Sunday, August 31, 2025

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 12

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 99 to 100, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... Upon the whole, she appears to have been an uncommon mixture of faults and great qualities, which, however it might excite fear and respect, was by no means amiable. She had wit, taste, parts, and learning; she was indefatigable upon the throne, great in private life, firm in misfortunes, impatient of contradiction; and, except in the love of letters, inconstant in her inclinations. The most remarkable instance of this fickleness is, that, after she had abdicated the crown of Sweden, she intrigued for that of Poland. She was, in every action and pursuit, violent and ardent in the highest degree; impetuous in her desires, dreadful in her resentment, and fickle in her conduct. 'She says of herself, 'That she was mistrustful, ambitious, passionate, haughty, impatient, contemptuous, satirical, incredulous, undevout, of an ardent and violent temper, and extremely amorous;' a disposition, however, to which, if she may be believed, her pride and her virtue were always superior.


Above: Kristina.

Note: parts = intellectual ability or learning.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 11

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 97 to 99, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... The inconstancy of Christina's temper appeared from her going perpetually from place to place; from Brussels she went to Rome; from Rome to France, and from France she returned to Rome again; after this she went to Sweden, where she was not very well received; from Sweden to Hamburg, where she continued a year, and then went again to Rome; from Rome she returned to Hamburg, and again to Sweden, where she was received still worse than before, upon which she went back to Hamburg, and from Hamburg again to Rome; she intended another journey to Sweden, but it did not take place any more than an expedition to England, where Cromwell did not seem well disposed to receive her; and after many wanderings, and many purposes of wandering still more, she at last died at Rome. It must be acknowledged, that her journeys to Sweden had a motive of necessity, for her appointments were very ill paid, though the States often confirmed them after her abdication; but to other places she was led merely by a roving disposition, and, what is more to her discredit, she always disturbed the quiet of every place she came into, by exacting greater deference to her rank, as queen, than she had a right to expect, by the total nonconformity to the customs of the place, and by continually exciting and fomenting intrigues of state. She was indeed always too busy, even when she was upon the throne, for there was no event in Europe in which she was not ambitious of acting a principle part. During the troubles in France, by the faction called the Fronde, she wrote with great eagerness to all the interested parties, officiously offering her mediation to reconcile their interests, and calm their passions, the secret springs of which it was impossible she should know; this was first thought a dangerous, and afterwards a ridiculous behaviour. During her residence in France, she gave universal disgust, not only by violating all the customs of the country, but by practising others directly opposite; she treated the ladies of the court with the greatest rudeness and contempt; when they came to embrace her, she being in a man's habit, cried out, 'What a strange eagerness have these women to kiss me! is it because I look like a man?' But, though she ridiculed the manners of the French court, she was very solicitous to enter into its intrigues. Lewis the XIVth, then very young, was enamoured of Mademoiselle de Mancini, niece to Cardinal Mazarine; Christina flattered their passion, and offered her service: 'I would fain be your confidant', said she; 'if you love, you must marry.' The expressions constantly used by Christina, in her letters, with respect to those with whom she was offended, were exceedingly harsh; for she scarce ever signified her displeasure without threat[e]ning the life of the offender. 'If you fail in your duty', said she to her secretary (whom she sent to Stockholm after her abdication) 'not all the powers of the king of Sweden shall save your life, though you should take shelter in his arms.' In the affair of the Franchises, the pretended rights of which she asserted with great haughtiness, she wrote thus to the pope's officers: 'Take my word, that those whom you have condemned to die, shall, if it please God, live some time longer, and, if it happens that they die a violent death, be assured they shall not die alone.' A musician having quitted her service for that of the duke of Savoy, she was so transported with rage as to disgrace herself by these words, in a letter written with her own hand: 'He lives only for me; and, if he does not sing for me, he shall not sing long for any body. — It is his duty to live only in my service; and, if he does not, he shall sorely repent it.' Bayle was also threatened very severely, for having said that the letter which Christina wrote, upon the revocation of the edict of Nantes, was a remain of protestantism: but he made his peace by apologies and submission. ...


Above: Kristina.

Note: embrace = kiss.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 10

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 96 to 97, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... She made her abjuration at Brussels, where she saw the great Conde, who, after his defection, made that city his asylum. 'Cousin', said she, 'who would have thought, ten years ago, that we should have met at this distance from our countries!' But there happened another thing less likely than their meeting, the great coolness with which, after they had been drawn towards each other by mutual admiration, they came together at last, when the interview which they had both so ardently desired, took place. The prince of Conde demanded to be received with the same honours that had been shewed to the Archduke Leopold at his interview with the queen; but this she refused. The prince, therefore, determined to see her incogn. and with that view he got into her apartment among the crowd; the queen knew him, the moment she saw him, by a picture which had been given her, and was about to give him a reception suitable to his rank; but the prince, seeing himself discovered, instantly withdrew; and perceiving that the queen followed to bring him back, he turned about and said, 'Madam, all or nothing:' and immediately left the room. From this time they never saw each other but by chance, with great coldness and a mutual discontent with each other. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Louis de Bourbon, the Prince de Condé.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 9

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 94 to 96, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... But, though at first she was fond of the power and splendor of royalty, yet she began at length to feel that it embarrassed her; and the same love of independence and liberty, which had determined her against marriage, at last made her weary of the crown. As, after the first disgust, it grew more and more irksome to her every day, she resolved to abdicate, and, in 1652 [sic], communicated her resolution to the senate. The senate zealously remonstrated against it, and was joined by the people, and even by Charles Gustavus himself[,] who was to succeed her. She yielded to their importunities, and continued to sacrifice her own pleasure to the will of the public, till the year 1654, and then she carried her design into execution. It appears, by one of the letters to M. Canut [sic], the French ambassador, in whom she placed great confidence, that she had meditated this project more than eight years, and that she had communicated it to him five years before it took place. The ceremony of her abdication was a mournful solemnity, a mixture of pomp and sadness, in which scarce any eyes but her own were dry [sic]. She continued firm and composed through the whole, and, as soon as it was over, prepared to remove into a country more favourable to science than Sweden. Concerning the merit of this action, the world has always been divided in opinion; it has been condemned alike both by the ignorant and the learned, the trifler and the sage: it was admired, however, by the great Conde; 'how great was the magnanimity of this princess', says he, 'who could so easily give up that for which the rest of mankind are continually destroying each other, and which so many throughout their whole lives pursue, without attaining!' It appears, by the work of St. Evremond[,] that the abdication of Christina was at that time the universal topic of speculation and debate in France. Christina, besides abdicating her crown, abjured her religion; but this act was universally approved by one party, and censured by another; the papists triumphed, and the protestants were offended. No prince, after a long imprisonment, ever shewed so much joy upon being restored to his kingdom, as Christina did in quitting her's. When she came to a little brook, which separates Sweden from Denmark, she got out of her carriage, and, leaping to the other side, she cried out in a transport of joy, 'At last I am free and out of Sweden, whither I hope I shall never return.' She dismissed her women, and laid by the habit of her sex; 'I would become a man', said she; 'yet I do not love men because they are men, but because they are not women.' ...


Above: Kristina.

Notes: embarrassed = burdened.

The story of Kristina at the border brook or creek is a myth, as is the creek itself, made up by Monsieur de Picques to denigrate her.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 8

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 93 to 94, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... About this time [sic] an accident happened to Christina, which brought her into still greater danger, than that which has been related already. Having given orders for some ships of war to be built at the port of Stockholm, she went to see them when she heard they were finished; as she was going aboard of them, across a narrow plank, with admiral Fleming, his foot slipping, he fell, and drew the queen with him into the sea, which in that place was 90 feet deep. Anthony Steinberg, the queen's first equerry, instantly threw himself into the water, laid hold of her robe, and, with such assistance as was given him, got the queen safe on shore. During this accident, her recollection and presence of mind was such, that the moment her lips were above water, she cried out, 'Take care of the admiral.' When she was got out of the water, she discovered no emotion either by her gesture or countenance, and she dined the same day in public, where she gave a humorous account of her adventure. ...


Above: Kristina's accident in the harbour.

Notes: robe = dress.

discovered = revealed, showed.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 7

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, page 93, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library

https://books.google.com/books?id=znNZAAAAcAAJ&newbks=1&newbks_redir=0&dq=Eccentric+Biography%3B+or,+Memoirs+of+Remarkable+Female+Characters,+Ancient+and+Modern+1803&source=gbs_navlinks_s

The biography:

... This Bourdelot, during his ascendancy over the queen, had supplanted count Magnus de la Gardie, son of the constable of Sweden, who was a relation, a favourite, and perhaps the lover of Christina. Madam de Motteville, who had seen him ambassador in France, says, in her memoirs, that he spoke of his queen in terms so passionate and respectful, that every one concluded his attachment to her to be more ardent and tender, than a mere sense of duty can produce. This nobleman fell into disgrace, because he shewed an inclination to govern [sic], while Bourdelot seemed to aim at nothing more than to amuse, and concealed, under the unsuspected character of a droll, the real ascendancy which he exercised over the queen's mind. Scudery having obtained permission to dedicate his Alaric to her, she was so weak as to require him to strike out of the poem some verses, in which he had complimented the count de [la] Gardie, who was then quite out of favour; and Scudery had the noble fortitude to reply, 'That he would never destroy the altar upon which he had sacrificed.' ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pierre Bourdelot.


Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.


Above: Georges de Scudéry.

Note: droll = a funny person; a buffoon; a wag.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 6

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 92 to 93, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... The fortune which the adventurer Michon, known under the name of Bourdelot, made by her countenance and liberality, was also a great scandal to literature. He had no pretensions to learning; and, though sprightly, was indecent; he was brought to court by the learned Saumaise, and, for a time, drove literary merit out of it, making learning the object of his ridicule, and exacting from Christina an exorbitant tribute to the weakness and inconstancy of her sex; for even Christina, with respect to this man, shewed herself to be weak and inconstant. When at last she was compelled, by the public indignation, to banish this unworthy minion, she distinguished him by marks of the greatest confidence, and heaped presents upon him with the most shameful prodigality. Yet he was no sooner gone, than her regard for him was at an end. She was ashamed of the favour she had shewn him, and in a short time thought of him only with hatred and contempt; and, though she did afterwards correspond with him, it was only to render him subservient to a taste for literature, which he had for a time suspended, by giving him commissions for such valuable books as appeared in France, where Bourdelot was born, and whither he retired. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pierre Bourdelot.


Above: Claude Saumaise.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 5

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 91 to 92, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... Her reign was that of learning and genius; she drew about her, wherever she was, all the distinguished characters of her time; Grotius, Paschal, Bochart, Descartes, Gassendi, Saumaise, Naude, Vossius, Heinsius, Melbom [sic], Scudery, Menage, Lucas, Holstenius [sic], Lambecius, Bayle, Madam Dacier, Filicaia, and many others. The arts never fail to immortalize the prince who protects them, and almost all these illustrious persons have celebrated Christina either in poems, letters, or literary productions of some other kind, the greater part of which are now forgotten. They form, however, a general cry of praise and a mass of testimonials which may be considered as a solid basis of reputation. Christina, however, may be justly reproached with want of taste, in not properly assigning the rank of all these persons, whose merits, though acknowledged, were yet unequal; particularly for not having been sufficiently sensible of the superiority of Descartes, whom she disgusted, and at last wholly neglected. ...


Above: Kristina.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 4

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 90 to 91, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... One of the great affairs that employed Christina, while she was upon the throne, was the peace of Westphalia. She had sent two plenipotentiaries to the congress; one was Oxenstiern, whose father, the grand chancellor, had been justly honoured with the entire confidence of the great Gustavus, and who had governed Sweden with an authority almost absolute, during the minority of Christina, who soon began to be weary of his yoke, which was by no means easy or light; the other was Salvius, lord privy seal, who alone had the queen's confidence, and was led into the secret purposes of her mind. He pushed on the peace with all his power, according to the queen's desire; but Oxenstiern, on the contrary, who knew that peace would diminish the importance of his family, threw a thousand difficulties in the way; the peace, however, so much desired and so necessary, in which so many clashing interests were reconciled, and so many claims ascertained, was at last concluded in the month of October, 1648. The success of the Swedish arms rendered Christina the arbitress of this treaty, at least as to the affairs of Sweden, to which this peace confirmed the possession of many important countries. Christina, at the conclusion of this important affair, rewarded Salvius by raising him to the rank of senator, a dignity which till then had always been the prerogative of birth, but which Christina thought she had a right to confer upon merit. No public event of importance took place during the rest of Christina's reign, for there were neither wars abroad, nor troubles at home. This quiet might be the effect of chance, but it might also be the effect of a good administration, and the great reputation of the queen; and the love her people had for her ought to lead us to this determination. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Johan Oxenstierna.


Above: Johan Adler Salvius.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 3

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 89 to 90, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... An accident happened in the beginning of her reign [sic], which gave her a remarkable opportunity of displaying the strength and equanimity of her mind. As she was at the chapel of the castle of Stockholm, assisting at divine service with the principal lords of her court, a poor wretch who was disordered in his mind, came to the place with a design to assassinate her. This man, who was preceptor of the college, and in the full vigour of his age, chose for the execution of his design, the moment in which the assembly was performing what in the Swedish church is called 'an act of recollection', a silent and separate act of devotion performed by each individual kneeling, and hiding the face with the hand. Taking this opportunity, he rushed through the crowd, and mounted a balustrade, within which the queen was upon her knees. The baron Brahi [sic], chief justice of Sweden, was alarmed and cried out; and the guards crossed their partisans, to prevent his coming further; but he struck them furiously on one side, leaped over the barrier, and, being then close to the queen, made a blow at her with a knife that he had concealed, without a sheath, in his sleeve. The queen avoided the blow, and pushed the captain of her guards, who instantly threw himself upon the assassin and seized him by the hair. All this happened in less than a moment of time. The man was known to be mad, and therefore nobody supposed he had any accomplices; they therefore contented themselves with locking him up, and the queen returned to her devotion, without the least emotion that could be perceived by the people, who were much more frighted than herself. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Per Brahe.

Notes: The man who tried to assassinate Kristina was Christoffer Presbeckius.

frighted = frightened.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 2

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 88 to 89, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

... Christina, having attained her 48th year [sic], on the 18th of December, 1644, took the reins of government into her own hands, and was, in every respect, able to manage them. As she was the sovereign of a powerful kingdom, it is not strange that almost all the princes in Europe aspired to her bed. Among others were the prince of Denmark, the elector Palatine, the elector of Brandenburg, the king of Portugal, the king of Spain, the king of the Romans, don John of Austria, Sigismund Rakocci [sic], count and general of Cassovia; Ladislaus, king of Poland; John Cassimir, his brother, and Charles Gustavus, duke of Deux Ponts, of the Bavarian palatinate family, son of her father the great Gustavus's sister, and consequently her first cousin. To this nobleman, as well as to all his competitors, she constantly refused her hand, but she caused him to be appointed her successor by the states. Political interests, difference of religion, and contrariety of manners, furnished Christina with pretences for rejecting all her suitors; but her true motives were the love of independence, and an unconquerable aversion which she had conceived even in her infancy, for the yoke of marriage. 'Do not force me to marry', said she to the states, 'for if I should have a son, it is not more probable that he should be an Augustus than a Nero.' ...


Above: Kristina.

Anonymous biography of Kristina in "Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern", year 1803, part 1

Source:

Eccentric Biography; or, Memoirs of Remarkable Female Characters, Ancient and Modern, pages 85 to 88, by anonymous author, 1803; original at The British Library


The biography:

CHRISTINA (QUEEN OF SWEDEN)
WAS the daughter of the great Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden, and Maria Eleonora of Brandenburg. She was born on the 18th of December, 1626: during the queen's pregnancy, the astrologers, whose art was then much in fashion, predicted that the child would be a son, who was destined to maintain all the glory that his father had acquired. The prejudice which these predictions produced, joined to some false appearances, at first deceived the women, and they deceived the king into an opinion that the child was a boy; but his sister Catherine discovered and told him the truth. 'Let us still be thankful to God', said Gustavus, 'I trust this girl will be as good as a boy'; adding, with a smile, 'she must certainly be clever, for she has deceived us all already.'

Gustavus took great pleasure in carrying her about with him, when he went on a journey; and, when she was about two years old, he took her to Calmar. The Governor had the precaution to ask whether he should give his majesty the usual salute, by firing the cannon, fearing that the noise might possibly fright the child: the king hesitated a little at first, but, after a moment's pause, 'Fire', said he, 'for the girl is a soldier's daughter, and she should be accustomed to it betimes.' They fired, and the child, so far from being frighted, laughed, clapped her hands, and in her broken language cried, 'More, more.' This natural intrepidity greatly pleased Gustavus, and he afterwards caused her to be present at a review. Perceiving the delight she took in this military shew, he cried, 'Very well, I'll warrant I'll take you where you shall have enough of this diversion.' But he died too soon to keep his word; and Christina lamented that she was not permitted to learn the art of war under so great a master; she regretted also, during her whole life, that she never marched at the head of an army, nor so much as saw a battle. The tears which she shed, when he set out for his German expedition, were regarded as a bad omen, and she betrayed the hero himself into tears, by an act of childish simplicity, which was, however, characteristic of the childhood of Christina. She took leave of her father by a little compliment which had been made for her, and which she had learnt by heart. When she repeated it, Gustavus being ruminating and abstracted in thought, did not hear what she said; the child, not content with having said her lesson, and performed the task that had been assigned her, pulled him by his sleeve to excite attention, and began to repeat her little speech again; at this the father, bursting into tears, caught her in his arms, and, after pressing her to his breast for some minutes, gave her to an attendant, without speaking; an incident which put some of the spectators in mind of the parting of Hector with Astyanax. The States of Sweden being assembled, after the death of Gustavus, the Marshal of the Diet proposed the crowning of Christina, by virtue of a decree which had declared the daughters of Charles IX.[,] the father of Gustavus, capable of succeeding to the throne. A member of the order of peasants, whose name was Larssen, when he heard this proposal, cried out, 'Who is this Christina, the daughter of Gustavus? Let us see her; let her be brought out to us.' The marshal immediately went out, and returned with Christina, whom he brought in his arms into the midst of the assembly. The peasant came up to her, and, having considered her very attentively, cried out, 'Yes, this is she herself; she has the nose, the eyes, and the forehead of Gustavus Adolphus, and we will have her for our sovereign.' She was immediately seated upon the throne, and proclaimed queen; and from this time she shewed great pleasure in appearing in her regal capacity. — Russia having sent ambassadors, soon after her accession, to ratify its alliance with Sweden, the people about Christina were apprehensive that the rude appearance of these strangers, their great number, their long beards, their uncouth habits, and singular address, and the ferocity even of their politeness would fright her; but she, who had been delighted with the apparatus of war, was not likely to be terrified by the ministers of peace. She not only received them without the least appearance of discomposure, but assumed an air of importance, and a look which seemed intended to strike them with awe, and which was not without its effect, for it impressed them with a sense of her dignity, as the daughter of a hero and a prince. Christina discovered, even in her infancy, an invincible antipathy for the employments and conversation of women; and she had the natural awkwardness of a man, with respect to all the little works that generally fall to their share. She was, on the contrary, fond of violent exercises, and such amusements as consisted in feats of strength and activity; she had also both ability and taste for abstracted speculations, and amused herself with language and the sciences, particularly that of legislature and government. She derived her knowledge of ancient history from its source; and Polybius and Thucidides [sic] were her favourite authors. While she was thus improving her infancy, by studying the arts of peace, the generals Weimar, Banier, Torstenson, and Wrangel, sustained the glory of the Swedish arms in the thirty years wars, which rendered Germany at once desolate and illustrious. ...


Above: Kristina.


Above: Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora.


Above: Princess Katarina.

Notes: fright = to frighten.

betimes = early.

frighted = frightened.

abstracted [in thought] = inattentive to surrounding objects; absent in mind.

Saturday, August 30, 2025

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 13

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 71 to 74, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

In 1668 she returned to Rome, where the new pope gave her a splendid reception. She continued to reside there during the remaining twenty years of her life, and witnessed the election of two more Popes, Clement X. and Innocent XI. She now gradually became less restless and eccentric; an abortive scheme, in 1668, to obtain possession of the vacant throne of Poland, closed her series of attempts to regain that royal power which she had thrown away, and to the loss of which she became[,] as she advanced in years, more and more resigned. At Rome she spent her time almost entirely in literary pursuits; and the learned society which she established there for the cultivation of the poetry of Italy, became the foundation of the "Academy of Arcadian Shepherds", famous in afterdays as an artistic and literary club. Amongst the men of science and letters who frequented her palace, were Church dignitaries like Albani (afterwards Clement XI.) and Pallavicini, and poets such as Alessandro Guidi and Vincenzio Filicaia, who, though now hardly known out of Italy, were looked upon at that time as some of the most accomplished men of the day. All these men were treated by Christina with that liberality and kindness which redeemed many of her eccentricities. Thus she educated the two sons of Filicaia at her own cost, but would not allow it to be talked of, that she might not have to blush for doing so little for a man whom she so highly esteemed.

Engrossed in these pursuits, Christina, as she advanced in age, ceased more and more to take, or wish to take, a part in the troubled politics of Europe. She had long given up all ideas of ever returning to Sweden, and lived to see that country reduced, under Charles XI., to the condition of an absolute monarchy. On rare occasions, however, she still have signs that her interest in the great events of her age, though less active, was not less deep than formerly. When John Sobieski relieved Vienna in 1683, she wrote to him a letter, which recalls her old correspondence with Condé; and a few years later, her old hatred of intolerance and persecution, the fruit, perhaps, to a great extent, of the teaching of Matthiæ, broke out again on the occasion of the persecution of the Protestants in France, and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., an act, the cruelty and faithlessness (deloyauté) of which she denounced in bold, unsparing terms.

But, on the whole, her latter years especially, if compared with her former life, were singularly peaceful; the only trouble which ever disturbed them being a quarrel with the Pope (Innocent XI.), on the subject of her right to the "franchise" or "liberty" of the square surrounding her palace. This quarrel resulted in her being deprived of the pension of 12,000 scudi, which she had drawn from the Papal coffers ever since the time of Alexander VII. She still, however, enjoyed great consideration at Rome, and got to be regarded there as the next person in rank to the Pope: strangers of distinction made their first visit to the Vatican, and their second to Queen Christina's palace. This position she continued to enjoy till, in 1689, at the age of sixty-three, she closed her strange career.

The affected simplicity of the inscription on Christina's tomb "vixit Christina annos lxiii." has been ridiculed by D'Alembert, but in truth it would have been difficult to present within the narrow compass of an epitaph a just or fitting summary of her life. Her character has been as loudly praised by admirers as attacked by hostile critics; and each have been able to shew a plausible case for their views of it; in fact, it presents throughout a series of contradictions. Christina had many great qualities, but they were all neutralized by the fantastic used to which she applied them, and by the exaggerated contempt for conventionality and public opinion, which was one of her chief defects, and a principal element in the failure of her career. Her encouragement of literature, which was not, as is often the case with sovereigns, a mere ostentatious parade, is one of her best titles to respect; yet, in this capacity, she furnished the character of Philaminte to Moliere's "femmes Savantes", and it must be confessed that she sometimes out-did the patroness of Trissotin in pedantry and eccentric caprice. As a political figure she was a failure; her abdication, though partly forced on her by her difficulties, and therefore no proof of a calm indifference to worldly dignities, was the greatest mistake of her life, and to compare her[,] as some have done, on the ground of a few striking resemblances in character, with Elizabeth of England, is in the highest degree absurd. It is true that she lacked the training which the struggles and dangers of her early life afforded Elizabeth; a nominal queen almost from her birth, and from the age of eighteen practically supreme, she was raised above ambition, and above the experience which those who strive to realise ambition must sooner or later acquire. It is this which explains her readiness to throw away a position which was the only one that she had ever known, and which induced her to apply her talents, to the acquisition of frequently pedantic accomplishments, rather than to the discharge of her legitimate duties as a queen. Indeed, except for the revival or rise of learning in Sweden, for her promotion of which she deserves all praise, her direct influence on the course of her country's history was less than that of almost any other sovereign of the House of Vasa: yet her reign will always be associated with the climax of Swedish greatness; not[,] indeed[,] for any share which she herself had in it, but because it was during her occupation of the throne, that the harvest sown by her great predecessors was reaped, and because within a few years after her abdication began that great and lasting change in the relations of the Powers of the North — the decline of the ascendancy of Sweden and the gradual transfer to the rising monarchy of Prussia, of that championship of Protestantism and German freedom which had been the strength and the glory of Gustavus.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Queen Elizabeth I.

Note: Kristina died at age 62, not 63. It seems that even as late as at the 17th century, at least when writing in Latin, that some people used the ancient Roman age reckoning system that one was already one year old at birth, similar to traditional Chinese age reckoning both in the past and still today.

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 12

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 69 to 71, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

Christina felt that, devoid as she was of all real power, her title of queen, and her personal merits, gave her no influence in the politics of Europe, and that her attempts at taking part in them only laid her open to rebuffs. She became more and more weary of her life at Rome; once more her thoughts turned back towards her former kingdom, and she set to work to negotiate with the Senate for her return to Sweden. It was to no purpose that Heinsius, her faithful correspondent at Stockholm, warned her that the government would make difficulties about her priests and Italian servants; she was received to make the attempt, and by the summer of 1666 she arrived at Hamburg. She remained there until the following spring, enjoying the society of the men of science who were to be found there, and taking part in balls, plays, and masques. In April, 1667, she started for Sweden; and[,] passing through Sleswig[,] Fyen and Sjæland, reached Helsingborg in May, and proceeded northward towards Stockholm. On arriving at Norköping, however, a courier met her from the Court, to inform her that no Catholic priest could be allowed to accompany her; and that if she persisted in keeping her chaplains with her, they would have to be proceeded against according to Swedish law, by which the punishment for nonconformity to the established Church was death. It was easy to imagine the effect of such a message on a woman of Christina's temper. Her first impulse was to return at once to Hamburg; but she was at length persuaded by Count Pontus de la Gardie, who had been sent by the king as her escort, to allow him to write in her name to the Court, and to try and obtain some concessions as to the priests, whilst she herself pushed on to await the answer in her own domain at Norköping. On arriving at that city, she received the reply of the Senate: it was short and harsh. Not only was the queen to be deprived of her own chaplains, but she was forbidden even to attend Mass at the chapels of the Roman Catholic embassies at Stockholm. No amount of Protestant zeal could justify an act like this: to prevent a princess, who was not a subject of Sweden, and who was a declared Catholic, from being present at Catholic services, which were themselves permitted by the government, was a proceeding which could only be looked upon as proving the determination of the oligarchical party to use every means in their power, down to the most wanton and deliberate insults, for the purpose of driving Christina from the country.

She now hastened back to Hamburg, in the hope that[,] at the approaching meeting of the Estates[,] the conditions imposed by the Senate would be revoked, and that some demands she had made on the subject of the management of her revenues, and for the exchange of Pomerania for Bremen, might meet with a favourable hearing. She was not altogether disappointed; for at the ensuing Diet the unnoble orders, and especially the clergy, were far more friendly to her than she had supposed would be the case. The general feeling seems to have been that the Senate had treated her badly, and that their conduct had been influenced, not by those religious considerations which they affected to rate so highly, but by mere political fears that Christina's presence in Sweden would, perhaps, endanger the present power and future schemes of the oligarchy. In truth, this appears to have been the main reason for the action of the Senate. The life of the young king was looked upon as very uncertain; and if he were to die without heirs, the aristocracy might at last do what they had hoped to have been able to do after the death of Christina, and what they actually did do after that of Charles XII.; they might make the monarchy elective, and reduce their elected king to the position of a puppet in the hands of the ruling families: on the other hand, if the king were to die while Christina was in the country, the presence of an heir with a claim to the crown would render their scheme more difficult; the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus would only require to embrace the Lutheran faith, to have the clergy, and peasants, and all the discontented democracy on her side; and who could be sure that an ambitious woman, weary of private life, and suspected of indifference to all religions, would not gladly seize the chance thus offered of regaining the crown. It was their suspicion that these were the real motives of the Senate, and their growing discontent with the rule of the nobles, which made the lower estates rather more favourable to her, and explains what some writers have regarded as the inconsistent attitude of the clergy. They readily agreed to her demands about the bishopric of Bremen, and inserted in the resolution, in which they granted them, a passage in which they spoke in terms of high praise of the personal merits of Christina, and of the glory and prosperity of her reign.

It was whilst residing at Hamburg at this time, that Christina learnt the news of the death of Pope Alexander VII., and the election of Cardinal Giulii Rospigliosi [sic] to the Papal throne. The new Pope, who took the name of Clement IX., was an intimate friend of the queen, and in his love for luxury and display presented a striking contrast to his predecessor. To celebrate his accession, Christina had her house at Hamburg illuminated, though dissuaded by her friends from thus provoking the strong Protestant feelings of the population. She further set up in the square opposite her house two fountains, made to run with wine, and thus attracted a large crowd to the place. When the evening came, the illuminations and fireworks took the form of a representation of the new Pope's arms, and of various figures symbolising Catholic doctrines, one of them of the Church trampling upon the monster, Heresy. This wanton exhibition of Popish emblems in a Lutheran town produced its natural effect. The mob, which had collected in the square, and which was mainly composed of Dutch, Danish, and English sailors, all zealous Protestants, and all more or less drunk, began to howl and throw stones at the windows and illuminations. A shot fired by a servant of the queen's, which slightly wounded one of the rioters, increased the tumult; the populace broke in pieces, every window in the palace, and were about to burst in and pillage it, when the town-guard was called out, and after a slight resistance, the mob dispersed. Christina, during the riot, had been conveyed by a back gate to the house of the Swedish resident; but she returned on the following day to her palace, and remained at Hamburg more than a year after these events, only going on occasional visits to Stade, Bremen, and other places in the neighbourhood.


Above: Kristina.

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 11

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, page 69, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

Christina remained about a year at Hamburg, and returned to Rome in 1662. Always restless and ambitious, she was at one time trying to induce the great powers to make common cause against the Turks, on behalf of the Republic of Venice; at another, she was engaged in mixing herself up in the quarrel which had arisen between the courts of Rome and France, in consequence of the attack made on the French ambassador, the Duc de Créqui, by the Pope's Corsican guards. But she found that her good offices were despised by those to whom they were offered. Louis XIV. replied that he regretted her having taken the trouble to send her envoy, Alibert, on a mission which did not deserve her attention; and, without paying the least regard to her appeals on behalf of the Pope, occupied Avignon and compelled the Court of Rome to send two Cardinals to apologise at Paris, and to erect a monument commemorating the expulsion of the Corsican guard, the disbanding of which was insisted on by the French.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Pope Alexander VII.


Above: King Louis XIV of France.

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 10

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 62 to 69, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

The reign of Charles X. in Sweden had been almost entirely taken up with foreign wars. He had had to face a powerful coalition: Brandenburg, Denmark, and Poland had been provoked by his insolence into becoming his enemies; but he had been completely victorious over them. He had marched far into Poland, and driven John Casimir before him, almost up to the Austrian frontiers; he had repeatedly defeated in Pomerania the troops sent against him by the Elector of Brandenburg. Finally, he had succeeded in conquering Denmark, by a military achievement unsurpassed in history. Crossing in mid-winter the frozen channels which separate the Danish islands from the mainland, and from one another, and dragging all his baggage and artillery across the ice, he had suddenly appeared before Copenhagen, and dictated an humiliating peace to the panic-stricken government of Denmark. He had even talked of carrying out a scheme, long nourished by his predecessors, and by Christina, of dismembering the Danish monarchy, and annexing Zealand to the crown of Sweden. But his insatiate demands had overreached themselves. Denmark, driven to despair, had risen against him; and, supported by a Dutch fleet, had defeated the Swedes at Nyborg. In the midst of his preparations to avenge this defeat, King Charles died early in 1660, at Gottenburg. He left, by his will, to his brother, Prince Adolphus, the guardianship of his infant heir, who was proclaimed king as Charles XI. But the aristocracy of Sweden were resolved not to lose the chance of recovering the power which they had lost. The late king's will was declared null and void, on the ground that it had not been sanctioned by the Estates; and in accordance with the principles of the "Form of Government", the five great officers of State and the Senate took complete possession of the administration. Like John Casimir, of Zweibrücken, in Christina's minority, Prince Adolphus was excluded by the jealousy of the dominant nobility from all share in the government. The state of affairs was, in fact, not unlike that after Lützen. Once more the king had died in the midst of a glorious foreign war; once more the tender years of his infant-successor had left the whole state in the hands of an all-powerful oligarchy. It was not to be supposed, under such circumstances, that the Senate would see with pleasure the arrival in Sweden of Christina, an ambitious, intriguing woman, with ulterior claims to the crown. Who could be certain that she might not constitute a centre, round which the democratical party, the party of the Skyttes, of Terserus, and of the petitioners of 1650, might rally, and thus, by their aid, overthrow the reviving power of the nobles, and, perhaps seize the crown? That very year had witnessed a revolution of the same kind in Denmark; the ruin of the aristocracy, the establishment of monarchical despotism on a popular basis, had been, to a great extent, brought about by the intrigues of a woman. The fact that the internal politics of Sweden and Denmark were, as regards the relations of parties, then, as now, much the same, afforded good grounds for fears like these, which were, indeed, amply justified by the events of 1680. There is no reason to suppose that Christina meditated any such conspiracy, or that she had any object in coming to Sweden, beyond the wish to re-visit her native country, and to settle the question of her revenue. At the same time, her pretensions might at any moment become dangerous, more especially as she openly declared that if the young king should die without heirs, she herself would become de jure successor to the crown.

Fortunately for the Senate, Christina's change of faith had completely estranged her from the mass of the Swedish people; and the reports which reached them from time to time of her life and conduct at foreign courts, had strengthened their feelings against her. The clergy were especially hostile to her, and their influence over the lower classes was almost unbounded. How strongly her conversion to Catholicism was disapproved of may be gathered from the letter addressed to her on the subject by her former tutor, the good and gentle Bishop Matthiæ. The charity of this excellent man was of a kind rare in his age and country; he longed for the reunion of all Christian, or at the very least, of all Protestant Churches. "He hoped", he tells Christina, "that her reported submission to the Church of Rome was merely a distorted account of a scheme on her part, glorious and worthy of her, of inducing the Pope to co-operate with her in a plan for reconciling all Christian Churches, in order that the fatal religious schism might be abolished, and that all those who hoped to unite in the service of God in heaven might unite together in it on earth."

But, wide as was Matthiæ's charity, he spoke of Christina's conversion in the strongest terms. "All good men", he writes, "were seized with horror at the very suspicion of such an act from so great a Princess; others deplore this sad event, and burst into sobs and groans; most of us appeal to Heaven and earth against the men who have abused your majesty's goodness, and induced you to commit the enormous crime of treason against God." If such were the sentiments of a man whose liberality made him hateful to the stricter Lutherans, it may easily be conceived what were the feelings of the mass of the clergy and people. Christina was soon to have convincing proofs of their ill-will towards herself and her religion.

She landed at Helsingborg on the 27th of September, 1660, (after a short stay at Copenhagen, where she was splendidly received by King Frederick III.), and was met at Halmstad by Marshal Linde, who escorted her with every honour to Stockholm. Shortly after her arrival the Estates assembled. At their first meeting Christina placed before them certain "demands" on the subject of her revenues under the new Government. She asked that the agreement made at Upsala in 1654 should be confirmed; and required a clear assurance that her right to enjoy her revenues should be in no way altered by her change of faith. She was further to be recognised as absolutely free, and responsible to no earthly authority. The debts contracted during her reign, were to be paid, not by her, but by the reigning king; and certain domains and towns, Norköping, Oesel, Bergholm [sic], &c., were, as agreed at Upsala, to be assigned for her maintenance.

These demands were publicly read before the Senate and Estates. The nobility thought them just; Oxenstyerna (son of the Chancellor) warmly declared that they would not even require to discuss them; and the order of Burgesses was equally favourable to them. The peasants, always disposed to grumble at any lavish use of the revenues of the kingdom, might have been expected to oppose them; they seem, indeed, only to have abstained from doing so from indifference and lack of arguments; for they avoided giving a direct assent, and merely said, as was very true, that such matters were beyond their comprehension. The real resistance came from the clergy. They first said that the matter was far too grave and serious to be hurriedly disposed of; and demanded a few days' leisure to discuss the Recess. Their request was granted; and when they reassembled on the following Monday, it was plain that they had resolved to oppose the queen's demands altogether, or at least to accept them with very stringent limitations. Their contention was, that Christina had lost all right to her estates. "When we read", they said, "the will of Gustavus I., the Recess of Norköping, and other fundamental laws, we find that whosoever leaves our Church to join that of the Papists, is by that very act deprived of all right, all inheritance, all legal claims in Sweden. We are willing, however, that the queen should enjoy her revenues; not because of the Recess, but on account of our personal respect for her. At the same time, we must impose certain conditions for the protection of the religion of the country." Though this was very different from what Christina had expected, and seemed only to allow her the precarious enjoyment of her revenues subject to the favour of the clergy, the Senate answered that her Majesty would be ready to consent to such conditions as might be needful for the safety of the Church. Some of the clergy seemed disposed to agree to this; but the majority were in no mood for concessions. Christina had foolishly paraded her Italian chaplains in Stockholm; and by the ill-advised step of publicly assisting at the Roman Catholic rites on the preceding day (Sunday), had stirred the Protestant zeal of the more fanatical among the priests. Of this section, Terserus, Bishop of Abo, was the leader. He had known Christina well in the earlier part of her reign; and when Dean of Westeras, had been one of the chiefs of the popular party in the Diet of 1650. His complicity with the Messenian conspiracy had lost him her favour; but he had only been punished by a short imprisonment, and had soon, by his eloquence and influence with the lower classes, regained a high position. He now argued that Christina could not be trusted. She "had sworn at Inspruck to promote the Catholic religion; and no confidence could be placed in the promises of Papists, whose maxim it was that no faith need be kept with heretics. She had been false to the traditions of Sweden; she had abjured the name of Augusta, given her in honour of her father, the Protestant hero; and had taken that of Alexandra, from Pope Alexander, the enemy of her country and its faith. Unity in religion was the secret of Sweden's strength; to this unity there must be no exception; it was a principle bound up with all the laws and traditions of the country; and to grant Christina's demand, would be to violate it, and to undo all the institutions of the kingdom, in Church as well as in State."

Terserus' speech was loudly applauded; and he was assured of support in the Senate; where[,] on political grounds, he was not without sympathisers. Instead of granting the queen's demands, it was now suggested that a deputation of the clergy, headed by the archbishop and bishops, should wait on Christina, and remonstrate with her on her celebration of Popish rites at Stockholm, and on her change of religion in general. As might have been expected, this only made her more angry; she burst into tears of rage at the speeches of the prelates, whom she loaded with abuse. "We know", said the Archbishop, "the wicked wiles of the Pope; we know that he watches eagerly for every chance of destroying both our bodies and our souls." "I know him better than you do", she answered with passion, "and can tell you that as for your souls, he would not give four dollars for the whole lot of them." It was a natural result of a discussion such as this, that the queen should have been "embittered and hardened more and more." Two days later another deputation was tried; again the Bishops of Abo and Linkoping reproached the queen with the scandal she gave by the public exercise of her "Papistic idolatry." She insisted on her rights as a sovereign, and appealed to the nobles present, promising to perform her Mass within shut doors, to allow no stranger to come to it, and offering to forfeit all her revenues if she broke her word, or attempted to convert a single Swede to the Roman Catholic Church. The tears and prayers of this woman who had once been their queen, her appeals to their feelings of generosity, were powerless against the unbending bigotry of the priesthood; they would be blamed, they roughly answered, by the whole Protestant word as being "neither hot nor cold", if they were to grant her demands. On the following Saturday, the Senate, which was on the whole on the side of the clergy, gave orders at their request, that the queen's temporary Roman Catholic chapel should be pulled down, and her chaplains and other Italian servants at once expelled from Sweden. This done, her revenues were confirmed to her, and she was allowed to appoint from out of the senators, a "governor-general" of her domains in Sweden, and a certain number of stewards appointed by him; the only condition being, that they should profess the Lutheran faith.

Although Christina had done much to provoke them by an unnecessary exhibition of Catholic zeal, the conduct of the Senate and clergy was undoubtedly harsh and unjust. It was natural that they should object to the public performance of religious rites proscribed by law, but there could have been no harm in allowing Christina, who was not a Swedish subject, to celebrate her services, as she promised to do, within closed doors. This permission had always been granted to foreign ambassadors, nor had it ever, in their case, rendered the Swedish bishops liable to the extremely undeserved imputation of Laodicean indifference to the interests of their Church. There were, however, causes at work in the matter far deeper than mere ecclesiastical intolerance; the Senate feared and hated Christina, and was glad to make use of the bigotry of the clergy, whose zeal they secretly inflamed, in order to drive her from the kingdom. She had been foolish enough to present to them a memoir, in which she claimed that if Charles XI. should die without male heirs, she should succeed to the crown. Such a claim was utterly indefensible; the law of 1604, that very law by which Gustavus Adolphus had been able to transmit the crown to her, to the detriment of the Polish branch of the Vasas, had specially excluded all non-Lutherans from the succession; and she must have been aware that her pretensions would have been rejected by the Senate. It was now found necessary, to secure the kingdom from any plots on her part, to extort from her a second "Act of Renunciation:" as, however, the Senate felt, that so long as she remained in Sweden, she would always be a centre for intrigue, they passed a decree, forbidding her to have Mass said, even upon her own domain of Norköping, whither she had retired in Dec. 1660, and where she had hitherto been allowed to have it celebrated in private. This act of tyranny had its effect. Christina left Sweden in the spring, and repaired to Hamburg, with the intention of returning, in the autumn, by way of Holland, into Italy. At Halmstad she met Nicholas Heinsius, whom she received with every mark of kindness. She now no longer indulged in the rough gaiety of her youth; she seemed, he tells us, deeply mortified at her treatment in Sweden, and spoke with great bitterness of the policy of its government.


Above: Kristina.

Notes: Ösel is the old German and Swedish name for the Estonian island of Saaremaa.

Åbo is the Swedish name for the Finnish city of Turku, in the Southwest Finland/Finland Proper region.

Arthur Henry Hardinge's essay on Kristina, year 1880, part 9

Source:

Queen Christina of Sweden: Lothian Prize Essay for 1880, pages 61 to 62, by Arthur Henry Hardinge, 1880; original at the University of Michigan


The essay:

The Court of France, after the death of Monaldeschi, treated Christina with such marked coldness, that she resolved to leave the country. She was desirous of visiting England, for she had always admired Cromwell, whose daring military exploits had charmed her, and whose rise to power she compared to that of her own great ancestor, Gustavus Vasa. It was even said that she was scheming to secure the continuance of the new-made alliance between England and France, by inducing the Protector to put away his wife and marry one of Mazarin's nieces. However this may have been, Cromwell, though he was studiously civil to Madalschi, Christina's envoy, yet gave him to understand that it would be hardly possible for him to receive his mistress in England. He must, indeed, have felt that her intriguing nature would prompt her to mix herself up in the political affairs of the country; nor would it have been consistent for him — the head, or would-be head, of the Protestant interest in Europe — to receive at his Puritan court a princess who had abjured the Gospel, and whose strange way of life would hardly have squared with the notions of British precisians. Christina, let loose amongst the Pharisees of Whitehall, swearing like one of Rupert's troopers, jesting profanely at the expense of the "elect", and driving about London on the "Sabbath-day" with frivolous Frenchmen and Italians, would have shocked feelings which the Protector was careful not to offend; and her meeting with Cromwell, which would have formed one of the most interesting incidents in the history of that time, had, unfortunately, to be given up.

She accordingly returned to Rome, where she spent the years 1658 and 1659 in the society of her literary friends. She was, however, no longer on such good terms as formerly with the Pope. Alexander VII. had now openly embraced the side of Spain, and Christina's French sympathies, and the reports which spread about of her plotting an invasion of Naples by the armies and fleets of France and England, caused political differences between them, which were embittered by private quarrels. She accused the Pope of setting spies to watch all she did; he, on the other hand, took offence at her imperious demands, and, at her claiming for her house, and the square around it, the immunities granted to the palaces of ambassadors, which had long been a subject of complaint at Rome, as affording protection to all the ruffians in the city. Yet, in spite of all this, he continued to treat her with great generosity; he allowed her 12,000 scudi a-year, and appointed Cardinal Azzolini, a typical Italian ecclesiastic, learned, polite, and keenly observant, to be the steward of her household. Her money affairs, it appears, were in great confusion; the war raging in Pomerania prevented her from drawing her revenues from that province, and threw her more and more for support upon the Pope.

A position of dependence was, however, unbearable to her; and she had already begun to intrigue with the Austrians for the invasion and conquest of Pomerania, when the news of the death of her cousin, the King of Sweden, gave a new turn to her plans, and determined her once more to re-visit her native country.


Above: Kristina.


Above: Oliver Cromwell.


Above: Pope Alexander VII.


Above: Cardinal Decio Azzolino.

Francis William Bain on Kristina sending Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie as ambassador to France; on Madame de Motteville, Pierre Hector Chanut and Carl Alexander Mannerscheid's respective descriptions of her; and her own description of herself

Source:

Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 86 to 97, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library


The account:

Christina had by this time attained a wide renown, and the French, by reason of this and her readiness to conciliate their goodwill, no less than by the embassy of De la Gardie, and his glowing descriptions of the Queen, were eager to gain a more accurate knowledge of her.

"To judge by the picture he gave us", says Mme. de Motteville, "she had neither the face nor the beauty nor the inclinations of her sex. Instead of making men die of love for her, she makes them die of shame and despair. .... She has no need of ministers, for she herself, young as she is, manages all alone. ... She afterwards caused the death of Descartes, by not approving his method of philosophising" (here, as not infrequently, Madame romances a little). "She wrote to the Queen, to Monsieur, uncle of the King, to the Duc d'Enghien, and the ministers, letters which I have seen, and which were admired for the graceful humour of the thoughts, the beauty of the style, and the ease she showed herself to possess in handling our language, with which, as with many others, she was familiar. People attributed to her all the cardinal virtues, placing her on a level with the most illustrious women of antiquity. All pens were employed in her praise; they said that the depths of science were for her what needle and distaff are for our sex. Fame", Madame aptly concludes, "is a great talker."

To satisfy the curiosity of the French, Chanut drew up her character, and sent it home; (her portrait, which they had asked for, Christina herself, as soon as she knew of it, undertook to send them). We have already spoken of Chanut. Pierre Chanut was a man of no ordinary stamp. To judge by the accounts we have of him, he appears to have been not unlike David Hume. It was not only by his deep studies and varied accomplishments that he attracted the attention of Christina — though his travels in Italy, Spain, England and the North of Europe, his knowledge, no superficial one, of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew (he could speak Italian, Spanish, English, Swedish), and his love of philosophy, in which he was a follower of Descartes — were well calculated to make an impression on her mind; but his calm wisdom, and the simplicity of his character, gained her confidence in an extraordinary degree. Richelieu said he knew of three men of pre-eminent capacity in affairs, and named Chanut as the first. Séguier said of him that he had never known a man who had more opportunities of making himself rich and powerful, who yet preferred the reputation of a good servant; if he had lived, said Oxenstiern, in ancient Greece or Rome, they would have erected a statue to him. He came to Sweden as French resident in 1644 [sic], and immediately exercised great influence on politics, through the Queen: we shall see in the sequel to what an extent she honoured him with her friendship.

"The fine qualities of the Queen of Sweden made at that time so great a noise throughout Europe, that their majesties ordered M. Chanut to send them a portrait of her: but as this portrait could make known only the exterior lineaments of the body, he sent them in advance one which represented not only the beauties of the body, but also the finest qualities of her mind: but as curious people might remark therein various defects, not existing in the original, he said, to excuse himself, that he never took the liberty of looking fixedly or attentively at the beauty of this princess; if, however, he might be permitted to trust to the report of another, he could assure them that the first time one looked at her[,] one saw not in her so much to wonder at as if one considered her more at leisure; he said that one portrait was not sufficient to paint her face, which was subject to such sudden changes, according to the various emotions of her soul, that it was not recognisable from one moment to another. Usually she appears somewhat pensive, yet passes easily and often to other expressions. Her face, whatever be the revolutions of her mind, yet retains always a certain agreeable serenity; though certainly if, as but rarely happens, she disapproves of what is said to her, a sort of cloud may be seen to spread over her face, which[,] without disfiguring her[,] yet causes terror in those who see it. The tone of her voice is as a rule very soft, and however firmly she pronounces her words, they are clearly recognised as those of a girl: sometimes, however, yet without affectation or apparent cause, she changes this tone for one stronger and louder than that of her sex, which little by little sinks back to its ordinary pitch. She is rather below the average height, which would not have been obvious, had this princess been willing to make use of shoes such as ladies are wont to wear; but, in order to be more at ease in her palace, or in walking or riding, she wears only shoes with a sole and little black heel similar to those of a man.

"If we may judge of the inside by the external signs, she has lofty opinions of the Deity, and a sincere attachment to Christianity; she does not approve, in ordinary scientific discourse, of leaving the doctrine of grace in order to philosophize after pagan fashion; what is not in harmony with the Gospel she considers as pure dreaming. She shows no bitterness in disputing on the differences between the Evangelicals and the Roman Catholics; she seems to be less anxious to gain insight into these difficulties than into those presented to us by philosophers, Jews and Gentiles. Her devotion to God appears in the confidence which she manifests in His protection, greater than in any other thing; for the rest, she is not scrupulous, and does not affect an outwardly pious ceremonial. Nothing is more constantly in her mind than an incredible love for a lofty virtue, wherein lies all her joy and delight: to this she joins an extreme passion for glory, and, as far as we can judge, her desire is for virtue coupled with honour. Sometimes it pleases her to speak, like the Stoics, of that 'platform of excellence' which constitutes our sovereign good in this life; she is marvellously strong on this subject, and when she is talking to persons with whom she is familiar, and begins to discuss the true estimate which we should make of the things of this world, it is delightful to see her putting the crown beneath her feet, and announcing virtue as the only good, to which it behoves all men to apply themselves, without making capital of their rank; but during this avowal she soon recollects she is a queen, and therefore again assumes the crown, of which she is sensible of the weight. She places the final step towards acquiring virtue in doing one's duty, and in fact she is largely endowed by nature with the qualities necessary to enable her to perform her part worthily; for she has a marvellous facility in understanding and seeing into affairs, and a memory which serves her so faithfully that it may be said she often abuses it. She speaks Latin, French, German, Flemish, Swedish, and is studying Greek; she has savants by her who discourse with her in her idle moments of all the most curious details in the sciences; her mind, greedy of knowing all things, seeks information on all. No day passes that she does not read in her history of Tacitus, which she calls her game at chess; this author, who makes savants puzzle over him, she understands easily in his most difficult passages, and where passages, and where the most learned pause, hesitating as to the meaning, she translates well in our tongue with extraordinary facility. Yet she avoids or at any rate does not study to seem learned or savante. She takes great pleasure in listening to the discussion of problematic questions, especially by learned people of different opinions; her own opinion she never gives till all have spoken, and then only in few words, the whole so well considered that it may pass for a formal and positive decision. ... Her ministers, when she is in council, can with difficulty discern to which side she leans; she preserves the secret faithfully; and as she never lets herself be prejudiced by what people tell her, she seems mistrustful, or difficult of persuasion, to those who gain access to her. ... 'Tis true she is inclined to be suspicious, and sometimes she is a little too slow at seeing the truth, and too ready to infer finesse in others. ... She asks no one's advice in her private affairs, but she deliberates in the Senate in all matters concerning the State. It is incredible how powerful she is in her council, for she adds to her position as Queen, grace, credit, benefits, and a power of persuasion, such that the senators themselves are often amazed at the influence she wields over their opinions, when they are assembled. Though some attribute this to the secret influence of her sex, yet to say truth[,] this authority arises from her personal good qualities. A king of like virtue would be absolute in his senate; in any case[,] that would be less surprising than to see a girl turning as she will the minds of so many old and wise councillors. It is no wonder that she displays the prudence of a man in the Senate, seeing that in action Nature has refused her none of those qualities, of which a young cavalier would brag. She is indefatigable in field exercises, and will even when hunting be ten hours in the saddle. Cold and heat are indifferent to her; in eating she is simple, careless, and entirely without epicureanism. No one in Sweden knows better than her how to knock over a hare in its course with a single ball; she can put a horse through all its paces, without pluming herself on it. She rarely speaks to the ladies of the court, since her exercises, or the cares of state which keep her, give no opportunity for conversation, and they do not even see her, except by way of a visit; and then[,] after the necessary civilities[,] she leaves them in a corner of the room in order to go and converse with men. If she is with those from whom she thinks nothing is to be learned, she cuts down the conversation to the absolute minimum; accordingly her servants say little to her — still[,] they like her, since, however little she addresses them, it is always with sweetness, and she is a good mistress, liberal even beyond her means. Sometimes she amuses herself by jesting with them, which she does with good grace and without bitterness, yet it might be better if she abstained [Christina adds in a note, — 'Right; raillery procured me many enemies'] because this always leaves a suspicion in those who have been its objects that they are despised; still[,] business and study leave her little time for this. Of her time she is very avaricious, for she sleeps little, and usually stays in bed only five hours [Christina annotates 'three hours']; this not being sufficient, however, to restore her forces, she is sometimes obliged, principally in summer, to sleep an hour after dinner [Christina says, 'No']. She cares little about dressing and adornment; we must not reckon it in the division of her day. She dresses in a quarter of an hour, and, excepting on great occasions or festivals, the comb alone and a knot of ribbon constitute her headdress. Nevertheless[,] this negligent method of doing her hair suits her face very well; but so little care does she take of it that neither in sun, wind, rain, town or country, does she wear hat or veil. When she rides, she has for protection against the weather only a hat with feathers in it, so that a stranger who might see her hunting in her Hungarian habit with a little collar like a man's would never take her for the Queen. Perhaps she carries this too far ... but nothing is important in her eyes except the ambition of making herself renowned for extraordinary merit rather than conquest; she loves to owe her reputation to herself, rather than to the worth of her subjects."

The character of the author, and its obviously careful delineation, added to the fact that it was never meant for the eye of the Queen, are a guarantee for the general accuracy of this portrait; we may supplement it by some interesting details from the description of Father Mannerschied, confessor to the Spanish Ambassador Pimentelli.

"She is a prodigy, and the incomparable marvel of this century. I will say nothing of her of which I have not been ocular witness. Her forehead is broad, her eyes large and piercing, but her look is mild, her nose aquiline, her mouth small and pretty. There is nothing feminine in her but her sex. Her dress is very simple; never have I seen her wear gold or silver, on her head, clothes, or neck, except a gold ring on her finger. ... I have sometimes observed, when talking to her, that she had spots of ink on her cuffs, from writing. She only spends three or four hours in sleep; when she wakes[,] she spends five hours in reading. It is torture for her to eat in public; she never drinks anything but water; never has she been heard to speak of her food, whether it was well or ill cooked. ... I have often heard her say that she lived without disquiet or discontent, and that she knew nothing in the world great, harmful, or disturbing enough to trouble the tranquillity of her mind. It is her boast that she fears death no more than sleep. She attends her council regularly; one day after being bled[,] she was five hours with her ministers; another time, during a fever of twenty-eight days long, she never neglected her state affairs. She says that God has given her the government of her kingdom, and she will do her best thereby — that though she may not always succeed, she may have nothing to reproach herself with. Public affairs all pass through her hands; she arranges and despatches them all alone — ambassadors and foreign delegates treat only with her, without even being passed on to secretary or minister. When ambassadors harangue her in public, she answers herself. ... She reads all treatises on domestic affairs, many and copious though they be. I know that one day she read and explained in Latin one of these to a foreign ambassador in a very short space of time. She approves of all nations, esteeming virtue wherever it is to be found. ... According to her, the whole world is divided into two nations, honest men and knaves. ... She cannot bear the idea of marriage, because she says she was born free and will die free. ... She knows ten or eleven languages, — Latin, Greek, Italian, French, Spanish, High German, Flemish, Swedish, Finnish, and, unless I am mistaken, Danish also. She can read Hebrew and Arabic, and understands them a little. She reads and knows very well the ancient poets. She knows modern poets, French and Italian, almost by heart. She has been through all the ancient philosophers, and has read a great number of the Fathers — as, S. Augustine, S. Ambrose, S. Jerome, Tertullian and Cyprian; but these are not to her taste, she prefers Lactantius, S. Clement of Alexandria, Arnobius, Minutius Felix, some of S. Jerome and S. Cyprian; above all she prefers Gregory Nazianzen (Christina's preference for this Father, whose erratic life and copious rhetoric furnish a commentary upon his own remark, that he had put away all ambition, save that of eloquence, is highly significant.). One cannot make use of some ancient poet's thought without her perceiving the theft."

To these eulogies may be added the accusations which she brings against herself: "I was distrustful, suspicious, ambitious to an excess. I was hot-tempered, proud and impatient, contemptuous and satirical. I gave no one quarter. I was, too, incredulous and little of a devotee."


Above: Kristina.


Above: Magnus Gabriel de la Gardie.