og Hyrdespil og fremstillede Guden Jupiter, medens en polsk Adelsmand og Landsforræder, Radziejewsky, af samme Tønde som Ulfeldt, fremstillede Guden Bacchus, hvorimod Mars's Rolle var forbeholdt Pimentelli, saalænge hans Ophold i Sverrig varede.

En Dag i Aaret 1653 gjorde Dronning Christina et stort Bal, hvortil alle de fremmede Ministre vare indbudne. Forinden der blev gaaet til Bords, sagde Dronning Christina med høj Røst: «Mine Herrer! De maa sætte dem, som det behager dem, thi det vedkommer ej mig at bestemme Deres Rang.» Alligevel gav hun Pimentelli, Ulfeldt og Radziejewsky de øverste Pladser ved Bordet for at vise dem sin særlige Gunst.

Corfitz Ulfeldts krybende Adfærd overfor Dronning Christina faar bl. a. sit Udtryk, da hun en Søndag har savnet ham og derfor spørger ham, hvorfor han ikke har været i Kirke; han svarede nemlig: «Jeg kender foruden Eders Majestæt ingen anden Guddom, som kan redde mig af min Ulykke.»

Ulfeldts hele Forhold er jo forresten godt kendt af danske Læsere, saa det behøver ikke at omtales yderligere. Mindre bekendt er det maaske, at han i Modsætning til Dronning Christinas mange andre Yndlinge ikke spandt Silke under Opholdet ved hendes Hof, men istedetfor maatte betale hendes Venskab og Beskyttelse temmelig dyrt, idet han tabte en betydelig Del af sin Formue ved at forstrække hende med Laan, som han aldrig fik betalt tilbage igen.

Kunde Dronning Christina end ikke betale Ulfeldt Pengene tilbage, bevarede hun dog ham og hans Børn i venlig Erindring, thi da han døde, godt en halv Snes Aar senere, sørgede hun igennem Kongen af Spanien for, at hans Døtre fik en standsmæssig Opdragelse, og en af hans Sønner blev siden Kammerherre ved hendes lille Hof i Rom, hvornæst Paven senere hen gav ham et Kanonikat.

Medens Corfitz Ulfeldt opholdt sig ved Dronning Christinas Hof i Sverrig, var han i lang Tid meget syg. Dronningen besøgte ham gentagne Gange under hans Sygeleje og sendte endog sin egen Medikus at tilsé ham, men da det ikke blev bedre, skrev Ulfeldts Gemalinde, Eleonore Christine — som var med ham i Sverrig — efter deres tidligere Læge i Danmark, Dr. Otto Sperling, der nu var bosiddende i Holland. Dr. Sperling kom snart, og efter 7 Ugers Forløb var Ulfeldt saa vel, at han atter kunde gøre Dronningen sin Opvartning samt være om hende og køre ud med hende paa hendes Udflugter. Da Ulfeldt var bleven rask, længtes Dr. Otto Sperling tilbage igen til Holland, men Ulfeldt vilde gerne først præsentere ham for Dronningen, saa Sperling kunde faa Lejlighed til at kysse Sømmen paa Hds. Majestæts Kjole.

Ved Audientsen holdt Dr. Sperling en kort Tale paa Latin til Dronning Christina, som hun ekspedit besvarede paa sirlig og flydende Italiensk, da hun vidste, at Sperling havde opholdt sig længere Tid i Italien. Da hun spurgte Dr. Sperling, hvorlænge han havde været i Italien, og han svarede 4½ Aar, sagde hun: «Da er det intet Under, at I taler saa godt Italiensk,» hvortil Dr. Sperling sagde: «Mere maa man forundre sig over, at Deres kongelige Majestæt, som aldrig har set Italien, alligevel taler Sproget saa perfekt, som om Deres Majestæt var født der.»

Dronningen syntes saa godt om Dr. Sperling, at hun lovede ved den første givne Lejlighed at tage ham til Medikus. Det blev dog kun til Dels ved gyldne Løfter, hvorfor Sperling rejste tilbage; ikke 10 Aar efter blev han lokket over paa dansk Territorium og indespærret i Blaataarn i København, hvor Eleonore Christine Ulfeldt allerede da var kommen Aaret forud. Dr. Sperling sad der i 17 Aar indtil sin Død, medens Eleonore Christine Ulfeldt dog levede saa længe, at hun efter 22 Aars Indespærring ved Enkedronning Sofie Amalies Død slap ud og levede derefter nogle Aar i Frihed paa Maribo Kloster, hvor hun døde, 77 Aar gammel, 1698.

With modernised spelling:

Samtidigt med franskmanden Bourdelot og spanieren Pimentelli opholdt der sig en kun altfor god bekendt af os danske ved dronning Kristinas hof, nemlig forræderen Corfitz Ulfeldt. Det var muligvis dronning Kristinas mening, for godt naboskabs skyld, først at spørge kong Frederik den tredje, hvorledes denne ønskede, at man skulle forholde sig overfor Corfitz Ulfeldt, når han meldte sin ankomst til Sverige.

Imidlertid afventede dronning Kristina ikke Frederik den tredjes svar, da hun jo nok kunne gætte sig til, hvorledes det ville blive. Hun modtog Corfitz Ulfeldt med al udmærkelse, som om han var en venskabelig stats betroede afsending, og lod ham afhente i en af de kongelige ekvipager. Den danske gesandt, Peder Juel — en broder til admiral Niels Juel — udmærkede sig ved sin bestemte optræden i anledning af den beskyttelse, som dronning Kristina ydede Corfitz Ulfeldt, men det frugtede slet ikke noget.

Corfitz Ulfeldt gjorde nemlig straks det bedste indtryk på dronningen, idet han forstod ved sit smidige og slebne væsen samt statelige skikkelse at indtage hende for sig. Som en mandig og velvoksen person blev Ulfeldt kort efter brugt i dronningens balletter og hyrdespil og fremstillede guden Jupiter, medens en polsk adelsmand og landsforræder, Radziejowski, af samme tønde som Ulfeldt, fremstillede guden Bacchus, hvorimod Mars's rolle var forbeholdt Pimentelli, sålænge hans ophold i Sverige varede.

En dag i året 1653 gjorde dronning Kristina et stort bal, hvortil alle de fremmede ministre vare indbudne. Forinden der blev gået til bords, sagde dronning Kristina med høj røst: «Mine herrer! De må sætte Dem, som det behager Dem, thi det vedkommer ej mig at bestemme Deres rang.»

Alligevel gav hun Pimentelli, Ulfeldt og Radziejowski de øverste pladser ved bordet for at vise dem sin særlige gunst.

Corfitz Ulfeldts krybende adfærd overfor dronning Kristina får bl. a. sit udtryk, da hun en søndag har savnet ham og derfor spørger ham, hvorfor han ikke har været i kirke; han svarede nemlig: «Jeg kender foruden Eders Majestæt ingen anden guddom, som kan redde mig af min ulykke.»

Ulfeldts hele forhold er jo forresten godt kendt af danske læsere, så det behøver ikke at omtales yderligere. Mindre bekendt er det måske, at han i modsætning til dronning Kristinas mange andre yndlinge ikke spandt silke under opholdet ved hendes hof, men i stedet for måtte betale hendes venskab og beskyttelse temmelig dyrt, idet han tabte en betydelig del af sin formue ved at forstrække hende med lån, som han aldrig fik betalt tilbage igen.

Kunne dronning Kristina end ikke betale Ulfeldt pengene tilbage, bevarede hun dog ham og hans børn i venlig erindring, thi da han døde, godt en halv snes år senere, sørgede hun igennem kongen af Spanien for, at hans døtre fik en standsmæssig opdragelse, og en af hans sønner blev siden kammerherre ved hendes lille hof i Rom, hvornæst paven senere hen gav ham et kanonikat.

Medens Corfitz Ulfeldt opholdt sig ved dronning Kristinas hof i Sverige, var han i lang tid meget syg. Dronningen besøgte ham gentagne gange under hans sygeleje og sendte endog sin egen medikus at tilse ham, men da det ikke blev bedre, skrev Ulfeldts gemalinde, Eleonora Christina — som var med ham i Sverige — efter deres tidligere læge i Danmark, dr. Otto Sperling, der nu var bosiddende i Holland.

Dr. Sperling kom snart, og efter 7 ugers forløb var Ulfeldt så vel, at han atter kunne gøre dronningen sin opvartning samt være om hende og køre ud med hende på hendes udflugter. Da Ulfeldt var bleven rask, længtes dr. Otto Sperling tilbage igen til Holland, men Ulfeldt ville gerne først præsentere ham for dronningen, så Sperling kunne få lejlighed til at kysse sømmen på Hendes Majestæts kjole.

Ved audiensen holdt dr. Sperling en kort tale på latin til dronning Kristina, som hun ekspedit besvarede på sirlig og flydende italiensk, da hun vidste, at Sperling havde opholdt sig længere tid i Italien. Da hun spurgte dr. Sperling, hvorlænge han havde været i Italien, og han svarede 4½ år, sagde hun: «Da er det intet under, at I taler så godt italiensk», hvortil dr. Sperling sagde: «Mere må man forundre sig over, at Deres Kongelige Majestæt, som aldrig har set Italien, alligevel taler sproget så perfekt, som om Deres Majestæt var født der.»

Dronningen syntes så godt om dr. Sperling, at hun lovede ved den første givne lejlighed at tage ham til medikus. Det blev dog kun til dels ved gyldne løfter, hvorfor Sperling rejste tilbage; ikke 10 år efter blev han lokket over på dansk territorium og indespærret i Blåtårn i København, hvor Eleonora Christina Ulfeldt allerede da var kommen året forud. Dr. Sperling sad der i 17 år indtil sin død, medens Eleonora Christina Ulfeldt dog levede så længe, at hun efter 22 års indespærring ved enkedronning Sofie Amalies død slap ud og levede derefter nogle år i frihed på Maribo kloster, hvor hun døde, 77 år gammel, 1698.

English translation (my own):

At the same time as the Frenchman Bourdelot and the Spaniard Pimentel, there was an only too good acquaintance of us Danes at Queen Kristina's court, namely the traitor Corfitz Ulfeldt. It was possibly Queen Kristina's intention, for the sake of good neighbourliness, to first ask King Frederik III how he wished one to treat Corfitz Ulfeldt when he announced his arrival in Sweden.

However, Queen Kristina did not wait for Frederik III's answer, as she could probably guess how it would turn out. She received Corfitz Ulfeldt with all the distinctions, as if he were a trusted envoy of a friendly state, and had him picked up in one of the royal carriages. The Danish envoy, Peder Juel — a brother of Admiral Niels Juel — distinguished himself by his determined behaviour on the occasion of the protection that Queen Kristina granted Corfitz Ulfeldt, but it did not bear any fruit at all.

Corfitz Ulfeldt immediately made the best impression on the Queen, as he knew how to win her over with his agile and polished nature and stately figure. As a manly and well-built person, Ulfeldt was soon used in the Queen's ballets and shepherd plays, portraying the god Jupiter, while a Polish nobleman and traitor, Radziejowski, of the same caliber as Ulfeldt, portrayed the god Bacchus, while the role of Mars was reserved for Pimentel for as long as his stay in Sweden lasted.

One day in the year 1653, Queen Kristina gave a great ball, to which all the foreign ministers were invited. Before they went to table, Queen Kristina said in a loud voice: "My lords! You may seat yourselves as you please, as it is not for me to determine your rank."

Nevertheless, she gave Pimentelli, Ulfeldt and Radziejowski the highest places at the table to show them her special favour.

Corfitz Ulfeldt's grovelling behavior towards Queen Kristina is expressed, among other things, when she missed him one Sunday and therefore asked him why he had not been to church; he namely replied: "I know of no other deity besides Your Majesty who can save me from my misfortune."

Ulfeldt's entire relationship is well known to Danish readers, so it does not need to be mentioned further. Less well known, perhaps, is that, unlike Queen Kristina's many other favourites, he did not spin silk during his stay at her court, but instead had to pay for her friendship and protection quite dearly, losing a significant part of his fortune by extending her loans that he never got paid back.

Even if Queen Kristina could not pay Ulfeldt back the money, she still kept him and his children in friendly memory, for when he died, a good dozen years later, she ensured through the King of Spain that his daughters received a proper upbringing, and one of his sons later became a chamberlain at her small court in Rome, after which the Pope later granted him a canonicate.

While Corfitz Ulfeldt was at Queen Kristina's court in Sweden, he was very ill for a long time. The Queen visited him repeatedly during his illness and even sent her own medical assistant to attend to him, but when things did not improve, Ulfeldt's wife, Leonora Christina — who was with him in Sweden — wrote to their former doctor in Denmark, Dr. Otto Sperling, who was now residing in Holland.

Dr. Sperling arrived soon, and after 7 weeks Ulfeldt was so well that he could again serve the Queen, care for her, and go out with her on her excursions. When Ulfeldt had recovered, Dr. Otto Sperling longed to return to Holland, but Ulfeldt wanted to introduce him to the Queen first, so that Sperling could have the opportunity to kiss the hem of Her Majesty's dress.

At the audience, Dr. Sperling gave a short speech in Latin to Queen Kristina, to which she promptly replied in neat and fluent Italian, as she knew that Sperling had spent a long time in Italy. When she asked Dr. Sperling how long he had been in Italy, and he replied 4½ years, she said: "Then it is no wonder that you speak Italian so well", to which Dr. Sperling said: "One must be more surprised that Your Royal Majesty, who has never seen Italy, nevertheless speaks the language so perfectly, as if Your Majesty had been born there."

The Queen liked Dr. Sperling so much that she promised to take him as her physician at the first opportunity. However, it was only partly through golden promises that Sperling returned; less than 10 years later he was lured over to Danish territory and imprisoned in the Blue Tower in Copenhagen, where Leonora Christina Ulfeldt had already arrived the year before. Dr. Sperling remained there for 17 years until her death, while Leonora Christina Ulfeldt lived long enough that, after 22 years of imprisonment, she escaped upon the death of the Dowager Queen Sophie Amalie and then lived for a few years in freedom at Maribo Abbey, where she died, aged 77, in 1698.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Corfitz and Leonora Christina Ulfeldt.

H. E. Friis on Kristina and Antonio Pimentel, as well as the non-existence or unlikeliness of their supposed romantic relationship and on on Kristina's views of women

Source:

Dronning Christina af Sverrig 1626-1689, pages 41 to 46, published by H. E. Friis, 1896


The account:

Samtidigt med den franske Læge Bourdelot var der en anden Udlænding, nemlig den spanske Gesandt Antonio de Pimentelli, der kom til at spille en betydelig Rolle ved Dronning Christinas Hof.

Da Spanien paa den Tid var i aaben Krig med Frankrig, vilde det gerne have Dronning Christina over paa sin Side; derfor var det, at Kongen af Spanien sendte ovennævnte smidige Don Antonio Pimentelli med et Følge af 50 Personer til Stockholm.

Foruden at Pimentelli var en sleben, dannet Verdensmand af et særdeles tiltalende Ydre, saa havde Bourdelot i Forvejen omtalt ham saa rosende for Dronning Christina, at denne var meget opsat paa at gøre hans Bekendtskab. Dronning Christina var netop paa Kungsør, 12 Mile fra Stockholm, da Don Pimentelles Ankomst blev meldt; for at komme Vejen desto hurtigere over tilbagelagde hun den lange Afstand i et anstrengende Ridt uden Afbrydelse. Don Pimentelli kom ufortøvet i Dronning Christinas Gunst. Som forfaren Hofmand havde han i Forvejen nøje erkyndiget sig om Dronningens Ejendommeligheder og Særheder, saa han forstod straks at drage sig dem til Nytte. En Blanding, som han var, af kastiliansk Svulst og italiensk Smigreri, blev han en farlig Person.

Don Pimentelli's hemmelige Mission var foruden at gaa ud paa at knytte Handelsforbindelse vistnok ligesaa vel et politisk Rænkespil som en religiøs Intrige for at faa Dronning Christina til at gaa over til Katolicismen.

Foruden det gode Indtryk, Don Pimentelli gjorde paa Dronning Christina ved sin hele Personlighed, kom han endog oven i Købet med Favnen fuld af smukke Gaver, idet han paa den spanske Konge Philip d. 4des Vegne overrakte hende tolv store Sølvfade, fyldte med kostbare oversøiske Rariteter, samt overleverede samtidigt en Prøve af spansk Salt, af hvilken Kvalitet der senere vilde følge 300 Læster bagefter, til Dronningens Disposition. Nogen Tid efter sendtes den største Del af Don Pimentellis spanske Følge tilbage til Madrid, medens han selv fik Ordre at forblive i Sverrig endnu i nogen Tid.

Dronning Christina viste Don Pimentelli al tænkelig Opmærksomhed og færdedes med ham tidlig og sent. Inden ret længe kunde hun ikke undvære hans Selskab, omgikkes ham meget fortroligt og raadførte sig med ham selv i Rigets vigtigste Anliggender, hvad der vakte hele det svenske Folks Had og Forbitrelse imod den fremmede Lykkeridder. For at Dronning Christina altid kunde have Pimentelli i sin umiddelbare Nærhed, blev der anvist ham Bolig paa Slottet; der var altsaa let Lejlighed for hende til lærde Disputer og intime Samtaler, og da disse om Aftenen trak sig langt ud over den Tid, der ansaas for passende, var det ikke saa sært, at hun maatte hjemfalde til Folkesnak. Dronning Christina, der nærede den fuldstændigste Ringeagt for Verdens Omdømme, lod haant om den Forargelse, hendes uforsigtige Opførsel vakte. Var først Behandlingen af et interessant Thema kommen i Gang om Aftenen, vilde hun ikke vente med Fortsættelsen til næste Dag. Derved fik hun Skinnet imod sig og gav selv Anledning til de fornærmelige Rygter, der sneg sig ud iblandt Folket om hende.

Dronning Christina var uden al Tvivl uskyldig i de Udskejelser, forargelige Rygter vilde tillægge hende; thi hendes kolde Hjerte i Forbindelse med hendes overordentlige Selvfølelse og meget høje Forestilling om sin fyrstelige Værdighed var hende vistnok altid et Værn imod Fald, saa meget mere, som hun altid var sig selv nok og for stolt til at give sig hen eller give efter for ømmere Følelser saavel overfor Mand som overfor Kvinde.

Dronning Christinas Selvbiografi, skreven i hendes senere Aar, klarer maaske bedst Bedømmelsen af hende, idet hun skriver om sig selv: «Mit heftige Sind lokkede i lige høj Grad til Kærlighed og Ærgærrighed. I hvilke Ulykker vilde den første ikke have kastet mig, Herre, hvis Du ikke netop ved mine Fejl havde modarbejdet en saadan Svaghed. Min Stolthed, som aldrig vilde føle sig knyttet til noget Menneske, mit Overmod, som foragtede alle andre, og endelig den Lethed, hvormed jeg opdagede Fejl og Mangler hos alle dem, der nærmede sig mig, — det var de Egenskaber, som beskyttede mig imod Faren. Jeg har været Afgrunden nær, men Din mægtige Haand har frelst mig; jeg er uskyldig i alt det, hvormed man har villet sværte mit Navn.»

Hvad der ogsaa taler til Dronning Christinas Gunst, er, at uagtet hendes meget udestaaende med de Franske og med de store i Rom, er der dog ingen med hende samtidigt levende Historieskriver, idetmindste af dem, man tør skænke Tillid, som vover at angribe hendes Ære, selv ikke et Par af hendes eget Køn, Madame de Motteville og M:elle de Montpensier, som ellers ikke saa paa hende med venlige Øjne eller bedømte hende mildt. Disse franske Damer, som levede ved et Hof, hvor sligt Emne vilde have været interessant, have ikke noget at bemærke eller fortælle; det er kun hendes aparte Væsen og Klædedragt og hele amazoneagtige Anstrøg, der sætte deres Penne i Bevægelse.

Ligesaa i Rom, hvor Dronning Christina ingenlunde stod paa nogen god Fod med de adelige Damer. Der var Øjne nok dér, som spejdede efter hendes Fejl, og der kom mange fremmede, som bleve der i længere Tid og fik Adgang til hendes Hof og derved kunde hjælpe med til, om der var noget særligt at bemærke og notere. Dette udelukkede imidlertid ikke Dronning Christina fra at være meget overbærende mod sine Hoffolk i Elskovseventyr og andre Uregelmæssigheder, naar de aabent overfor hende stod Skrifte, tilstod deres Brøde og bad om hendes Tilgivelse.

Vi maa atter vende tilbage til og nærmere omtale Don Pimentellis Virksomhed. Hans Indflydelse paa Dronning Christina saa ligesom Dr. Bourdelots ud som en Forhekselse. Don Pimentelli gjorde Dronning Christina ked af hendes Land, Folk og Religion. Han viste hende som i en Apoteose, i et fantastiskt Perspektiv, den henrivende Tilværelse, som hun vilde kunne føre i Rom, berømt og fri, under en prægtig Himmel, omgivet af et Hof af Digtere, Kunstnere og Kardinaler: en Slags kvindelig Pave for Kunst og Videnskab, en katolsk Muse i Genfødelsens genopblomstrende Have. Hvad var egentlig hendes Rige, Sverrig, overfor det? — fattigt og koldt, formørket af en streng Religion, og der var hun lænket af kedelige Pligter imod det ideale Kejserdømme i Rom.

Det var under Pimentellis Ophold i Sverrig, at Dronning Christina kom i Tanker om at stifte Amarantaordenen, og Pimentelli blev dens første Ridder. Anledningen til Ordenens Stiftelse var følgende. I Aaret 1653 sendte den engelske Kronprætendent, den senere Kong Carl d. 2den af England, Hosebaandsordenen til den svenske Prins Carl Gustav; men da Cromwell endnu havde Magten i England, vilde Dronning Christina, for ikke at støde ham for Hovedet, ikke tillade Carl Gustav at tage derimod, saameget mere som hun ikke gerne saa, at hendes Undersaatter fik Udmærkelser udenlands fra, idet hun ved forekommende Lejlighed plejede at sige: «Jeg kan ikke taale, at en fremmed Herre sætter sit Mærke paa mine Faar.»

Ved den engelske Hosebaandsordenens Tilsendelse kom Dronning Christina i Tanker om selv at stifte en Orden, og da hun i et Hyrdespil nyligen havde givet Hyrdinden Amarantas Rolle, saa fik Ordenen Navn af Amaranta-Ordenen. Den bestod af 15 Damer og 15 Herrer, som, idet de indtraadte i Ordenen, maatte aflægge Løfte om ikke at gifte sig. Dronning Christina præsiderede selv i Selskabet, og Sammenkomsterne fandt Sted paa et Slot, skjult imellem Bjergene ved Bredden af Mælaren. Ordenens Valsprog var blandt andet: «semper idem» d. v. s.: «altid den samme», som passede saa lidt som vel muligt paa Stifterinden, der, som bekendt, var saa lunefuld og omskiftelig som nogen.

Don Pimentelli fik den nylig stiftede Amaranta-Orden besat med Diamanter og Rubiner til flere Tusinde Kroners Værdi.

Aaret efter, at Pimentelli var kommen til Sverrig, fik han af sin Konge Ordre til atter at vende tilbage til Spanien. «Det bliver min Død», udbrød han, da han fik dette Budskab; imidlertid overlevede han dog Afskedsstunden, uagtet saavel han som Dronning Christina søgte at forhale Afskeden saa meget, som gørligt. Forinden hans Afrejse anstillede Dronning Christina Afskedsfester for ham, og Rigets store maatte gøre det samme for at staa sig vel med hende.

Dronning Christina lod Fregatten «Herkules» paa 70 Kanoner udruste for direkte at overføre Pimentelli fra Gøteborg til Spaniens Kyst, foruden at hun skænkede ham 20,000 Kroner i Rejsepenge. Under Folkehobens Forbandelser gik Pimentelli ombord paa Fregatten, der laa sejlklar i Gøteborg. Glæden var stor hos det svenske Folk ved at se den forhadte Spanier drage væk; men den varede kun kort, thi i Nordsøen blev Fregatten «Herkules» overfalden af en stærk Storm, som gjorde, at Skibet sprang læk, saaledes at Skibets Chef saa sig nødt til atter at søge Havn i Gøteborg, hvorfra han kort Tid forud var sejlet ud. Stor var Skuffelsen og Forbitrelsen, da Pimentelli saa hurtigt kom igen. Folk ansaa den hele Bortrejse for blot og bart Spilfægteri og Komediespil. Dronning Christina hilste derimod Pimentelli's Tilbagevenden med ufordulgt Glæde, som ogsaa gav sig Udtryk i, at hun forærede denne spanske Yndling at firspændigt, kostbart Køretøj, for at han des lettere kunde komme omkring i den længere Tid, der nu hengik, inden Afrejsen fandt Sted, da den spanske Konge paa Pimentellis Ansøgning gav ham en længere Henstand. Pimentelli saa man nu som for altid i Dronning Christinas Selskab, hvad enten hun var i Byen eller tog ud paa Landet til Jakobsdal. Denne fortrolige Tilværelse, der forargede Verden saa meget, gjorde Dronning Christina, af den hende medfødte Trods, sit til ikke at formindske.

Omsider blev det dog Alvor med Pimentellis Afrejse, idet der kom bestemte Ordrer til ham derom fra den spanske Konge. Atter anstillede Dronning Christina Afskedsfester for ham, og som Slutning paa Legen forærede hun ham en kostbar Diamantring til en Værdi af 6000 Kroner.

Det var en stor Lettelse for det svenske Folk, samt for det svenske Skatkammer, da Pimentelli endelig var borte. Dygtige Regnemestre paastod, at Pimentelli havde kostet Sverrig mere, end om den spanske Konge havde sendt en fjendtlig Armé paa 50,000 Mand til at tære paa dets Marv i det samme Tidsrum.

With modernised spelling:

Samtidigt med den franske læge Bourdelot var der en anden udlænding, nemlig den spanske gesandt Antonio de Pimentelli, der kom til at spille en betydelig rolle ved dronning Kristinas hof.

Da Spanien på den tid var i åben krig med Frankrig, ville det gerne have dronning Kristina over på sin side; derfor var det, at kongen af Spanien sendte ovennævnte smidige don Antonio Pimentelli med et følge af 50 personer til Stockholm.

Foruden at Pimentelli var en sleben, dannet verdensmand af et særdeles tiltalende ydre, så havde Bourdelot i forvejen omtalt ham så rosende for dronning Kristina, at denne var meget opsat på at gøre hans bekendtskab. Dronning Kristina var netop på Kungsør, 12 mile fra Stockholm, da don Pimentellis ankomst blev meldt; for at komme vejen desto hurtigere over tilbagelagde hun den lange afstand i et anstrengende ridt uden afbrydelse.

Don Pimentelli kom ufortøvet i dronning Kristinas gunst. Som forfaren hofmand havde han i forvejen nøje erkyndiget sig om dronningens ejendommeligheder og særheder, så han forstod straks at drage sig dem til nytte. En blanding, som han var, af kastiliansk svulst og italiensk smigreri, blev han en farlig person.

Don Pimentellis hemmelige mission var foruden at gå ud på at knytte handelsforbindelse vistnok ligeså vel et politisk rænkespil som en religiøs intrige for at få dronning Kristina til at gå over til katolicismen.

Foruden det gode indtryk, don Pimentelli gjorde på dronning Kristina ved sin hele personlighed, kom han endog oven i købet med favnen fuld af smukke gaver, idet han på den spanske konge Filip den Fjerdes vegne overrakte hende tolv store sølvfade, fyldte med kostbare oversøiske rariteter, samt overleverede samtidigt en prøve af spansk salt, af hvilken kvalitet der senere ville følge 300 læster bagefter, til dronningens disposition. Nogen tid efter sendtes den største del af don Pimentellis spanske følge tilbage til Madrid, medens han selv fik ordre at forblive i Sverige endnu i nogen tid.

Dronning Kristina viste don Pimentelli al tænkelig opmærksomhed og færdedes med ham tidlig og sent. Inden ret længe kunne hun ikke undvære hans selskab, omgikkes ham meget fortroligt og rådførte sig med ham selv i rigets vigtigste anliggender, hvad der vakte hele det svenske folks had og forbitrelse imod den fremmede lykkeridder.

For at dronning Kristina altid kunne have Pimentelli i sin umiddelbare nærhed, blev der anvist ham bolig på slottet; der var altså let lejlighed for hende til lærde disputer og intime samtaler; og da disse om aftenen trak sig langt ud over den tid, der ansås for passende, var det ikke så sært, at hun måtte hjemfalde til folkesnak.

Dronning Kristina, der nærede den fuldstændigste ringeagt for verdens omdømme, lod hånt om den forargelse, hendes uforsigtige opførsel vakte. Var først behandlingen af et interessant tema kommen i gang om aftenen, ville hun ikke vente med fortsættelsen til næste dag. Derved fik hun skinnet imod sig og gav selv anledning til de fornærmelige rygter, der sneg sig ud iblandt folket om hende.

Dronning Kristina var uden al tvivl uskyldig i de udskejelser, forargelige rygter ville tillægge hende; thi hendes kolde hjerte i forbindelse med hendes overordentlige selvfølelse og meget høje forestilling om sin fyrstelige værdighed var hende vistnok altid et værn imod fald, så meget mere, som hun altid var sig selv nok og for stolt til at give sig hen eller give efter for ømmere følelser såvel overfor mand som overfor kvinde.

Dronning Kristinas selvbiografi, skreven i hendes senere år, klarer måske bedst bedømmelsen af hende, idet hun skriver om sig selv:

«Mit heftige sind lokkede i lige høj grad til kærlighed og ærgerrighed. I hvilke Ulykker ville den første ikke have kastet mig, Herre, hvis Du ikke netop ved mine fejl havde modarbejdet en sådan svaghed! Min stolthed, som aldrig ville føle sig knyttet til noget menneske, mit overmod, som foragtede alle andre, og endelig den lethed, hvormed jeg opdagede fejl og mangler hos alle dem, der nærmede sig mig, — det var de egenskaber, som beskyttede mig imod faren. Jeg har været afgrunden nær, men Din mægtige hånd har frelst mig; jeg er uskyldig i alt det, hvormed man har villet sværte mit navn.»

Hvad der også taler til dronning Kristinas gunst, er, at uagtet hendes meget udestående med de franske og med de store i Rom, er der dog ingen med hende samtidigt levende historieskriver, idetmindste af dem, man tør skænke tillid, som vover at angribe hendes ære, selv ikke et par af hendes eget køn, madame de Motteville og mademoiselle de Montpensier, som ellers ikke så på hende med venlige øjne eller bedømte hende mildt. Disse franske damer, som levede ved et hof, hvor sligt emne ville have været interessant, have ikke noget at bemærke eller fortælle; det er kun hendes aparte væsen og klædedragt og hele amazoneagtige anstrøg, der sætte deres penne i bevægelse.

Ligeså i Rom, hvor dronning Kristina ingenlunde stod på nogen god fod med de adelige damer. Der var øjne nok dér, som spejdede efter hendes fejl, og der kom mange fremmede, som bleve der i længere tid og fik adgang til hendes hof og derved kunne hjælpe med til, om der var noget særligt at bemærke og notere. Dette udelukkede imidlertid ikke dronning Kristina fra at være meget overbærende mod sine hoffolk i elskovseventyr og andre uregelmæssigheder, når de åbent overfor hende stod skrifte, tilstod deres brøde og bad om hendes tilgivelse.

Vi må atter vende tilbage til og nærmere omtale don Pimentellis virksomhed. Hans indflydelse på dronning Kristina så ligesom dr. Bourdelots ud som en forhekselse. Don Pimentelli gjorde dronning Kristina ked af hendes land, folk og religion. Han viste hende som i en apoteose, i et fantastiskt perspektiv, den henrivende tilværelse, som hun ville kunne føre i Rom, berømt og fri, under en prægtig himmel, omgivet af et hof af digtere, kunstnere og kardinaler: en slags kvindelig pave for kunst og videnskab, en katolsk muse i Genfødelsens genopblomstrende have. Hvad var egentlig hendes rige, Sverige, overfor det? — fattigt og koldt, formørket af en streng religion, og der var hun lænket af kedelige pligter imod det ideale kejserdømme i Rom.

Det var under Pimentellis ophold i Sverige, at dronning Kristina kom i tanker om at stifte Amaranteordenen, og Pimentelli blev dens første ridder. Anledningen til ordenens stiftelse var følgende.

I året 1653 sendte den engelske kronprætendent, den senere kong Karl den anden af England, Hosebåndsordenen til den svenske prins Karl Gustav; men da Cromwell endnu havde magten i England, ville dronning Kristina, for ikke at støde ham for hovedet, ikke tillade Karl Gustav at tage derimod, så meget mere som hun ikke gerne så, at hendes undersåtter fik udmærkelser udenlands fra, idet hun ved forekommende lejlighed plejede at sige: «Jeg kan ikke tåle, at en fremmed herre sætter sit mærke på mine får.»

Ved den engelske Hosebåndsordenens tilsendelse kom dronning Kristina i tanker om selv at stifte en orden, og da hun i et hyrdespil nyligen havde givet hyrdinden Amarantas rolle, så fik ordenen navn af Amaranteordenen. Den bestod af 15 damer og 15 herrer, som, idet de indtrådte i ordenen, måtte aflægge løfte om ikke at gifte sig. Dronning Kristina præsiderede selv i selskabet, og sammenkomsterne fandt sted på et slot, skjult imellem bjergene ved bredden af Mälaren.

Ordenens valgsprog var blandt andet: «semper idem» — d. v. s.: «altid den samme», — som passede så lidt som vel muligt på stifterinden, der, som bekendt, var så lunefuld og omskiftelig som nogen.

Don Pimentelli fik den nylig stiftede Amarante-orden besat med diamanter og rubiner til flere tusinde kroners værdi.

Året efter, at Pimentelli var kommen til Sverige, fik han af sin konge ordre til atter at vende tilbage til Spanien. «Det bliver min død», udbrød han, da han fik dette budskab; imidlertid overlevede han dog afskedsstunden, uagtet såvel han som dronning Kristina søgte at forhale afskeden så meget, som gørligt. Forinden hans afrejse anstillede dronning Kristina afskedsfester for ham, og rigets store måtte gøre det samme for at stå sig vel med hende.

Dronning Kristina lod fregatten «Herkules» på 70 kanoner udruste for direkte at overføre Pimentelli fra Gøteborg til Spaniens kyst, foruden at hun skænkede ham 20,000 kroner i rejsepenge. Under folkehobens forbandelser gik Pimentelli ombord på fregatten, der lå sejlklar i Gøteborg. Glæden var stor hos det svenske folk ved at se den forhadte spanier drage væk; men den varede kun kort, thi i Nordsøen blev fregatten «Herkules» overfalden af en stærk storm, som gjorde, at skibet sprang læk, således at skibets chef så sig nødt til atter at søge havn i Gøteborg, hvorfra han kort tid forud var sejlet ud.

Stor var skuffelsen og forbitrelsen, da Pimentelli så hurtigt kom igen. Folk anså den hele bortrejse for blot og bart spilfægteri og komediespil. Dronning Kristina hilste derimod Pimentellis tilbagevenden med ufordulgt glæde, som også gav sig udtryk i, at hun forærede denne spanske yndling at firspændigt, kostbart køretøj, for at han des lettere kunne komme omkring i den længere tid, der nu hengik, inden afrejsen fandt sted, da den spanske konge på Pimentellis ansøgning gav ham en længere henstand.

Pimentelli så man nu som for altid i dronning Kristinas selskab, hvad enten hun var i byen eller tog ud på landet til Jakobsdal. Denne fortrolige tilværelse, der forargede verden så meget, gjorde dronning Kristina, af den hende medfødte trods, sit til ikke at formindske.

Omsider blev det dog alvor med Pimentellis afrejse, idet der kom bestemte ordrer til ham derom fra den spanske konge. Atter anstillede dronning Kristina afskedsfester for ham, og som slutning på legen forærede hun ham en kostbar diamantring til en værdi af 6,000 kroner.

Det var en stor lettelse for det svenske folk, samt for det svenske skatkammer, da Pimentelli endelig var borte. Dygtige regnemestre påstod, at Pimentelli havde kostet Sverige mere, end om den spanske konge havde sendt en fjendtlig armé på 50,000 mand til at tære på dets marv i det samme tidsrum.

English translation (my own):

At the same time as the French physician Bourdelot, there was another foreigner, namely the Spanish envoy Antonio Pimentel, who came to play a significant role at Queen Kristina's court.

As Spain was at that time in open war with France, it wanted Queen Kristina to join its side; therefore, the King of Spain sent the aforementioned agile Don Antonio Pimentel with a retinue of 50 persons to Stockholm.

Besides Pimentel being a polished, cultured man of the world with a very attractive appearance, Bourdelot had already spoken so highly of him to Queen Kristina that she was very keen to make his acquaintance. Queen Kristina was just at Kungsör, 12 miles from Stockholm, when Don Pimentel's arrival was announced; in order to get across the road the quicker, she covered the long distance in a strenuous ride without interruption.

Don Pimentel immediately gained Queen Kristina's favour. As an experienced courtier, he had already carefully familiarised himself with the queen's peculiarities and eccentricities, so he immediately knew how to take advantage of them. A mixture, as he was, of Castilian arrogance and Italian flattery, he became a dangerous person.

Don Pimentel's secret mission, in addition to establishing trade relations, was probably as much a political ploy as a religious intrigue to get Queen Kristina to convert to Catholicism.

In addition to the good impression that Don Pimentel made on Queen Kristina with his whole personality, he even came with an armful of beautiful gifts, as he presented her, on behalf of the Spanish King Felipe IV, with twelve large silver dishes filled with precious rarities from overseas, and at the same time handed over a sample of Spanish salt, of which quality 300 lasters would later follow, at the Queen's disposal. Some time later, the largest part of Don Pimentel's Spanish retinue was sent back to Madrid, while he himself was ordered to remain in Sweden for some time.

Queen Kristina showed Don Pimentel every imaginable attention and was with him early and late. Before long she could not do without his company, associated with him very intimately and consulted with him himself on the most important affairs of the kingdom, which aroused the hatred and bitterness of the entire Swedish people against the foreign fortune-seeker.

In order that Queen Kristina might always have Pimentel in her immediate vicinity, he was assigned accommodation in the castle; there was thus easy opportunity for her to engage in learned disputes and intimate conversations; and when these in the evenings dragged on far beyond the time considered appropriate, it was not strange that she had to fall victim to popular talk.

Queen Kristina, who had the most complete contempt for the world's judgement, made fun of the outrage her careless behaviour aroused. Once the discussion of an interesting theme had begun in the evening, she would not wait until the next day to continue. In this way she gained the limelight and herself gave rise to the insulting rumours that crept out among the people about her.

Queen Kristina was undoubtedly innocent of the excesses that scandalous rumours would attribute to her, for her cold heart, in connection with her extraordinary self-esteem and very high idea of her princely dignity, was probably always a protection against her downfall, all the more so as she was always self-sufficient and too proud to give in or yield to tender feelings, both towards men and women.

Queen Kristina's autobiography, written in her later years, perhaps best sums up her assessment of her, as she writes about herself:

"My passionate mind was attracted in equal measure to love and ambition. Into what misfortunes the former would not have thrown me, Lord, if You had not counteracted such weakness by my very faults! My pride, which never wanted to feel attached to any human being, my arrogance, which despised all others, and finally the ease with which I discovered the faults and shortcomings of all those who approached me, — these were the qualities that protected me from the danger. I have been near the abyss, but Your mighty hand has saved me; I am innocent of all that has been done to blacken my name."

What also speaks in Queen Kristina's favour is that, notwithstanding her great prominence with the French and with the great in Rome, there is no historian living at the same time as her, at least among those whom one dares to trust, who dares to attack her honour, not even a couple of her own sex, Madame de Motteville and Mademoiselle de Montpensier, who otherwise did not look upon her with friendly eyes or judge her kindly. These French ladies, who lived at a court where such a subject would have been interesting, have nothing to remark on or tell about; it is only her peculiar character and dress and her whole Amazonian appearance that set their pens in motion.

Likewise in Rome, where Queen Kristina was by no means on good terms with the noble ladies. There were certainly eyes there who were on the lookout for her faults, and many foreigners came who stayed there for a longer time and gained access to her court and were thus able to help if there was anything special to notice and note. This did not, however, prevent Queen Kristina from being very lenient towards her courtiers in love affairs and other irregularities, when they openly confessed to her, confessed their faults and begged for her forgiveness.

We must return again to and discuss in more detail the activities of Don Pimentel. His influence on Queen Kristina, like that of Dr. Bourdelot, looked like a bewitchment. Don Pimentel made Queen Kristina bored of her country, her people, and her religion. He showed her, as in an apotheosis, in a fantastic perspective, the delightful life that she would be able to lead in Rome, famous and free, under a magnificent sky, surrounded by a court of poets, artists, and cardinals: a kind of female pope for art and science, a Catholic muse in the reblooming garden of the Renaissance. What was her kingdom, Sweden, in comparison with that? — poor and cold, darkened by a strict religion, and there she was, chained by tedious duties against the ideal empire of Rome.

It was during Pimentel's stay in Sweden that Queen Kristina had the idea of founding the Order of Amarante, and Pimentel became its first knight. The reason for the foundation of the order was as follows.

In the year 1653, the English pretender to the Crown, the later King Charles II of England, sent the Order of the Garter to the Swedish prince Karl Gustav; but because Cromwell still held power in England, Queen Kristina, in order not to offend him, would not allow Karl Gustav to accept it in return, especially as she did not like to see her subjects receive distinctions from abroad, as she used to say on occasion: "I cannot bear that a foreign lord should put his mark on my sheep."

At the sending of the English Order of the Garter, Queen Kristina thought of founding an order herself, and because she had recently played the role of the shepherdess Amaranta in a shepherd play, the order was named the Order of Amarante. It consisted of 15 ladies and 15 gentlemen, who, when they joined the order, had to take a vow not to marry. Queen Kristina herself presided over the society, and the gatherings took place in a castle hidden between the mountains on the shores of Lake Mälaren.

The motto of the order was, among other things: "semper idem" — that is, "always the same", — which suited the foundress as little as possible, who, as is well known, was as capricious and fickle as anyone.

Don Pimentel received the recently founded Order of Amarante adorned with diamonds and rubies worth several thousand crowns.

The year after Pimentel had come to Sweden, he received orders from his king to return to Spain. "It will be the death of me", he exclaimed when he received this message; however, he survived the farewell, despite both he and Queen Kristina trying to delay the farewell as much as possible. Before his departure, Queen Kristina threw him farewell parties, and the great men of the kingdom had to do the same in order to be on good terms with her.

Queen Kristina had the frigate "Hercules", with 70 cannons, equipped to directly transfer Pimentel from Gothenburg to the coast of Spain, in addition to giving him 20,000 crowns in travel money. Under the curses of the crowd, Pimentel boarded the frigate, which was ready to sail in Gothenburg. The joy of the Swedish people was great at seeing the hated Spaniard go away; but it only lasted a short time, because in the North Sea the frigate "Hercules" was attacked by a strong storm, which caused the ship to spring a leak, so that the ship's commander was forced to seek port again in Gothenburg, from which he had sailed a short time before.

Great was the disappointment and resentment when Pimentel returned so quickly. People considered the whole journey to be nothing more than a game of trickery and comedy. Queen Kristina, on the other hand, greeted Pimentel's return with undisguised joy, which was also expressed in the fact that she presented this Spanish favourite with a four-horse, expensive carriage, so that he could get around more easily during the longer time that now hung before the departure took place, when the Spanish King, at Pimentel's request, granted him a longer respite.

Pimentel was now seen, as always, in Queen Kristina's company, whether she was in the city or went out to the countryside to Jakobsdal. This intimate life, which outraged the world so much, Queen Kristina, out of her innate defiance, did not diminish.

Finally, however, Pimentel's departure became serious, as he received specific orders to that effect from the Spanish King. Queen Kristina again threw farewell parties for him, and as an end to the game, she gave him a precious diamond ring worth 6,000 crowns.

It was a great relief to the Swedish people, as well as to the Swedish treasury, when Pimentel was finally gone. Skilled accountants claimed that Pimentel had cost Sweden more than if the Spanish King had sent an enemy army of 50,000 men to eat its marrow during the same period.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Antonio Pimentel.

Note: Jakobsdal is the old name for Ulriksdal Castle.