Source:
Christina, Queen of Sweden, pages 66 to 76, by Francis William Bain, 1890; original at the University of Connecticut Library
Kristina's letter of December 12/22 (Old Style), 1646 to Johan Adler Salvius is here:
Her letter of February 13/23 (Old Style), 1647 to him is here:
Her undated letter written to him sometime in 1647 is here:
Her letter of September 4/14 (Old Style), 1647 to him is here:
Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Oxenstierna and Salvius is here:
Her letter of April 10/20 (Old Style), 1647 to Salvius is here:
Her letter of July 6/16 (Old Style), 1647 to Salvius is here:
Her letter of November 27/December 7 (Old Style), 1647 to Salvius is here:
Her letter of July 21/31 (Old Style), 1648 to Salvius is here:
The account:
By means such as these [sending Count Magnus as ambassador to France] did the Queen endeavour to pave the way towards peace and form a party in opposition to the Chancellor. To the various motives determining her dislike of him must be added her close connection with the Palatine house, which the Oxenstiern party viewed with suspicion and dislike as a foreign element. Further reports had got about of an intended marriage between her and his son Eric — with how much truth we cannot determine. The Chancellor, however, wrote a long letter to his son, recommending him to still the disadvantageous rumour by marrying something else.
The course of the negotiations for peace still further widened the breach. The plenipotentiaries for Sweden were John Oxenstiern, son of the Chancellor, and Adler Salvius. The former, a stiff, pig-headed man, full of his own importance, yet distrusting his own capacity, and devoid of diplomatic skill, was a creature of his father's, and at daggers drawn with his partner Salvius. The latter, his complete antithesis alike in character and policy, was devoted to the Queen, who, with her usual keen insight into character, had recognised in him an instrument well suited to her ends. The son of a citizen of Strengnäs, he had raised himself by his abilities to a high position under Gustavus and Oxenstiern; his diplomatic talents and knowledge of the world were great, and he had a supple capacity of "working all men to the desire end", as Christina describes it.
Between the two delegates there was bitter hostility. The arrogance of Oxenstiern offended Salvius, who, relying on the support of the Queen, despised him, and set him at naught. Of this difference Christina was well aware and made use. John Oxenstiern was quite unable to cope with his delicate position, and knew this himself. He even endeavoured to shirk the duty altogether, pleading inability; the old Chancellor's reply has become a proverb: "An nescis, mi fili, quantillâ prudentiâ regitur orbis?" And during the course of the proceedings he had repeatedly to reprove his son for his small-mindedness in attaching importance to little things, his want of tact in writing to the Queen, his impolitic loss of temper. The division in the Swedish camp was not unknown to the French. "The Swedish counsels are not so united as they are supposed to be", wrote the French ambassador; "the split comes from above." The French plenipotentiaries were no better; D'Avaux and Servien were at open enmity. The Duc de Longueville had to be despatched to preserve concord between them. With this condition of affairs, the main business did not get along; peace was not the matter, but following and party.
Even without all these personal animosities[,] it would have been no easy matter to adjust the difficult complications and rival claims of the various parties. The recent victories of Torstenson and Condé enabled the Swedes to take a high tone; they demanded principally Pomerania, Camin, Wismar, Bremen, Verden, and Silesia, and twenty million thalers for the army. France required above all Alsace. But these demands were scouted. Brandenburgh refused to let Pomerania go; the Emperor would not hear of giving up Alsace, and contented himself with trying to sow dissension among the rival claimants. Additional difficulty was caused by Bavaria. The Swedes hated Bavaria, even more than they hated the Emperor, and refused to allow its neutrality; Mazarin, on the other hand, was not inclined to press Bavaria hard. The French were distrusted, as not acting for the general good, and in fact, were not zealous for the preponderance of Sweden in the north, or the Protestant interest. (In the instructions sent to the French delegates in 1646 we read: "The pretensions of the Swedes are exorbitant and cause the Queen great pain, because she sees that they tend to raise the Protestant party by lowering the Catholics"; whereas Oxenstiern laid stress on the religious point of freedom for the Estates.) Further negotiations resulted in the ultimatum of the Swedes; for Pomerania, Rügen, Wollin, and Stettin, and some other places.
Throughout the transactions, the Chancellor and his party were haughty and unyielding, hating and hated by the French. "With you, I see", wrote Oxenstiern to his son, "the treaty of peace slumbers, and is pursued with hardly any other mind than pro forma." The Queen on the other hand, in the face of such obstacles, did not despair; aided by Chanut and Salvius[,] she worked hard to make friends of the French, and bring matters to a conclusion. She corresponded personally with D'Avaux and Servien, Louis XIV, and his mother; chiefly to her exertions was it due that France made common cause with Sweden against Bavaria, and supported her in her claims for satisfying the army.
Her letters to Salvius during the period throw a strong light on her policy and character. In December, 1646, she writes:
"I thank you for the trouble you take in conducting this great matter to a successful conclusion, and your communication: I beg you not to grow weary, but continue in the zeal you have manifested till now in my service and that of the kingdom. In return I assure you that though many should attempt, perchance, to blacken you here, I will permit none of them to do you wrong in any respect; on the contrary, should you by the grace of God return in good health and successful, I will let you know by solid results that I am and remain always disposed to favour you.
"CHRISTINA."
February, 1647. — "I have received two letters from you which have pleased me greatly. I have not time to answer them as they deserve; accordingly, I beg you to thank M. D'Avaux for the essential service he has done me, and make my very particular excuses to him for not being able to write to him to-day. I have so much to do just now, that time is not sufficient for all my business. I hope he will never doubt my gratitude. I will not fail to thank him by the first courier. As to the Treaty of Peace, I have declared to both of you my opinion and my determination. Push matters on as best you can. I expect to have plenty to attend to here, so much so that I shall thank God if I am able to obtain, by hook or by crook, a good peace. You know better than me, quam arduum quamque subjectum fortunæ regendi cuncta onus! Nothing more at present; only this, please give me your advice as to whether I can, without prejudice to myself, gratify Count Magnus with Benfeld .. don't tell anyone about this, but let M. D'Avaux know it, sub fide silentii; and don't say anything about it to the Graf Gustafson [i.e., Oxenstiern].'
In another letter (without date) she begs him to see to a particular matter, also touched on in the first, the borrowing of a hundred thousand crowns by Count Magnus, which, in the present state of the finances and the army may be seized on by malicious persons eager "nova imperia reddere odiosa"; she wishes everyone to know it was done by her express command; should Salvius perform his duties satisfactorily, there is no position in the Senate, however high, to which he may not aspire.
4th Sept., 1647. — "I see that the Treaty is in the same condition as if it has stopped, and that everybody is waiting for the end, nevertheless I hope that on your side you will use your utmost diligence to conduct this long business, which may the Almighty graciously accord. ... I enclose a letter for M. Servien, send it to him as soon as possible: civility compels me to answer his letter, otherwise I should be the rudest person in the world, since he offers himself so cordially to my service, and speaks too much in my favour in his quarter; thus it behoves me to assure him of my good will and keep up a good correspondence with him, for you must recollect he is a creature of the Cardinal. I know, too, the French ways, and that their manners consist chiefly in compliments; but one loses nothing by being civil, and one pays them in their own coin. The compliments that they and others make me are pure flattery, I do not deserve such praises; nevertheless I find myself obliged to return their civilities in kind, therefore be courteous to him and others; bear witness of my affection for the Queen, as well as for the Cardinal, for he it is that governs all, that is why you must faire bonne mine to his creatures. Please get me a copy of the enclosed, as I have none here."
The peace, nevertheless, still dragged its weary length along. On 10th April, 1647, Christina sent the following final manifesto to the two colleagues, enclosing at the same time a private letter to Salvius, whereby it is obvious that the angry displeasure of the first was meant for John Oxenstiern alone.
10th April, 1647. — "Gentlemen: I add these few words to my public despatch, to discover to you with my own hand the fear I entertain lest this treaty, so earnestly desired, and for whose happy conclusion we have till now had reason to hope, should be arrested by causes not yet sufficiently well known to me. Therefore, to let you perfectly understand my will, you must thoroughly persuade yourselves that before all things I desire a sure and honourable peace. And since the satisfactio coronæ is already determined, and there remain only those of the soldiers and the gravamina of the Estates of the Empire, I will that you keep matters in good course till Erskein arrives and communicates to you his commission. Then[,] without any further dawdling[,] you must bring the negociations to a satisfactory conclusion by securing the best condition of the Estates, satisfaction of the Crown, and contentment of the soldiery that may be possible without breaking the peace — and no longer drag matters out as at present; otherwise, you will have to look to it how you will answer it before God, the Estates of the realm and me. Let not the phantasies of ambitious men turn you from your goal, unless you wish to incur my extreme disgrace and displeasure, and stand accountable to me blushing and blanching: you may be sure that in that case, no authority nor support of great houses shall hinder me from showing all the world the displeasure I feel at insensate procedure. I am convinced that if things go ill with the Treaty your errors will have placed me in a labyrinth, whence neither you, nor the brains of those who foment such plans, will ever draw me. Therefore it behoves you to look well to yourselves", &c.
The letter to Salvius alone was as follows: —
"From all circumstances, I see how a certain person, not being able entirely to break the Treaty, seeks to put it off. ... I will let all the world see that the C— cannot turn the whole world round his finger, sapienti sat. ... My letter herewith is addressed to both of you, give it immediately to G. J. O.; though I attack him and you equally in it, 'tis meant for him alone — let D'Avaux know the contents, that the French may not think ill of me, but see who is to blame. ... If by God's grace you come back here after the Peace, I will reward you Senatoriâ dignitate. You know it is in our country the highest honour to which an honest man can aspire — were there any higher gradus honoris I would not stick at conferring them upon you. But though that cannot be without drawing on you many envious persons, you can say with Marius in Sallust — 'contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam, mihi fortuna, illis probra objectantur'. ... as to Count Gustafson, look to it well what you let him know — 'nec res magnæ sustineri possunt ob eo, cui tacere grave est.'
"P. S. — Mind you let me know what grimaces G. J. O. makes, on reading my letter to both of you."
This letter deeply wounded the Oxenstierns. The Chancellor requested leave to retire from Sweden; the Queen granted it immediately, but the remonstrances of the Senate, and the representations of Jacob de la Gardie, added to her own indulgent respect for her old master, changed her mind; she begged him not to quit her service, and the wound was outwardly healed, though Oxenstiern's power and influence over her were gone for ever. On his part, John Oxenstiern wrote her two letters, giving vent to the deep mortification he felt at the slight put upon him, and his rancour against Salvius. For him, however, the Queen had no pity, and wrote shortly afterwards to Salvius, saying, "I enclose a copy of G. J. O.'s letter to me, you can judge thereby of his feelings to yourself. Do not be disconcerted, however, as I am more than pleased with you."
Again on November 27, 1647, she writes, "The Ch—r fait fort le souple, sed quidquid id est timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. I observe every day in him what Tacitus says of Tiberius, 'jam Tiberium corpus, jam vires, nondum dissimulatio deserebat, sed dabit deus his quoque finem.' Yet far be it from me to wish him ill."
At length in July, 1648, it seemed as if the peace was really at hand; the Queen writes to Salvius:
21st July, 1648. — "I cannot express to you the joy your pleasant news gave me.... what I desire most of all and place above everything is to give peace to Christendom. When the instrumentum pacis is drawn up, you will bring it yourself. ... If God grants us peace[,] I hope to compass all my desires, then we shall see some long faces here, and may say, victrix causa Deis placuit, sed victa Catoni: a word to the wise."
Above: Kristina.
_-_Nationalmuseum.jpg)
Above: Axel Oxenstierna.
Above: Johan Oxenstierna.
Above: Johan Adler Salvius.
Note: Cammin is a village and former municipality in the Mecklenburgische Seenplatte district in what is now the German state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Germany. Since May 25, 2014 it has been part of the town Burg Stargard.
Wollin is the German name for the Polish island of Wolin and a town on it, in the Baltic Sea.
Stettin is the German name for the town of Szczecin in what is now the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in Poland.
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